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Full text of "The "Confessions" of Kurt Gerstein"

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THE 

'CONFESSIONS' 

OF 

KURT 
GERSTEIN 

Henri 
Roques 



INSTITUTE FOR HISTORICAL REVIEW 
19 8 9 



Table of Contents 



Foreword i 

Introduction 1 

Chapter I: Establishment of the Texts 18 

Chapter II: Authenticity of the Texts 121 

Chapter HI: Veracity of the Texts 143 

Chapter IV: Gerstein's "Confessions" and the Views 

of Their Readers 157 

Conclusion 169 

Afterword 175 

Appendix I: Map and Gerstein "Confession" Photocopies 207 

Appendix II : Kurt Gerstein — A Curriculum Vitae 289 

Bibliography 295 

Postscript I: The Pfannenstiel Case 299 

Postscript II: Von Otter, or the Prudence of a 

Diplomat 309 

Index 317 



(Comparative tables of the six "confessions" of Kurt Gerstein 
studied herein are to be found between pages 117 and 118.) 



Foreword 

by Ronald V. Percival 
The Thesis 

The reader who enjoys history-told-as-a-story might at first find 
this a difficult book to read, for this is history-told-as-research. 

Putting it in medical terms, it is a diagnosis rather than a case 
history, and what Henri Roques has diagnosed is not one but two 
maladies: 

— the improbability of Gerstein's evidence when tested against 
the ordinary rules of common sense, and 

— how Gerstein's "confessions" have been manipulated by histo- 
rians, journalists, dramatists, and other writers for the last forty 
years. 

In compiling a thesis of this type in France, various conditions 
have to be met, and these explain the form in which the thesis is laid 
out. 

Two examples might anticipate the puzzlement of a reader not 
familiar with this process: 

— The candidate must demonstrate the relevance of his study. For 
instance, he will not succeed if all he can say is: "I have discovered 
that the evidence of an obviously neurotic junior SS officer in charge 
of a small disinfection operation, who ran to the Allies when he saw 
Germany being defeated, was accused of war crimes, and then 
committed suicide, is unreliable." The reply of the director of studies 
would be the French equivalent of "So what?" 

The candidate has to show that what he has discovered is relevant: 
namely, that the SS officer was believed; that his allegations were 
used at trials; have been quoted countless times in newspapers, 
magazines, books and even the theatre; that his evidence has been a 
main support of the Holocaust concept; and, finally, that the candi- 
date 's study of the texts shows that the evidence is, for any practical 
purposes, worthless. 

— Following from this, the thesis has to include a continuing 
review of the use and abuse of Gerstein's "confessions" by contem- 
porary historians. 



The purposes of this review is not to denigrate other historians but 
to demonstrate that all the appropriate authorities have been studied; 
to explain what has been found wrong in their books, and therefore 
how modem history has been warped and misinterpreted. 

♦ ♦♦ 

Unfortunately, for the English-speaking reader, the historians 
quoted in the thesis are mostly French or German, whose books have 
not always been translated into English. The reason for the choice is 
obvious: the three professors on Henri Roques' jury were more 
famliar with French and German writers and English writers. But if 
this practical reason had not existed and Henri Rocques had had to 
review every English-language book containing a distorted version 
of a Gerstein "confession," his task could have been overwhelming, 
and a grossly disproportionate share of the thesis taken up merely 
with reference to other writers. 

To balance the record though, let us quote one example of a 
British writer whose manipulation of Gerstein's "confession" of 26 
April 1945 (referred to in the thesis as T II ) is typical of so many 
other historians writing in English. 

On pages 90-92 of his book Final Journey, 1 Martin Gilbert tells 
the reader: 

". . .Dr. Kurt Gerstein, whom Eichmann employed as a poison gas 
expert..." 

In fact: 

— Gerstein never was a doctor of any sort. In the text quoted by 
Gilbert, Gerstein is not said to have been a doctor. 

— The text used by Gilbert does not mention any person named 
Eichmann. 

— Assuming that Gilbert means A*fo//Eichmann, then neither in 
this text nor in any other does Gerstein claim to have met or to have 
worked for Adolf Eichmann; Gerstein knew so little about Adolf 
Eichmann that he could not even spell his name properly. 

— Gerstein was never employed as a poison gas expert, by 
anyone. He says he witnessed one gassing by Diesel fumes at Bel- 
zee; he says he was instructed to change over the gassing method to 
cyanide, which he did not do; but throughout every version of his 
"confessions" and his interrogations by the French military, he states 
again and again and again that he personally was never involved in 
the use of poison gas. 

Martin Gilbert continues: 

". . .the Belzec camp had a special compound for the SS, above the 
entrance of which was the sign: 'Entrance to the Jewish State.' " 

— Again we meet that famous and so abused word "special," the 



ominous implications of which are discussed by Henri Roques on 
page 1 32 of his thesis. 

All the military units in the camp have special quarters. How 
could the fire-fighting unit, for example, function properly if the 
personnel and equipment were scattered higgledy-piggledy around 
the cook-house, the hospital, the transport yard, the operations office, 
and so on? 

There is nothing "special" or sinister in the SS having their own 
quarters; on the contrary, it is one of the basics of everyday camp 
management. 

But according to the Gerstein text which Gilbert was using, the 
sign outside the SS premises read: "Place of service Belcec of the SS 
Army." Whence, then, Gilbert's "Entrance to the Jewish State" 
outside the SS quarters? 

There is yet more arrangement of the scenery to come. Martin 
Gilbert goes on: 

"...from their compound... the SS men could actually see the 
entrance to the gas-chamber, the doors to which had been draped 
with synagogue curtains bearing the Hebrew inscription: 'This is the 
gate of the Lord into which the righteous shall enter. '" 

— Where did these curtains come from? This colorful bit of stage 
property does not exist in any Gerstein text. 

In his own description, Gerstein states that the entrances to his 
alleged six gas-chambers (not one gas-chamber) were on either side 
of a corridor inside a building, where they could hardly be visible 
from any separate SS compound. The wooden exit doors, through 
which the bodies were dragged and thrown into enormous graves, 
were obviously in the outside walls of the building and, self-evi- 
dently, the outside of a building has to be the visible side. 

If we take Gilbert's reconstruction of the building seriously, are 
we to believe that someone who could not read Hebrew had put 
welcoming curtains over an exit door? And over only one of the six 
exit doors (leaving the other five bare) where the victims would be 
most unlikely to see it, being dead? 

♦ ♦♦ 

But first prize for fiction-writteh-as-history must surely go to Dr. 
Stefan Szende who, being unaware in 1944 that gas was the fashion- 
able thing at Belzec, published a book 2 describing a shed about the 
size of an aircraft hangar, with a steel floor; several thousands of 
Jews at a time were crowded in; the floor dropped like a lift into a 
sort of reservoir or swimming pool; a terrific electric current was 
passed through the water and the victims were electrocuted (not 
drowned); then the lift rose again; the metal floor turned red hot and 
incinerated everyone; and then the floor tilted and the ashes slid off 

iii 



into receptacles provided for the purpose. 

Neat, hygienic, and unadulterated poppycock from start to finish. 
No trace of this wonderful machine has ever been found because it 
never existed. But it is interesting to note how, before the war was 
even finished, propagandists were laying the ground for sensational 
revelations. When Gerstein walked on the scene, the audience was 
already applauding. 

Gilbert at least did stay within hailing distance of a Gerstein 
"confession" even though he has taken unpardonable liberties with 
the truth. 

But trying to understand his inventions and distortions, one is 
driven to the conclusion that if he had wished to preserve some 
tatters of credibility, he hight have been wiser to follow the more 
clear-cut example of another Holocaust expert, Raul Hilberg, who, 
testifying before a Toronto court, is quoted as saying: 

Some of the SS officer's (Gerstein's) claims were outrageous; while others, 
such as the number of people who could fit into a gas-chamber, warranted 
scepticism. (Nevertheless) it was intellectually sound to use the portions 
which withstood scrutiny or seemed plausible, while making no mention of 
the outlandish statements. 3 

Law-abiding citizens everywhere should feel grateful that Profes- 
sor Hilberg is not a judge in any of our criminal courts. Such an 
eclectic approach to evidence would cause chaos in the real world 
where testimony has to be assessed as a composite whole and not 
picked over, like a plate of hors d'oeuvres, for only those bits which 
seem palatable. 

V Affaire Roques 

Henri Roques has a unique place in history. 

In the seven hundred yeas of French universities, he is the only 
person on record who was awarded a doctorate by the normal and 
legal processes and then had it cancelled, without reason. 

He was awarded the doctorate at Nantes on 15 June 1985 with the 
additional distinction "Very Good." He gave copies of the thesis to 
historian friends and two copies were deposited, as routine, in the 
university library. 

Then, in the spring of 1986, there rose a storm of vituperation 
against him in the press, on radio and TV. In effect, he was accused 
of exonerating or excusing racist massacres; an accusation so ir- 
relevent to the thesis and so nonsensical that it does not merit 
discussion: the thesis concerns itself only with Gerstein and primar- 
ily with Belzec. 

iv 



But a campaign of denigration evolved. It became a crusade. And 
just as many of the original crusaders pleaded "Holy Religion" as a 
pretext to acquire landed property, so a great many or Roques' 
adversaries claimed a superior morality but were people who, in fact, 
did not want any of the files on the last war opened up. 

It was Voltaire (French himself, aptly enough) who defined his- 
tory as "fables that have been agreed upon." Henri Roques became 
the Elizabethan who doubted his Queen's virginity, or the boy who 
had pointed out that the Emperor wore no clothes. He had violated 
the mysteries held sacred, and nothing was too bad for him. 

This outburst of pseudo-morality, to be sure, was not edifying but 
it was predictable, and Henri Roques was not alone. Honest histori- 
ans who had read the thesis spoke out, commending his integrity and 
scholarship. Some were ex-deportees themselves. 

But French governments, as in the Dreyfus case, have an uncanny 
knack of fomenting a scandal and then having to drink it down to the 
last bitter drop. The government wanted popularity; and to denigrate 
Henri Roques was, as they thought, a popular cause. 

There was a small difficulty. They could not discredit the thesis 
itself: it is, as anyone can see, unimpeachable. The only way open to 
them was to allege that the doctorate had not been properly awarded. 

Good Men and True 

His thesis competed, Henri Roques then had the task of forming a 
jury of three professors. To avoid any accusation of bias, he invited 
Pierre Vidal-Naquet, a leading French exterminationist whose par- 
ents, along with so many others, disappeared at Auschwitz in 1944; 
and who is the avowed detractor of the brilliant French historian, 
Robert Faurisson. Vidal-Naquet declined the invitation. 

Later, in collaboration with other propagandists such as Saul 
Friedlander, whose falsifications of the Gerstein story are mentioned 
in the thesis, Vidal-Naquet demonstrated his customary ignorance of 
professional good manners by trying, in public, to discredit those of 
his fellow professors who did serve on the Roques jury, he also made 
false statements about the thesis itself. 

Henri Roques' offer, generous and honest though it was, could 
nevertheless have turned out to be a mistake if Vidal-Naquet had by 
chance accepted it: 

— Vidal-Naquet is not a researcher, but a polemicist; his special- 
ity is not facts but the selection and arrangement of facts to conform 
with his propagandist view. At his best, he is a clever journalist for 
the bigoted left-wing press. 

— His published statements and writings show that he is quite 



incapable of studying a phenomenon such as Nazism with detached 
scientific objectivity, and of overloading his interpretations with 
views hinging entirely on race to the exclusion of all else. To Vidal- 
Naquet, an historian who has not swallowed the Holocaust myth 
whole or, more particularly, his false version of it, is ipso facto an 
anti-Semite: a childish process of reasoning, to be sure, but typical of 
his school. Thus, his seal of approval on the Roques thesis would 
have seriously damaged its stature: thinking historians would imme- 
diately have regarded the thesis as suspect. 

Still, Henri Roques did offer him his chance. Instead of accepting 
that chance, as a man with some professional integrity would have 
done, he evaded it; contenting himself later with defaming his col- 
leagues in public and making false statements about the thesis itself, 
which he evidently had not read. It is not without reason that many of 
us feel Vidal-Naquet would be a man of odious principles, if he had 
any. 

The three good men and true who did step forward were: 

— Jean-Paul Allard, a Germanist and specialist in modem history; 

— Jean-Claude Riviere, Henri Roques' own director of studies, a 
specialist in textual analysis, and 

— Fr. Pierre Zind, also a specialist in modem history and well 
known for his views on Alsatian nationalism. 

Considering the scurrilous campaign conducted against them when 
the Roques Affair exploded, it is difficult to praise their honesty and 
courage too highly. 

A date was fixed, the usual notices circulated, and all the legal 
formalities observed. The practice in France, as elsewhere, is that the 
final hearing of a thesis, which we sometimes call a "dissertation," is 
held in public: anyone with a legitimate interest can attend. Essen- 
tially, the hearing is an oral examination: one of the main purposes is 
for the jurors to assure themselves that the candidate really has 
researched and studied his subject and not merely cobbled a thesis 
together from other peoples' books. 

Henri Rocques had an unusually large audience of about forty 
persons. 

Later, Vidal-Naquet and others alleged that the hearing had been 
held with undue haste and secrecy: this is a downright falsehood. 
Vidal-Naquet himself had been invited to participate as a juror but 
had refused. However, we also know now that he had been in contact 
with colleagues at the University of Nantes to keep himself informed 
of developments; furthermore, he could have shown up as one of the 
audience at the hearing if he had wanted to. Why did he not? Is it 
because it was easier to stay away, i.e., evade hearing the facts of the 

vi 



thesis before witnesses, so that he could glibly distort those facts 
afterwards? 

Discussing the development of French universities up to modern 
times, Alfred Cobben wrote: 

An imposing bureaucratic apparatus centered in Paris was charged with 
regulating the educational life of France down to the smallest detail. If, today, 
the rector of a university cannot appoint his secretary, dismiss a cleaner, or 
modify an academic course without reference to Paris, it is in obedience to the 
dead hand of Napoleon. 4 

In assesing this statement, we should remember that when the 
university apparatus was installed, neither Napoleon — nor any 
successive government — wanted independent centers of learning. 
What Napoleon wanted, and what we still have, is a tool of govern- 
ment. Until quite recent times, exactly the same comment could have 
been made of Henry VHI's reformation of the church and universi- 
ties in England. 

A skeptic might, with reason, wonder how a constitution devel- 
oped by Napoleon could still be functioning according to the original 
plan more than one and a half centuries later; but it does. Other 
evidence could be offered, but the best is already in Land: the case of 
Henri Roques himself. The action against him was initiated, not by 
any university or academic authority, but by a political minister and 
for political reasons. 

Dr. Goebbels himself would have relished such a privilege. 

In the Anglo-Saxon countries, the independence of the universi- 
ties may not be quite so perfected as some of us like to imagine. 
Nevertheless, the ideal of independence is in place, is generally 
accepted and can be appealed to. Perhaps if might be more accurate 
to say that in general a concordat exists between universities and 
governments; the universities do not meddle in government affairs 
and the government does not intervene in university matters. 

This is not true in France. Certainly, men of integrity and learning 
do teach at French universities and, moreover, manage to retain 
some independence of judgement. But since the universities are 
almost entirely dependent on the government for finance, academics 
tend to regard themselves and behave much as any other civil 
servant. As in the army, in the police or in the diplomatic service, 
conformity with government policies earns approval and promotion. 

♦ ♦♦ 

On xii, we show a copy of Paul Malvy's letter of 3 July 1986 and 
a translation. 

Of the two reasons quoted by Malvy, the first is ridiculous. Henri 
Roques asked the authorities to transfer his file from Paris IV to 

vii 



Nantes because his new director of studies was a professor at Nantes. 
If the file had arrived too late, or there had been some other clerical 
error, why did not Malvy's office say so at the time? It cannot have 
been Henri Roques ' error — or any grounds whatsoever for cancelling 
a doctorate — if there had been some sort of administrative mix-up 
on the part of Malvy's own staff. 

The second reason is more interesting. 

The jury of the three professors had invited the participation of a 
lecturer at the University as an expert on the period. Since he was not 
a professor (head of department), he had no authority to sign any 
document relating to the thesis and he was not even permitted to sit 
in when the jury was deliberating. His function was merely that of an 
expert witness. As a matter of fact, he was not even present at the 
public hearing of the thesis on 15 June 1985. 

But Malvy's "investigators" found his "signature" on the report of 
the hearing! This "signature" did not resemble the lecturer's proper 
signature at all: it was self-evidently false. It was so patently false, in 
fact, that to call it a "forgery" could be a form of flattery. 

Who then had added this name. It was some mischief-maker, no 
doubt: and no friend of Henri Roques. How did it happen that his 
false name was found all of one year after the doctorate had been 
approved? After the file had already circulated among dozens of 
people? Why was it suddenly noticed only when Malvy had started 
his "investigation"? 

We shall probably never know. This farcical and contemptible 
attempt to disqualify the thesis could not work; or so we thought. 
The genuine signatures of the jury remained valid and they were all 
that counted. 

Not so: the government had found its pretext, a pretext obviously 
fabricated by those who, like the government, wanted the thesis 
suppressed. But the pretext, no matter how flimsy, was used, and the 
doctorate was annulled. 

In seeking to discredit Roques, the minister had merely succeeded 
in discrediting himself, the universities he was supposed to protect 
and the value of the diplomas awarded by those universities. Perhaps 
the enemies of academic freedom enjoyed a momentary satisfaction; 
but meantime the thesis, by now famous, had been published in full. 
It is interesting that throughout the whirlwind of verbiage that the 
publication provoked, not one word of criticism was uttered by 
anyone on the content of the thesis itself. In other words, the only 
aspect of the thesis which concerned its adversaries had not been its 
truthfulness and accuracy but its propaganda impact: a fact which, of 
itself, it illuminating. 

viii 



Six months later, there was an amusing and not irrelevent sequel. 
Devaquet, the minister who had implemented the government's 
policies against Roques, himself a product of the best in the univer- 
sity system, was forced to resign. He had provoked the largest 
student demonstrations France has ever seen. 

The immediate reason was the "Devaquet Law," intended to 
change students' conditions. Devaquet inevitably blamed the stu- 
dents, saying they had not read his law properly. Perhaps; perhaps 
not; though it seems odd that students would revolt for reasons 
unknown to themselves. Had Devaquet, though, ever read Henri 
Roques' thesis properly? If so, what was his explanation for his 
conduct in that case? 

Unless they happen to be reading modern history, today's students 
rarely care very much about the so-called Holocaust or the travails of 
France during the last world war. Certainly, although the shameless 
treatment of Henri Roques was public knowledge, the students did 
not take to the streets because of Henri Roques; nor had Henri 
Roques incited them. 

But students do care, often very intensely, about the quality of the 
education they are supposed to be getting, the integrity of the func- 
tionaries who are supposed to administer the universities, and the 
worthwhileness of the degree for which they are striving. 

Devaquet had shown himself a poor guardian of those interests if, 
indeed, he had given them any thought at all. His appeals and 
explanations were ignored: he was not believed. His resignation was 
accepted and his law was withdrawn. 

Academic Historians 

To understand why the Roques thesis caused such an uproar, it is 
useful to study the declaration of the Historians shown on 1 1. 

This was intended by its signatories to be an important document. 

It is certainly and interesting one for many reasons, among them: 

It was composed and signed by civil servants holding academic 
positions, and therefore reflects very accurately the views of the 
French establishment, and the signatories knew that the evidence 
they were quoting was incomplete/unproven/suspect, but withheld 
that fact. 

Since this declaration was published, much of the evidence other 
than Gerstein's had been discredited too. For example, we have seen 
in France a film released by the Russians forty-one years after the 
event, purporting to show Auschwitz. Much of the film was patently 
faked; even so, no evidence of gas-chambers, nor of so many other 
things affirmed categorically in the Declaration was to be seen. 

ix 



However, one can also justifiably question why government em- 
ployees, designated by themselves as historians, should feel obliged 
to publish declarations in newspapers? Is the ordinary press a suit- 
able vehicle for an historical study? Or a propaganda effort? Surely 
the press tends to be part of the problem of historical truth, not its 
aribiter? 

But the overriding interest of this declaration has to be its mani- 
festation of the very low caliber of intellect given to the study of 
modern history in French universities these days. Let us not be either 
too contemptuous or despondent: France, in quality and clarity of 
thought, has led the world before and can do so again. But if this 
declaration has to be accepted as symptomatic of the mental and 
moral stature of academic historians, then it must be admitted that 
the outlook, as far as the history departments of French universities 
is concerned, is at the present time little less than dismal. 

What does it actually say? 

It starts off by saying that if we do not swallow — hook, line, and 
sinker — all that is about to follow, we must surely be exceptionally 
nasty persons lacking a proper humanitarian respect for Jews, Gyp- 
sies, and Slavs. Thus, at the outset, they put die study of history 
precisely where it should not be, at the center of a racist controversy. 
These historians' lack of good manners is repugnant enough. 

Then we have a good deal of cant as they tell us with sonorous 
dignity (omitting to mention that they actually earn their livings at 
the history business) what an altruistic and public-minded duty they 
are performing by putting us to rights. 

Then more cant about "schools of thought," as though there ever 
was any true diversity of views in a civil service. And then the 
"servitors of the humble truth," tossing in a quote from Herodotus to 
encourage our faith in their authenticity and erudition, proceed to a 
lie, by quoting evidence which they knew was false, or, at the very 
least, extremely dubious. 

Once more, we have to read that Germans writing official govern- 
ment documents did not write what they meant; that to disguise the 
true facts they used an office jargon called Amtsprache, the hidden 
meaning of which was invariably sinister; and thus only cogno- 
scenti, such as self-designated historians who write to Le Monde, can 
now understand what the Germans really meant. 

Surely this ploy, or sly evasion of reality, has by now been over- 
used? Anyone who knows Germans knows that Germans, on no 
matter what official business, endeavor to write exactly what they 
mean, neither more nor less. If these historians are to be believed, it 
is hard to know how Hitler could have ordered a three-minute egg for 



breakfast without precipitating a massacre of Jews, Gypsies and 
Slavs somewhere or other. 

But why did not the historians disclose that their principal wit- 
ness, Gerstein, whose evidence they already knew to be dubious, had 
been accused of war crimes? And that after facing the first interroga- 
tion by a competent professional, the Frenchman Mathieu Mattei, 
Gerstein had apparently hanged himself? 

The arrogance, bad manners and chicanery of this declaration, the 
falsehoods and evasions, became tedious. The final insult to the 
intelligence is a peroration... "that everyone is free to believe what 
he wishes... provided he believes what we tell him." 

And yet, this declaration was signed by people with pretensions to 
intelligence! Their livelihoods (one could have hoped) depended on 
their teaching history competently. 

It is no wonder that they and their employers (the government) 
identified Henri Roques as an enemy and that the most vicious 
attacks on him came from this group and its supporters. 

But all for naught. The declaration has been quoted in countless 
books; it has stayed to haunt them and has done incalculable damage 
to their reputations. Just like Gerstein himself, they let their enthusi- 
asm for the written word and their desire for fame run away with 
them, and did not stop to check whether their facts held together. 

A litle comedy is always refreshing. 

On page 14 we show copy of letter dated 18 April 1986 from the 
bursar's office of Nantes University, and a translation. 

All that this brief letter means is that the official diploma of Henri 
Roques' doctorate (the sort of certificate which some of us like to 
frame and hang on the wall) was ready for collection. The University 
of Nantes certainly took its time, as the doctorate had been awarded 
ten months previously. 

Henri Roques duly sent 16 francs and 60 centimes (about $3.00) 
for the diploma to be mailed. 

But, although the doctorate was not annulled until 3 July 1986, the 
press had, in April, already lit the fuse to the powder keg of the 
Roques affair. 

Someone in the bursar's office was either very cautious, or clair- 
voyant. Henri Roques did not receive his diploma (surely this calls 
for an investigation?); nor, as a matter of fact, did he get back his 16 
francs and 60 centimes (Malvy must have a great deal of clout.) 

However, this document must still be on file somewhere. It is the 
only one of its kind ever made and then cancelled since French 
universities were founded seven centuries ago. It is unique. Its 
historical value is hardly calculable. 

xi 



To be sure, one day it will turn up at a Sotheby's auction. 

Presidence De L'Universite de Nantes 

Le President. 

Nantes, le 3 juillet 1986 

L'Administrateur de l'Universite de Nantes, 

Vu le rapport de l'enquete administrative, men6e k la demande de 
Monsieur le Ministre Alain DEVAQUET, Ministre D61egu6 auprfcs 
de Monsiuer le Ministre de 1 'Education Nationale, charge de la Re- 
cherche et de l'Ensignement Superieur, par Monsiuer le Recteur 
Jean-Claude DISCHAMPS, Chancelier de l'Universite de Nantes, 
sur la soutenance de th&se pour l'obtention de Diplome d'Etudes et 
de Recherche (Doctorat d'Universite) intervenue le 15 juin 1985 a 
Lyon, Rhone, Monsieur Marcel BONVALET fctant Recteur, 
Chancelier de l'Universite de Nantes, et Monsieur Jacques VDLAINE, 
ancien President de l'Universite de Nantes, etant Administrates 
Provisioire de cette Universite, 

Vu, notamment, les conclusions de ce rapport, exposees publique- 
ment au cours de la conference de presse, organis6e le 2 juillet 1986 
au Ministere de la Recherche et de l'Enseignement Superieur, a 
l'initiative de Monsieur Alain DEVAQUET, 

Attendu qu'il ressort de ces conclusions que les conditions de 
transfer! du dossier de Monsiuer ROQUES depuis l'Universite de 
Paris IV, d'inscription k l'Universite de Nantes, ainsi que de la 
soutenance de these ont ete entacltees d'irregularite, 

DECIDE 

Article 1 -La. soutenance de tltese de Monsieur Henri ROQUES, 
qui a eu lieu k Nantes le 15 juin 1985, est annutee. 

Article 2 - Cette decision sera notifiee k Monsieur ROQUES par 
voie d'huissier. Elle rend nulle et non avenue l'attestion qui lui a ete 
delivree le 28 juin 1985. 

Article 3 - Cette decision sera port6e k la connaissance de Mon- 
siuer le Recteur de l'Academie de Nantes, Chancelier des Univer- 
sites, de Messieurs les Coordonnateurs des Ensambles, de Monsieur 
le Directeur de l'lnstitute de Lettres Modernes, des membres du Jury 
et des membres des Conseils de l'Universite. 

P. Malvy 

Translation 

Presidency of the University of Nantes 
Nantes, 8 July 1986 
The President 

xii 



(To the) Provisional Administrator of the University of Nantes, 

In view of the report of the administrative enquiry conducted at 
the request of Monsieur the Minister ALAIN DEVAQUET, Deputy 
Minister to Monsieur the Minister for National Education, respon- 
sible for Research and Advanced Studies, by Monsieur the Rector 
Jean-Claude DISCHAMPS, Chancellor of the Univeristy of Nantes, 
on the defense of a thesis for the award of the Diploma of Studies and 
Research (Doctorate of the Univeristy) held 15 June 1985 at 9 hours 
before the Faculty of Studies and Research, Letters and Humanities, 
of the University of Nantes, by Monsiuer Henri ROQUES, bom 10 
November 1920 at Lyon, Rhone, Monsieur Marcel BONVALET 
being the Rector, Chancellor of the University of Nantes, and Mon- 
sieur Jacques VILAINE, former President of the University of Nan- 
tes, being the Provisional Administrator of this University, 

In view, notably, of the conclusions of this report, explained 
publicly in the course of a press conference, 5 organised 2 July 1986 
at the Ministry of Research and Advanced Studies, on the initiative 
of Monsiuer Alain DEVAQUET, 

Whereas it arises from these conclusions that the circumstances of 
the transfer of the file 6 of Monsieur ROQUES from the University of 
Paris IV, the registration at the University of Nantes, as well as the 
upholding of the thesis have been marked by irregularity, 

It is decided that 

Article 1 — The upholding of the thesis of Monsieur Henri RO- 
QUES, which took place at Nantes on the 15 June 1985 is annulled. 

Article 2 — This decision will be notified to Monsieur Henri 
ROQUES by means of a court messenger. It renders null and void 
the certificate which was delivered to him 28 June, 1985. 

Article 3 — This decision will be brought to the notice of Mon- 
sieur the Rector of the Acadmeny of Nantes, the Chancellor for the 
Universities, to Messieurs the Coordinators of Assemblies, to Mon- 
sieur the Director of the Institute of Contemporary Letters, to the 
members of the Jury and to the members of the Committee of the 
University, 
(signed) P. Malvy 

University de Nantes 

Faculty des Lettres Et Sciences Humaines 

(Ensemble Administratif «L») 

B.P. 1025 • 44036 Nantes Cedex • T61. (40) 74.74.01 

SCOL/YL/JC 

Nantes, le 18 avril 1986 

Le Chef du Bureau Scolarit6 "L" 

k Monsieur Roques Henri 

xiii 



Objet: Diplome du Recherche d'Universite 
Monsieur, 

Jai l'honneur de vous faire connaitre que le diplome que vous 
aviez demande est k votre disposition au bureau de la scolarit6. 

Les bureaux de la scolarit6 sont ouverts tous les jours de 8 H 45 k 
11H30. 

Si vous ne pouvez pas vous d6placer, vous voudrez bien nous faire 
parvenir 16,60 F en timbres pour 1'envoi par correspondence. 

Je vous prie d'agi£er, Monsiuer, 1 'expression de mes sentiments 
distingu6s. 

Le Chef du Bureau Scolarit6 "L" 
Y. Lannurien 

Translation 

University of Nantes 

Faculty of Letters and the Humanities 

Nantes, 18 April 1986 

(Administrative Offices "L") 

P.O.B. 1025 

4406 Nantes Cedex 

Phone: (4) 74.74.01 

SCOL/YL/JC 

Head of the Bursar's Office "L" to 

Monsieur Roques Henri 

Subject: Diploma of the University for Research 

Sir, 

I have the honor to inform you that the diploma you have re- 
quested is at your disposal at the Bursar 's office. 

The Bursar's offices are open every day from 8.45 hours until 
11.30. 

If you are unable to collect personally, kindly remit Francs 16.60 
stamps for dispatch by mail. 

I request you to accept, Monsieur, the expression of my respectful 
regards, 

Head of the Bursar's Office "L" 
(stamp and signature) Y. Lannurien 



xiv 



Footnotes 

1. Published by George Allen & Unwin Ltd., London, and Mayflower Books, Inc., 
New York, 1979. 

2. The Promise Hitler Kept, published by Victor Gollancz, London. 

3. The Globe and Mail, Toronto, 17 January, 1985. 

4. Alfred Cobban, A History of Modern France, Volune II, 1799- 1 87 1, published by 
Penguin Books Ltd., England, 1977. He was professor of French History at 
London University, and also visiting professor at Chicago, Harvard, John Hopkins 
and other universities in the United States. 

5. An incident which showed Davaquet's style of managing universities and his 
respect for their integrity. 

With the intention, doubtless, of capturing some favorable media publicity, De- 
vaquet announced his decision at a special press conferenc. As the dates show, 
Henri Roques was informed later. 

All the authorities at the University of Nantes denied categorically that there 
had been any irregularity in processing the Roques file, thesis papers, etc. Would 
this be the reason why Devaquet went over their heads and faced them with a/a/f 
accomplil 

If an enquiry was necessary at all, surely that was a domestic matter for the 
university; but under the Devaquet regime the universities were to lose not 
merely any tatters of independence but their self-respect as well. 

Like the Historians, Devaquet believed in trial by the media, and like them, he 

walked into a fool's trap: the Historians lost their credibility, and he became the 

most unpopular minister for the universities that France has had in many a year. 

6. The student's file of biographical details, academic history, courses being 

studied, at which university registered, and so forth. 



XV 



Introduction 

Why have we chosen as the subject for a thesis a study of the 
"confessions" of the German, Kurt Gerstein? Principally, for the 
following reasons: 

— These confessions have been used since 1945 by numerous 
French and foreign authors both in books and in magazine and 
newspaper articles. 

— Attentive readers of these books and articles have been misled 
by the important differences one notes in the reproduction of the 
texts, as well as the dates attributed to the "confessions." The confes- 
sions actually exist in several versions, which justifies a comparative 
study. 

— We are faced with an enigma that is due in particular to 
Gerstein 's strange personality; and a critical examination of his 
"confessions" might possibly help us to resolve that enigma. How- 
ever, the Gerstein enigma will not be the focal point of our work, 
because we are not here concerned with an historical study. We shall 
refer to this aspect only in making use of the books written about him 
by three authors (see pages 6 and 12), and the letters which have 
been addressed to us by his widow. 

— The texts left us by the former SS officer are key documents in 
the files on the poison gas chambers: gas chambers whose existence 
in the Nazi concentration camps is strongly contested by Revisionist 
historians; 1 

— Not only all the Revisionist authors, but certain non-Revision- 
ists as well, wish that a university thesis might establish the exact 
texts. In the course of a trial on 29 May 1981 in which Leon Poliakov 
was pitted against Robert Faurisson, both Leon Poliakov and Pierre 
Vidal-Naquet stated that it was but a trivial fault if additions, sup- 
pressions, and errors could be pointed out in Poliakov's publications 
concerning the Gerstein story, since it was not a matter of a univer- 
sity thesis. 2 

This incertitude regarding the exact texts of the "confessions," 
their authenticity and their veracity, seems to us to justify defending 
the present thesis as coming within the scope of a French language 
Department of Education and Research. 

First, it is essential to resolve a problem of editing the texts, even 
though the style of these narratives is mediocre, and taking into 
consideration that Gerstein was not writing in his native language. 



1 



Although their author was German, four of the six versions of the 
"confessions" known to us are written in French. 

Gerstein, who had studied French in high school, surrendered to 
the troops of the 1st French Army, who were occupying Wiirttem- 
berg at the end of April 1945, and composed for them his "confes- 
sions" in French. His French is often clumsy and incorrect, but suf- 
ficiently comprehensible to eliminate any risk of misunderstanding. 

Our decision to call the texts left by Gerstein "confessions" could 
be questioned. They were generally called "reports" by the writers 
who have copied or discussed them. This term "report" does not 
seem suitable to us; the texts of the former SS officer do not have the 
discipline nor the matter-of-fact style one expects in a report. 

In order to avoid too-frequent repetition of the word "confes- 
sions," the words "account" and "document" have sometimes been 
employed in the course of this thesis, but these terms are too neutral 
to describe the different versions. 

In consideration of the tone, the form, and the content of these 
texts, we believe, with Olga Wormser-Migot (Le Systeme concentra- 
tionnaire nazi y page 11 and 426), that the word "confession" is the 
most appropriate. 

At all times, we have placed the word "confession" in quotation 
marks, since the choice is ours and not Gerstein's. 

A Subject of Present-Day Concern? 

One can consider that the subject is of current interest. On 21 
February 1979, the newspaper Le Monde 3 published a "Declaration 
of Historians on the Hitler Policy of Extermination" (see copy and 
translation pages 11 et seq. and also pages 166 et seq.). The compo- 
sition of this declaration is attributable to L6on Poliakov and Pierre 
Vidal-Naquet, who obtained the signatures of thirty-two colleagues, 
including academics such as Emmanuel Leroy-Ladurie, Pierre 
Chaunu, J.P. Vernant, Jacques Le Goff, Frangois Furet, et. al. 

In this declaration we read: "...From amongst so very much 
evidence, which obviously can not come from those who have been 
killed, is it necessary to recall that of the SS Gerstein, who tried in 
vain, as early as 1942, to alert the civil and religious authorities on 
what was happening in these camps? Written by himself, 26 April 
1945, for the French authorities, in hesitant French, his account, 
indisputable in its essentials, of what he saw at Belzec, is all the more 
moving ..." 

Fifty-five lines follow, set out in two columns on page 23 of the 
newspaper; they are extracts from Gerstein's typewritten account in 
French, carrying the reference number PS-1553, under which it was 



called for, but not retained, by the Grand Tribunal of Nuremberg, on 
30 January 1946. The partial reproduction of this text (which we 
shall designate T II in this thesis) conforms with the original. 

The Most Convincing Evidence For 
The Existence of the Gas Chambers? 

The two historians who have chosen Gerstein' s evidence "from 
amongst so very much" maintain it to be probably the most convinc- 
ing evidence for the existence of the gas chambers. The evidence can 
only be considered to be plentiful if one takes into account the often 
vague and contradictory evidence of the former deportees and the 
combatants who arrived at the camps just after their evacuation. 
There is no need here to wonder about the value that should be 
placed on the evidence. 

Only the written evidence interests us; since that is scanty the 
authors of the declaration of the historians were very limited in their 
choice. 

A Unique Case 

During the trial of 29 May 1981, a lawyer asked the following 
question of Pierre Joffroy, who was testifying in favor of L6on 
Poliakov: "Can the witness tell the Court whether he has knowledge 
of any other evidence relating to the existence and to the functioning 
of the gas chambers coming from a high-ranking SS officer, or 
anyway of the rank of Monsieur Gerstein, which is available? Put- 
ting it another way, are there any other accessible sources originating 
from the SS of which there has been a trace during the war and not 
after the Liberation?" 

Reply of Pierre Joffroy: "To my knowledge, no. For this reason I 
think that the evidence of Gerstein is important; it is for this reason 
that, in writing my book, I felt myself almost entrusted with a kind of 
mission, that of saying that this man was honest, was sincere. I think 
that if one tries to demolish this evidence, it is because it comes from 
within the SS and that there is no other so far as I know." 

A bit previously, in the course of the same hearing, Pierre Joffroy 
had spontaneously stated in reference to Gerstein: "This was — I 
hesitate to say the word because it seems to me very inadequate — 
this was a hero, I should have said a saint." (CR.stenogr.1981.) This 
explains the title given by Joffroy to his book on Gerstein: L'Espion 
de Dieu/La Passion de Kurt Gerstein (God's Spy/The Passion of 
Kurt Gerstein). 

In the same attitude of mind, Leon Poliakov had written in 1964 



(Le Monde Juif/The Jewish World, March-April page 4): "The Ger- 
man Gerstein was a Righteous Man among the Gentiles." 

In light of such a presentation of his character and his writings, the 
author of the present thesis will not say, as does Pierre Joffroy, that 
he feels himself entrusted with some kind of mission, but more 
simply that it has seemed to him urgent to establish what really are 
the "confessions" of a former SS officer, to make a comparative 
study of the different versions, and to evaluate as exactly as possible 
the degree of credibility which can be accorded them. 

Six Known Versions and Some Drafts 

More fortunate than Pierre Joffroy who knows only three ver- 
sions, than Saul Friedlander who counts four, than L6on Poliakov 
and Pierre Vidal-Naquet who quote five, we have the privilege of 
knowing six, to which can be added some separate pages which have 
sometimes served as drafts. 

It is not certain that we have at our disposition all the documents 
still in existence; on the contrary, it is certain that a number of 
documents, either in French or in German, have disappeared. Details 
on this last point will be furnished in the course of this thesis. 

Thus, we possess six complete texts, each of which constitutes 
one version of the "confessions"; they carry dates between 26 April 
and 6 May 1945 inclusive. The originals or their copies (certain 
originals have disappeared) are preserved in various archives of 
which we shall give the names and addresses when studying each of 
them. 

Herewith the chronological list of the six texts, with the designa- 
tions we have given them: 

— T I: Handwritten text of 26 April 1945 in French 

— T II: Typewritten text of 26 April 1945 in French (PS-1553) 

— T HI: Typewritten text of 4 May 1945 in German 

— T IV: Handwritten text of 6 May 1945 in French 

— TV: Typewritten text of 6May 1945 in French entitled: "Report 
of Dr. Gerstein of Tiibingen." There are three variants: 

• The version of the O.R.C.G., 4 which is the first of the three 
(TVa) 

• A version originating from the above but with changes and errors 
in transcription; it is this text which is preserved in the National 
Archives in Washington with the declassification reference 01.0813 
(TVb) 

• An English translation, which moreover has at the top: "Transla- 
tion," obviously made from the second variant (T Vb), carrying the 
same reference 01.0813 of the National Archives in Washington (T 



Vc) 

— T VI: Typewritten text of 6 May 1945 in German (PS-2170) 
Over and above these six texts, we shall present: 

— Additions and drafts (to which we shall not assign a reference); 

— The last letter written by Gerstein to his wife, dated 26 May 
1945; 

— Two interrogations of Gerstein by the French military justice 
department in June and July 1945; 

— An article printed in the newspaper France-Soir of 4 July 1945; 

— The request for a lawyer written by Gerstein in capital letters 
and dated 15 July 1945; 

— Some fragments of documents found after Gerstein' s death, in 
his cell in the prison of Cherche-Midi. 

No Text Before 1945 

Hypotheses concerning the existence of "Gerstein reports" (sic) 
as early as 1942 have been advanced by certain writers. It seems 
indispensable to study this question and to state here and now our 
conviction on this point. 

In the Declaration of the Historians published in 1979 in the news- 
paper Le Monde, the efforts of SS Officer Gerstein "who tried in 
vain, as early as 1942, to alert the civil and religious authorities on 
what was happening in these camps" will be recalled. 

Gerstein did actually speak to some witnesses, as confirmed by 
them. The Swedish diplomat, Baron von Otter, and two Dutchmen 
who were working in Berlin in 1943 have been affirmative on this 
point. With less clarity, some Protestant pastors, notably Otto Dibe- 
lius and Kurt Rehling, have acknowledged discussing with Gerstein 
his experiences in the Polish camps. 

The texts of the "confessions" nowhere state that Gerstein made a 
written report to anybody whomsoever. One of the two Dutchmen 
mentioned above even declared as a witness during the trial of 29 
May 1981 (CR. stenogr. 1981): "Gerstein told us that he could not 
write on this subject" (that is, the subject of the gassings at Belzec 
and Treblinka). 

Nevertheless, one can read from the pen of Saul Friedlander: "In 
August 1942 Gerstein, who had just witnessed extermination gas- 
sings, tries to meet with the papal nuncio Orsenigo; he is sent away. 
It is then that he communicates a report to the legal advisor of Msgr. 
Preysing, Archbishop of Berlin, and requests that it be forwarded to 
the Holy See. There is no reason to believe that the document was 
not sent to Rome. The Gerstein report of 1942 was probably almost 
identical to the one he composed on 4 May 1945 since he describes 



the same event... Considering the fact that to this day the Holy See 
has not denied having received the Gerstein report during the war, 
one has the right to assume that a text basically identical to that 
which we are about to quote was sent to the Sovereign Pontiff by 
Msgr. Preysing at the end of 1942." (Pie XII et le Illme Reich, 1964, 
page 123) 

The deduction of the historian Friedlander seems questionable. 
That an assumed recipient has not denied receiving a supposed 
document is not sufficient grounds for thinking that the document 
did in all likelihood exist. 

With his suppositions, Saul Friedlander almost matches the dra- 
matic license to which the Protestant Rolf Hochhuth had recourse in 
his play The Deputy. Gerstein plays an important role in it as does 
Pope Pius XII. One sees Gerstein on the stage, having gained entry to 
the Vatican while on furlough, meeting again with the nuncio Msgr. 
Orsenigo, with whom he has already had a discussion in Berlin. This 
last point is false: the former SS officer himself wrote in his "confes- 
sions" that he was sent packing as soon as he presented himself at the 
nunciature in Berlin. In Rome, Gerstein converses with prelates very 
close to the Pope and vehemently reproaches them with the silence 
of the Sovereign Pontiff on the question of the extermination of the 
Jews in Poland. Thus, Hochhuth presents to us scenes of pure 
invention, and his theatrical exaggeration has shocked the entire 
world. But it must be said in his favor that Rolf Hochhuth was not 
writing as an historian but as a dramatist. 

In conclusion, there is nothing whatever to indicate that Gerstein 
might have written any text at all prior to April 1945, 5 either in 1942 
or thereafter. 

Gerstein's Biographers 

Three books have dealt fundamentally with the Gerstein case; all 
three were published in the 1960's, after the almost worldwide 
presentation of Rolf Hochhuth's play, The Deputy \ mentioned above. 

It was by means of a dramatic work that the legend was woven of 
the SS officer Gerstein who, while the war was still going on, 
supposedly tried to let the whole world know of the massive extermi- 
nation of Jews in the gas chambers. Certain Israeli and Protestant 
circles sought to have Gerstein rehabilitated: the former SS officer 
had not in fact been absolved posthumously in 1950 by a denazifica- 
tion board, which was content merely to accord him extenuating 
circumstances. The desired rehabilitation came about in 1965. The 
play The Deputy appeared at the end of 1962; it was at this period 
also that the Second Vatican Council opened, convoked by Pope 



John XXIII. 

— The first biography of Kurt Gerstein appeared in Zurich in 
1964; it was the work of the German, Helmut Franz, himself the 
brother of a pastor, and was entitled Kurt Gerstein, Aussenseiter des 
Wider stands der Kirche gegen Hitler (Kurt Gerstein, Outsider of the 
Church Resistance against Hitler). An old friend of Gerstein's, Franz 
was active with him in the youth movements of the Evangelical 
Church between 1925 and 1933. He stayed in contact with Gerstein 
and saw him several times during the war. At the end of his book, 
Franz reproduces correctly, but also with deletions which he notes, 
the typewritten account in German dated 4 May 1945, the only one 
of which it seems he had knowledge, thanks to Hans Rothfels's 
publication (op. cit.). 

— The second biography, written by Saul Friedlander, was pub- 
lished in France in 1967. Its title: Kurt Gerstein ou Vambiguite du 
bien (Kurt Gerstein or the Ambiguity of Good). In this book numer- 
ous details are found on the life of Gerstein before and then during 
the war. Our own researches have convinced us that certain of these 
details are not correct. As for the texts of the former SS officer which 
are quoted, it is obvious that Saul Friedlander borrowed them from 
L6on Poliakov. Later on, we shall see the use to which the latter has 
put them. 

— In France also, in 1969, Pierre Joffroy marked a decisive turn- 
ing point in titling his book LEspion de DieulLa Passion de Kurt 
Gerstein (God's Spy/The Passion of Kurt Gerstein). In this work, 
there is no longer a question of ambiguity as suggested by Saul 
Friedlander. Pierre Joffroy exerts himself to make the reader share 
his conviction that Gerstein is a sort of saint, an intermediary be- 
tween God and men; the latter did not understand him and were, 
either directly or indirectly, responsible for his death in a Paris 
prison. The texts of the "confessions" known to Pierre Joffroy were 
three in number (op. cit., page 283); the author reproduces in full and 
correctly the text we designate T n, not even improving Gerstein's 
often clumsy French, which can be discouraging to the reader (op. 
cit., pages 283-290). 

The Metamorphosis of the "Confessions" 

In 1951, Leon Poliakov published his book Le Breviaire de la 
Haine (The Breviary of Hate), with a preface by Francis Mauriac. 
We find in this work, on pages 220 to 224, a fairly long extract from 
one of Gerstein's narratives. To which version does it relate? Leon 
Poliakov writes that it bears "the certain date of 5 May 1945"; 
however, none of the six texts carries this date. Actually L6on 



Poliakov has used the typewritten version in French dated 26 April 
1945 (which we designate T II) and has made a partial copy of it that 
includes serious distortions and omissions. 

In 1953, in Germany, Professor Hans Rothfels reprints the version 
in German dated 4 May 1945 (which we designate T III) in the 
Vierteljahreshefte fur Zeitgeschichte (Quarterly of Contemporary 
History) No. 2 - April 1953; this reproduction is faithful, but incom- 
plete: deletions, which are noted by the author, have been made and 
all supplementary material has been omitted. 

In France, Leon Poliakov 's book Le Breviaire de la Haine (The 
Breviary of Hate) is republished three times: in 1960, in 1974, and in 
1979. The author adheres to the inaccurate text of 1951 and inserts 
sentences appropriated from the German version that Hans Rothfels 
made known to the public in 1953; he omits to inform the reader of 
these additions. 

L6on Poliakov, Hans Rothfels, and various other writers who 
repeated the publications of the first two, had, in France, an attentive 
and critical reader in the person of Paul Rassinier. 6 He was puzzled 
by the differences he remarked between one text and another; in par- 
ticular, he took issue energetically with Leon Poliakov, whom he 
accused of presenting variant texts attributed to Gerstein while 
pretending, every time, to be reproducing the same document. L6on 
Poliakov did not reply to the criticisms of Paul Rassinier and has 
completely ignored them. 

If we try to make a schedule of the utilization of the six known 
versions, we note: 

1 . T II and T HI have been the versions most utilized for reproduc- 
tion, sometimes complete, but more often partial and distorted. 

2. T V has never been published in full; it has been used only in 
very fragmentary samplings whose source has never been indicated 
with exactitude. 

3. T VI, although noted by Saul Friedlander (K.G., 1967, page 
11), has also never been published, even in part. 

4. T I can not heretofore have been known to readers except from 
the facsimile of pages 3 and 4 which is found in Saul Friedlander 's 
book (op. cit. y pages 100-103). 

5. Text IV, handwritten in French and dated 6 May 1945, was 
discovered by us in the Archives of the Evangelical Church of 
Bielefeld (Westphalia), in as much as no one, to our knowledge, ever 
called attention to it. 

6. The additions (Ergdnzungen) to the "confessions" T III and T 
IV have never been published at all. 

We set out below the list, perhaps not exhaustive, of the reproduc- 
tions of T II, T III, and T V. 

8 



I — T II (text typewritten in French dated 26 April 1945) has been 
reproduced: 

1. completely and correctly by: 

— Pierre Joffroy (L'Espion de Dieu/God's Spy, 1969, pages 283- 
290) who has only eliminated the biographical information at the 
beginning and the list of persons named by Gerstein as anti-Nazi at 
the end; 

— Arthur R. Butz, Revisionist historian (The Hoax of the Twenti- 
eth Century, 1976, pages 251-258), who has nonetheless made some 
minor errors, notably in the spelling of proper names. This text in 
English comes from the official American translation of PS-1553. 
The most unfortunate error consists in the omission, from a phrase of 
the narrative, of the adverb "also." Thus one reads: "Naked in 
winter" instead of "Naked also in winter." Gerstein's visit to the 
Belzec camp having taken place in August, one could think that the 
SS officer places this month in the wintertime; 

2. completely but incorrectly by: 

— L6on Poliakov (Le Monde Juif/Thc Jewish World, March- 
April 1964, pages 4-12); 

3. partially and correctly by: 

— Adalbert Ruckerl (N.S. Vernichtungslager /N.S. Extermination 
Camps, 1977, pages 61-66) in a German translation; 

— L6on Poliakov (Le Proces de Jerusalem/The Jerusalem Trial, 
1963, pages 224-228) who, in 1963, presents a text very different 
from those he published previously and from those he published sub- 
sequently. 

4. partially and incorrectly by: 

— Leon Poliakov (Le BrSviaire de la Haine /The Breviary of 
Hate, 1951 edition, pages 220-224) who claims he is reproducing the 
same document in the further editions of 1960, 1974, and 1979; 
whereas the reproductions in the later editions are even less faithful 
to the original text than in the 1951 edition. In each edition, the 
reproduction breaks off just before the sentence where Gerstein 
extravagantly estimates at 25 million the number of victims at only 
Belzec and Treblinka; 

— Joe Heydecker and Johannes Leeb (Der Nurnberger Prozess/ 
The Nuremberg Trial, 1958, pages 456-460) in a German translation, 
with serious inaccuracies, different from those one remarks in the 
case of Leon Poliakov. 

II — T III (typewritten text in German dated 4 May 1945) has 
been reproduced: 

1. correctly, but with deletions, by: 

— Hans Rothfels (Vierteljahreshefte fur Zeitgeschichte/QudLTteily 
of Contemporary History, 1953, pages 177-194) who has indicated 



all his deletions and given numerous explanatory notes; the additions 
(Ergdnzungen) number among the deletions; 

Helmut Krausnick (Dokumentation zur Massenvergasung/Docu- 
mentation on the Mass Gassings, 1956), who cites the publication of 
Hans Rothfels, but with fewer explanatory notes; 

— Leon Poliakov and Josef Wulf (Das Dritte Reich und die 
Juden/The Third Reich and the Jews, 1955, pages 101-115) who 
quote the Hans Rothfels publication, with the same deletions, also 
more or less indicated, with fewer explanatory notes; 

2. incorrectly and with deletions by: 

— L6on Poliakov and Josef Wulf (Le Me Reich et les Juifs/The 
Third Reich and the Jews, 1959, pages 107-1 19). This text in French 
is stated to be the translation of the German text (op. cit. 1955, pages 
101-115); it differs at several points from the German text but 
without it being possible to explain the inaccuracies merely as errors 
in translation; 

3. partially and incorrectly by: 

— Robert Neumann (Hitler I Aufstieg und Untergang des Dritten 
Reiches/Hitier/The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich, 1961, pages 
190-192) who changes the number of persons crammed into a cham- 
ber of 25m 2 from 700/800 to 170/180. 

HI — TV (typewritten text in French dated 6 May 1 945) has been 
reproduced: 

1. fragmentarily but correctly by: 

— Pierre Joffroy (op. cit.\ who has taken excerpts from T V and 
reproduced them on different pages of his book. 

2. fragmentarily and incorrectly by: 

— L6on Poliakov (Le Monde Juif/The Jewish World, March- 
April 1964, pages 7-11), who has inserted six passages borrowed 
from T V into the Gerstein narrative which is presented, incorrectly 
moreover, as the reproduction of T H Of these six passages set off by 
indentation from the rest of the text, there are two which are faith- 
fully reproduced and four that contain inaccuracies. 

In the above list, we have cited neither Saul Friedlander (Kurt 
Gerstein ou Vambiguite du bien/Kurt Gerstein or the Ambiguity of 
Good, 1967, pages 34, 73, 96-99, 104-108, 118-119, 143, 156-158) 
nor Frangois Delpech (Historiens et Geographes/Historians and 
Geographers, No. 273, May-June 1979, pages 628-629), for both 
have simply copied the texts reproduced by L6on Poliakov. Finally, 
other authors — and these are the most numerous — have written of 
Gerstein, of his presumed role, of his revelations, but without pub- 
lishing an extract from this or that "confession." Among these we 
mention: 

— Gerald Reitlinger: The Final Solution (1953), The SS (1956); 

10 



— Raul Hilberg: The Destruction of the European Jews (1961); 

— Rolf Hochhuth: Der Stellvertreter/The Deputy, a stageplay 
produced in 1963, translated into several languages, notably into 
French under the title Le Vicaire; 

— Jacques Nobecourt: Le Vicaire et I'Histoire/The Deputy and 
History (1963); 

— Lucy S. Dawidowicz: The War against the Jews (1975); 

— Gideon Hausner: Justice at Jerusalem, French translation 
(1976); 

— John Toland: Adolf Hitler (1976); et al. 

To this list it is appropriate to add historian Olga Wormser-Migot, 
who defended and published a thesis on Le Systeme concentration- 
naire nazi/Thc Nazi Concentration Camp System (French Universi- 
ties' Press 1968). But while the other writers mentioned do not 
question the veracity of Gerstein's statements, Olga Wormser-Migot 
expresses her skepticism. In particular she writes: "The recurring 
leitmotifs of the confession, including the prayers of the victims, are 
so identical to fifty other memoires — including those of the Hoess 
Memoires — that, for our part, we find it difficult to accept the 
complete authenticity of the Gerstein confession or the truth of all its 
elements" (op. cit. page 426). 

In beginning the present thesis, we were therefore confronted by: 

— six versions of the "confessions" written in three different 
languages; 

— reproductions, often partial and distorted, of three of them 
only; 

— utilization of these narratives by numerous writers who were 
content to make only a partial summary. 

The fundamental task thus seemed to us: to establish the texts with 
a rigorous exactitude. 

What follows is the text of the Le Monde article referred to on 
page 2: 

The Hitler Policy of Extermination: 
A Declaration by the Historians 

Since the end of the Second World War, it has happened on several 
occasions that publicists, sometimes taking the title of historians, 
have cast doubt on the veracity of the evidence on the Hitler policy 
of extermination. This evidence had, in 1945, a glaring obviousness. 
The great majority of the deportees today are dead. Their writings 
remain in the archives of the Third Reich, but this documentation 
does not always prevent reactions which are in the form of a "cri- 
tique" in appearance only. To contend that Zyklon B merely extermi- 

11 



nated lice, it is really necessary to admit in one's conscience that the 
Jews, the Gypsies or if need be the Slavs, or men worn out by labor, 
were really only lice. 

That said, it is natural that the generation which did not receive the 
shock of 1945 today asks itself questions. It is for their use, and not 
in reply to just any Tom, Dick, or Harry, that we are publishing this 
present declaration. We do so in our capacity as historians, which 
gives us no right but only a duty, that of being, through the schools of 
thought of which we are members, the servants of the humble truth, 
with only one mission, that long since put into words by the "Father 
of History": "To prevent what men have done from being effaced, by 
time, from human memory." 

"Human Animals" 

1. It is generally estimated that 6 million Jews, 200,000 Gypsies, 
and 100,000 Germans, the latter considered hereditarily degenerate, 
were exterminated in the course of the war. We must add to that 
several million Poles, Russians, and other Slavs, whose numbers 
were to be artificially reduced by hunger, the limitation on births, or 
extermination by reason of the needs of the SS state, its living space, 
and its contempt for "subhumans," for those whom Himmler called 
"human animals." 

To these collective exterminations should be added their individ- 
ual killings by the most varied methods — including poisoning by 
gas — of very many deportees: anti-Nazi Germans, resisters from the 
countries of western Europe — particularly the French — even com- 
mon-law prisoners. Some of these killings arose from a "political" 
decision, others finished off the bodies of those who had become 
incapable of further work for the Nazi war machine. 

2. The solidarity of the facts is established at the same time by the 
evidence of thousands of deportees, by the administrative documents 
coming from the archives of the TTiird Reich and which remain 
meaningful, even when written in what Eichmann called "Amtspra- 
che" (bureaucratese) and, lastly, by the detailed confessions of the 
executioners. 

3. This policy has gone through several stages. As far back as 1 
September 1939, Hitler gave the order to kill off the German men- 
tally ill, described as useless mouths. Six extermination centers with 
gas chambers were installed in Germany (Brandenburg, Grafeneck, 
Bernburg, Sonnenstein, Hartheim, Hadamar). In the face of the 
public protests of the German clergy, Hitler was, however, com- 
pelled in August 1941 to suspend this "euthanasia program." 

In anticipation of the attack against the Soviet Union, Hitler 

12 



ordered the extermination of racial enemies in the territories to be 
conquered: the Jews, ideological adversaries, the communist "com- 
missars," "asocial" elements, the Gypsies. At first, this extermina- 
tion was essentially the work of the special detachments, the "Ein- 
satzgruppen." They killed — principally by shooting but also by means 
of trucks equipped with an apparatus for gassing the occupants — a 
number of human beings difficult to estimate, perhaps two million. 
These methods involved psychological difficulties for the military 
and civil authorities and were not applied outside Soviet territory, the 
field par excellence of the ideological war. Everywhere else, the 
exterminations were effected thanks to the creation of special instal- 
lations, principally in Polish territory. During the first months of 
1942, five extermination camps over and above that of Auschwitz, 
which existed previously and which was then situated in the territory 
of the Reich, were created with all necessary installations and nota- 
bly with gas chambers: Chelmo (1), Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka, and 
Mai'danek. An adequate setting of the scene (disguise of the build- 
ings as ordinary railway stations with the aid of appropriate posters 
and signs) was intended to mislead the victims, to prevent any 
desperate rebellions at the last moment. From among so very much 
evidence, which obviously can not come from those who have been 
killed, is it necessary to drag in that of the SS officer Gerstein who 
tried in vain to alert, as early as 1942, the civil and religious authori- 
ties on what was happening in these camps? Written by himself on 
26 April 1945 for the French authorities in hesitant French, his 
account of what he saw at Belzec, indisputable in its essentials, is all 
the more moving: 

"Myself with the Hauptmann Wirth, police, we find ourselves 
before the chambers of death. Totally naked, the men, the women, the 
young girls, the children, the babies, those with only one leg, all 
naked, pass. In a corner, a strong SS man, with a high unctuous 
voice, says to the poor people: 'Nothing will happen to you! it will 
not be necessary for you to do anything but breathe deeply, this 
makes the lungs strong, this inhalation, it is necessary against conta- 
gious diseases, it is a fine disinfection!' Asked what would be their 
fate, he says to them: 'Truly, the men must work, to build streets and 
houses. But the women are not obliged. Only if they wish they can 
help with the housework or in the kitchen.' For some of these poor 
people, little hope once more, enough to make them walk without 
resistance to the chambers of death, the majority know everything, 
the smell tells them their fate! Then they mount the little stairway and 
see the truth! Mothers, nursing mothers, the babies at the breast, 
naked, many children of all age, naked they hesitate, but they enter 
into the chambers of death, most without saying a word, pushed by 

13 



the others behind them, harried by the horsewhips of the SS. A 
Jewess, 40 years about, eyes like torches, calls down the blood of 
their children on their murderers. Receiving five blows of the horse- 
whip in the face from Hauptmann of police Wirth himself, she 
disappears into the chamber of gas. A great many make their prayers, 
some others say: 'Who is it who gives the water for death?' (Israelite 
rite?) In the chambers, the SS push the men. 'Fill up well' the 
Hauptmann has ordered. The naked men are standing on the feet of 
the others, 700-800 to 25 m2, to 45 m3! The doors close." 

Auschwitz 

On 20 January 1942, explaining in front of a group of fifteen high 
officials what was already called "the final solution of the Jewish 
problem," the Minister of Police, Reinhard Heydrich, was content to 
say that a large part of the deported Jews "will eliminate themselves 
quite naturally by reason of their state of physical deficiency and that 
those remaining at the end of the account — whom we must consider 
as the most resistant — must be treated in consequence." Here we 
have a double euphemism: "to treat in consequence" meant in reality 
"to gas," and the least resistant elements, the women, the children, 
the aged, were treated in consequence upon their arrival at the places 
of extermination. 

It was at Auschwitz that the Nazi plan of extermination was 
brought to perfection. Created in the summer of 1940, at first for 
political prisoners or Polish or German criminals, this camp, or this 
gigantic complex rather, covering some dozens of square kilometers, 
became at the same time a place for immediate extermination and a 
labor camp of especially inhumane working conditions. The average 
life expectancy of the detained was six months. It was in June 1941 
that Himmler charged Rudolph Hoess, commandant of Auschwitz, 
with establishing an extermination camp there. After preliminary ex- 
periments carried out on Soviet prisoners, Hoess opted for the gas 
"Zyklon B," an insecticide product which was currently in use by the 
German army. From the springtime of 1942 convoys of Jews of all 
nationalities, including convoys from France, flocked to Auschwitz. 

In each convoy, about three quarters of the deportees — the chil- 
dren, the aged, most of the women — straightaway took the path to 
the gas chambers of Auschwitz-Birkenau. Their cadavers were in- 
cinerated in vast crematoriums adjoining the asphyxiation installa- 
tions. It was at Auschwitz also where, during the summer of 1944, 
the Gypsies of German nationality were exterminated. Finally, it was 
again at Auschwitz where numerous "medical experiments" were 
carried out, including the dissection alive of human beings. 

14 



These practices continued right up to the month of November 
1944. On the orders of Himmler, the installations for murder, gas 
chambers, cremation ovens, 7 were then destroyed, as one year previ- 
ously the similar equipment at the Polish camps — with the sole ex- 
ception of Maidanek — had been destroyed. 

The Auschwitz camp was evacuated before the Soviet advance at 
the very beginning of 1945. R. Hoess estimated the number of 
victims at two-and-a-half million gassed, and a half million dead in 
the camp properly so-called; these figures are certainly exaggerated, 
but it is not possible to give sure figures: the SS did not keep records 
of those who were taken immediately to the gas chamber. 

The Evidence 

4. A witness, a document, is always suspect. The criticism of texts 
is one of the fundamental rules of our profession. It is not possible, 
however, to suspect a gigantic collection of corroborative evidence, 
emanating from persons of all professions, of all levels of education; 
evidence which, in some instances, has been produced from legal 
proceedings in the course of a trial, where one has seen the judges, 
including German judges, become proportionately more and more 
strict as to the quality of the proof, as the immediate impression of 
horror which marked the end of the war has become more distant. Is 
it necessary to detail what all those have witnessed who have partici- 
pated in the extermination process at whatever level, from the mem- 
bers of the "Sonderkommando" responsible for taking the victims to 
the gas chamber and for plundering the cadavers, right up to the 
commandant of Auschwitz in person? 

5. One last word to finish. Everyone is free to interpret a phe- 
nomenon such as the Hitlerian genocide according to his own phi- 
losophy. Everyone is free either to compare it or not with other 
murder enterprises, previous, contemporary, subsequent. Everyone 
is free to refer to such and such sort of explanation; everyone is free, 
to the limit, to imagine or to dream that these monstrous deeds did 
not take place. Unfortunately, they did take place and no one can 
deny their existence without comitting an outrage against the truth. It 
is not necessary to ask oneself how, technically, such a mass murder 
was possible. It was possible technically because it took place. Such 
is the obligatory point of departure for all historic enquiry on the 
subject. It concerns us simply to recall this truth: there is not, there 
cannot be, any debate on the existence of the gas chambers. 

This text has been signed by the historians whose names follow 
and who work or teach at the College of France, at the National 
Center for Scientific Research, at the Universities of Paris and the 

15 



provinces, at the School of Advanced Studies in Social Science, at 
the Practical School of Advanced Studies: Philippe Aries, Alain 
Besangon, Robert Bonnaud, Fernand Braudel, Pierre Chaunu, Mo- 
nique Clavel-Leveque, Mark Ferro, Frangois Furet, Yvon Garlan, 
Jacques Juillard, Ernest Labrousse, Jacques Le Goff, Emmanuel 
Leroy Ladurie, Pierre Leveque, Nicole Loraux, Robert Mandrou, 
Claude Mosse, Roland Mousnier. 



(1) At Chelmo, a camp established in December 1941, there were not stationary gas 
chambers, but a garage which housed "gas vans" similar to those which were used in 
Russia by the Einsatzgruppen. 



16 



Footnotes 



1. Designated as Revisionists are those authors who, in the aftermath of the two 
world wars, considered it necessary, in reaction to the excesses of war-time 
propaganda, to reexamine or revise the history of those two conflicts in order to 
bring it into accord with the facts. The principal Revisionists of the First World 
War are the American Harry Elmer Barnes, the Britisher Lord Ponsonby, and the 
Frenchman Jean Norton Cm (Jtmoins . . .Du Timoignage). The principal Revi- 
sionists of the Second World War are the Frenchman Paul Rassinier (1906-1967) 
and his successor Robert Faurisson, the American Arthur Robert Butz, and the 
German Dr. Wilhelm Staglich. 

2. A shorthand report of the trial was made by the Cabinet J. Fleury, and approved 
by the Tribunal de Grande Instance of Paris. A copy of this document was made 
use of in preparing the present thesis. References to this report will be noted in 
brackets with the designation: CR. stenog. 1981. It was our opinion that we could 
not ignore the report of a trial which centered around the Gerstein "confessions" 
and in which not only L6on Poliakov, Pierre Joffroy, and Pierre Vidal-Naquet 
participated, but also the witnesses of 1942/1943, Baron von Otter, a diplomat 
stationed in Berlin, as well as two Dutchmen who were free workers in Berlin. 

3. Le Monde is considered to be France's quality newspaper. Its reportage of events 
and issues on which it is well informed is sometimes above average. The editorial 
opinion writers of Le Monde sided with the propagandist historians in the later 
controversy caused by the Roques thesis. This difference of opinion could have 
contributed to an interesting debate, had Le Monde's journalists but taken the 
elementary precaution of reading the thesis beforehand, which they did not do, 
and consequently misled and misinformed their readers: firstly, through igno- 
rance of the facts and, secondly, by treating the thesis as a racist and political 
issue. — R.V.P. 

4. Organe de Recherche des Crimes de Guerre/OfFict for the Investigation of War 
Crimes. This was a French organization whose address was, in 1945, at 48 rue de 
Villejust, Paris. 

5. There is a document written in Dutch and dated 25 March 1943; we are ac- 
quainted with it, but it is so suspect that none of the biographers of Gerstein have 
seen fit to mention it. It could be an antedated forgery. 

6. From an early age, Rassinier was active in libertarian/anarchist movements. In 
1939, he belonged to the left wing of the S.F.I.O. (Section frangaise de 
V Internationale Ouvriere - 2nd International = French Section of the Workers' 
International) and demonstrated a determined pacifism. During the occupation, 
he was one of the founders of a resistance movement. Arrested and tortured by 
the Sicherheitsdienst (S.D.) in 1943, he was deported to Buchenwald and to 
Dora. In 1945, he was declared one-hundred percent disabled and awarded 
compensation. He held several decorations including the Rosette of the Resis- 
tance. After a brief period in the National Assembly as S.F.I.O. deputy for 
Belfort, he withdrew from political life and devoted himself to historical research 
on the Nazi system of concentration camps. He did so on the basis of his personal 
experiences. Later, he became interested in the behavior of victors toward the 
vanquished, and investigated the causes of the Second World War. 

7. Since, in a crematorium, bodies are not baked in ovens but incinerated in 
furnaces, when is some bold revisionist historian going to quit calling them 
ovens? — R.V.P. 



17 



Chapter I 

Establishment of the Texts 

Page 

General Remarks 19 

Text T 1 19 

Text T II 27 

Text T HI 36 

Text T IV 50 

Text T V 55 

Text T VI 73 

Additions and Drafts 89 

Last Letter from Gerstein to His Wife 96 

Interrogations by the Military Justice Department 97 

Article in France-Soir, 4 July 1945 108 

Request for a Lawyer Ill 

Fragments of Documents 112 

Comparative Tables of the Principal 

Differences between the "Confessions" 117 



18 



General Remarks 

The reading and the comparative study of the six texts is tedious. 
Pierre Vidal-Naquet , testifying as a witness at the trial of 29 May 1981, 
said that their reproduction exactly as they are in the original, in what 
he calls a diplomatic edition, would be almost unreadable (CR. 
stenogr. 1981). In fact, such a reproduction is not unreadable, but 
simply wearisome. 

In this chapter, we give for each version a translation into English 
from the original transcriptions. 1 To lighten the perusal of these 
documents, we have made two cuts: 

— the first cut is at the beginning: this refers to biographical 
information on Gerstein for the period 1905-1938; 

— the second cut is at the end: in certain versions, Gerstein has 
compiled a supplementary page carrying a list of the persons whom 
the SS officer names as anti-Nazis. It is this supplementary page which 
we have not reproduced. 

The photocopies of the whole of the original documents constitute 
six appendices joined to the end of the thesis; these photocopies 
therefore include the parts which, in our transcription, were cut as 
mentioned above. We state clearly that the text of the cuts is not in 
dispute and varies very little from one version to another. 2 

Text TI 

It is handwritten, composed in French, and dated 26 April 1945. 

The original is preserved at the Landeskirchliches Archiv der 
Evangelischen Kirche von Westfalen in Bielefeld (Westphalia); it is 
document No. 32, classified in the margins 5,2. The archives of 
Bielefeld carry the designation LKA, which will be used in this 
present study. T I was sent to LKA by Elfriede Gerstein, widow of the 
former SS officer, on 14 August 1972. 

It is composed of ten full pages of writing to which are added two 
other pages, which have the appearance of drafts and partly repeat 
passages from the ten preceding pages. 

The tenth page, which moreover carries the number 9 (we shall 
explain the reason for this later on), is not considered by LKA as an 
integral part of document No. 32, but is classified separately; there is 
no doubt whatsoever that it should be incorporated in it. In fact, the 
ninth page of T I finishes with the words: "I had them written in my 
name" and the tenth page begins: "for — as I said — discretion, in truth 
to be somewhat free in the disposal . . ." 

The connection between one page and the next is perfect. 



19 



T I — pages 2-3 (the latter also numbered 2) 

. . . Hearing of the massacres of imbeciles and insane, shocked and 
wounded in my insides, having such a case in my family, I had only 
one wish: to see, to see into all this machinery and then: cry out to all 
the people! 

Supplied with two references from the two employees of the 
Gestapo, having dealt with my case, it was not difficult to enter into 
the SS army. 10 March-2 June 1941, basic training of the soldier at 
Hamburg-Langenhoom, Amhem and Oranienburg 3 with 40 doctors 
— for my double studies — technics and medicine — I received the 
order to enter to the medico-technical service of the SS — Fuehrungs- 
Hauptamt — sanitary service of the SS Army. 

At this place of service, I myself chose the duty to construct 
immediately stationary and motorized disinfection facilities, and 
filters for drinking water for the troops and for the prison camps. 
Having an exact knowledge of the industry, I succeeded at it soon, my 
predecessors not having succeeded. In this way, it was possible to 
reduce the number of deaths considerably. For my successes, I 
succeeded soon to Lieutenant. December 1941, once more, great 
danger. Hearing by chance of my entering the SS, the judge of the 
NSDAP who had sentenced my expulsion made great efforts to hunt 
and pursue me. But my chief, delighted with my successes, declared 
me sincere and indispensible. Because a large part of the disinfection 
service worked by means of prussic acid (Cyankali), it was necessary 
for me to take over also this service, but exclusively for disinfection. 

T I — page 3 (numbered 2) 

On 8 June 1942 SS-Sturmbannfuhrer Guenther of the Reichssich- 
erheitshauptamt, unknown to me, came into my workroom in civilian 
clothes. He gave me the order to take 100 kgs of prussic acid to a lorry 
and to go to a place which was known only to the driver. We left. At 
Kollin near Prague we loaded the lorry with the acid and came to 
Lublin/Poland. There, the SS Gruppenfuehrer Globocnek[sic] was 
waiting for us. Having still a place in the vehicle, I had taken with me 
the SS-Obersturmbannfuehrer Professor Dr. Pfannenstiel. Globocnek 
says to us: this thing is one of the most secret that there is. Anyone who 
speaks of it will be shot straight away. Yesterday, two talkers died. 
Then, he explained to us: at the moment, 17 August, 1942, there are 
3 installations: 

1 Belzec on the route Lublin-Lemberg in the sector at the Russian 
demarcation line. Maximum 15000 per day (seen!) 

2 Sobibor I do not know exactly where, not seen!) 20,000 per day 

20 



maximum — 

3 Treblinca — 120 km NNE of Warsawa [sic], seen, 25000 per 
day maximum. 

4 Maidanneck [sic], near Lublin, (seen) in preparation 

T I page 3 (numbered 2) and 4 (numbered 3) 

You will have to — says Globocnek — do the disinfection of very 
large quantities of clothes, ten or twenty times the result of the 
Spinnstoff-Sammlung* which was done only to conceal the origin of 
Jewish clothing, Polish, Czech, etc 

Your second duty: to change our chambers of gas, now functioning 
with the exhaust of an old "Diesel" engine to a thing more toxic and 
more quick, that is, prussic acid. But the Fiihrer and Himmler, who 
were here on 15 August (the day before yesterday) made it my duty: 
every person who has to see the factories of death, must be accompa- 
nied by me (Globocnek) myself. Then Professor Pfannenstiel: But 
what does the Fuehrer say? 

Then Glob: Faster, faster, to finish all the action, he says. 

Then the Ministerialdirektor Dr. Lindner of Innenministerium: 
Was it not better to burn the bodies instead of burying them? Another 
generation, perhaps, will think of it in another manner. 

Then Globocnek: Gentlemen, if, after us, there should ever come a 
generation that does not understand our work, so good, so necessary, 
that would be so cowardly [carieuse — sic] and rotten, then, gentle- 
men, all National Socialism was for nothing. On the contrary, we 
ought to put down bronze [bronce] tablets on which it is fixed that we, 
we have had the courage to accomplish this gigantic work. Then 
Hitler: Yes, my good Globocnek, that's the word, that is also my 
opinion! — 

T I — page 4 (numbered 3) and 5 (numbered 4) 

The next day, we left for Belcek [sic]. A little station stands against 
the hill of yellow sand, immediately to the left (=N!) of the street and 
the railway line. To the south, near the highway, some service 
buildings, with the placard: Belcek Service Area of the SS Army — 
Globocnek introduced me to Hauptsturmfuhrer Obermeyer of Pir- 
masens, who showed me with great reluctance the installations. On 
that day, we did not see the dead, but the smell of all the region, also 
of the highway, was pestilential. At the side of the little station, there 
was a big shed "Cloak Room" with a box-window "Valuables." Then 
a room of 1 00 chairs "Hairdressers. " Then, a corridor 1 50m in the open 
air with barbed wire and signs: To the baths and inhalations! 

21 



Before us a house like a bathing institute, to the right and the left big 
concrete pot with geranium or begonia (flowers). After having mounted 
a small stairway, to the right and the left, three and three rooms like 
garages, 4 x 5m, 1 m 90 of height. On return, exits of wood. On the 
roof, the star of David in brass. Before the building, inscription: 
"Heckenholt Foundation." First afternoon I didn't see anything more. 

Next morning, some minutes before 7 o'clock, it was announced: 
after 10 minutes, the 1st train! Truly after some minutes, the first train 
arrived from Lemberg, 45 cars, containing 6700 persons, 1450 already 
dead on their arrival. Behind the little windows with barbed wire, 
children, youngsters, full of fear, women, men. The train arrives: 200 
Ukrainians, {Ukrains — sic] forced to this service, wrench open the 
doors and with leather horsewhips, 5 they chase the people out of the 
cars. 

Then, a big loudspeaker gives instructions: in the open air, — some 
in huts — take off all clothes, also artificial limbs, spectacles. With 
small string, given by a little Jewish boy of 3-4 years, to join together 
the shoes. To hand in all valuables, all money to the service window 
valuables without voucher, without tickets. Then, the women, the 
young girls to the hairdressers — to have their hair cut with one or two 
cuts of the hair, which disappears into big potato sacks, to make some 
special things for the submarines (linings, etc.) the SS-Unterschar- 
fiihrer on duty says to me. 

T I — page 5 (numbered 4) and 6 (numbered 5) 

Then the march begins: to the right, to the left, the barbed wire, 
behind the naked procession, two dozen Ukrainians with bayonets and 
the SS with their leather horsewhips. Guided by an extraordinarily 
pretty young girl, the procession advances. Myself with the biggest 
murderer of all times (Hitler and Himmler excepted), this Hauptmann 
of police Wirth, a bald little Swabian [Sudbe — sic] with gold spec- 
tacles. 

We find ourselves before the death chambers. Totally naked, the 
men, the women, the young girls, the children, the babies, men with 
only one leg, everyone naked passes. At the corner, a strong SS man 
who with a high voice, says to the unfortunates: not the slightest thing 
will happen to you! It will not be necessary for you to do anything but 
breathe deeply, this makes the lungs strong, this inhalation it is 
necessary against contagious sicknesses, it is a fine disinfection. 
Asked what would be their fate, he said to them: Truly, the men must 
work, to build streets and houses. But the women are not obliged. Only 
if they wish, they can help with the housework or in the kitchen. 

For some of these poor people, a little hope once more, enough to 

22 



make them walk without resistance to the death chambers. The 
majority knows everything — the smell tells them their fate! Then, 
they go up the little stairway and — see the truth. Mothers, nursing 
mothers with their babies at their breast, naked, a lot of children of all 
ages, naked, they hesitate and they enter into the death chambers, most 
without saying a word, pushed by the others behind them, harried by 
the horsewhips of the SS. A Jewess, 45 years approx, eyes like torches, 
calls down the blood of their children on their murderers. Agreat many 
say their prayers. Others say: Who is it who gives us the water for death 
(Israelite rite?). The Jewess with the flaming eyes receives 4, 5 blows 
in the face from the horsewhip of Hauptmann Wirth personally. In the 
chambers, the SS push the men "fill up well" the Hauptmann has 
ordered. The naked men are standing on each other 's feet, 700-800 to 
25 m 2 , 45 m 3 ! The doors close. 

T I — page 6 (numbered 5) and 7 (numbered 6) 

Meanwhile, the rest of the train, naked, are waiting. Also in winter 
naked. They can catch their death, someone said! But, that's what 
they're here for, this was the reply of a young SS man — at this 
moment — I understand why "Heckenholt Foundation." Heckenholt, 
— that's the mechanic of the Diesel engine, the exhausts of which are 
intended to kill the unfortunates. SS Unterscharfuhrer Heckenholt 
endeavors to get the Diesel going. But, it does not work! Hauptmann 
Wirth arrives. One sees, he is frightened, because me, I see the disaster. 
Yes, I see and wait. My "stop" watch has timed everything — 50 
minutes, 70 minutes — die diesel does not work! The men are waiting 
in their chamber. In vain — one hears them crying "like at the 
synagogue" says SS Sturmbannfuhrer Professor Doctor Pfannenstiel, 
professor of hygiene at the University of Marburg/Lahn, ear to the 
wooden door. Hauptmann Wirth, furious, takes a horsewhip [earache 
— sic]: 11,12 blows to the face of the Ukrainian [Ukrain — sic], who 
is helping Heckenholt. After 2 hours 49 minutes — the "stop" watch 
has recorded everything — the Diesel starts. Up to this moment, the 
men in the four chambers already filled live, live, 4 times 750 persons 
to 4 times 45 m3! 

Again, 25 minutes pass: a great many, it is true, are dead. One sees 
by the little window through which the electric light allows one to see 
for a moment the interior of the chamber. After 28 minutes still a few 
who survive, after 32, finally, all are dead! From the other side, the 
Jewish workers open the wooden doors. They have been promised for 
their terrible service, liberty and some percentage [procents — sic] of 
the results of the valuables. 



23 



T I — pages 7 (numbered 6) and 8 (numbered 7) plus 
extract from page 10 (not numbered) 

Like pillars of basalt, the dead are still standing, there being not the 
least place to fall or lean over. Even dead, one still knows the families 
who clasp hands yet dead. One has difficulty separating them, to 
empty the chambers for the next load. The blue bodies are thrown, 
damp with sweat [soudre — sic] and with urine, the legs full of 
excrement and menstrual blood. Among all, the babies, the bodies of 
children. But, one has no time. Two dozen workers busy themselves 
checking the mouths, which they open by means of iron hooks. "Gold 
to the left, without gold to the right!" Others check anus and genitals 
formoney, gems, gold. Dentists tear out with a hammer [martel — sic] 
the gold teeth, bridges, crowns. Among them all, Hauptmann Wirth. 
He is in his element, handing me a large fruit can, full of gold teeth, 
he says to me: Feel the weight of the gold, only from yesterday and the 
day before! And you don't believe [croyez — sic] what we find daily: 
dollars, gems, gold! But, see for yourself. Then he led me to the Jewish 
jeweller, who had the responsibility for all the valuables. I was made 
to see a director of the "Kaufhaus des Westens," 6 Berlin, who had 
duties with the work-detail and a little man with a violin [violine — 
sic], the chief of this Jewish work-detail. "This is a captain of the KK 7 
Army of Austria, knight of the German Iron Cross, first-class!" 

Then the naked cadavers were thrown into large pits of 100 x 20 x 
12 meters, situated near the death chambers. After some days, the 
bodies swelled and the whole rose up 2-3 meters by means of gas 
which formed in the cadavers. After some days, the swelling finished, 
the bodies fell together. Next day, the ditches were filled again and 
covered with 10 cm of sand. 

[At the bottom of a supplementary page — the 10th page, but not 
numbered — which appears to be a draft, one reads the following text] 

Some time later — I heard — grills were made of railway rails — 
and the cadavers burned by means of Diesel oil and gasoline, to make 
the cadavers disappear. 

T I — page 8 (numbered 7) 

Next day, we went with the car of Hauptmann Wirth to Treblinca 
[sic], about 120 km from Warsaw NNE. The setup at this place of 
death was almost the same as at Belzec, but yet bigger — 8 gas 
chambers and real mountains of clothes and underwear 35-40 meters 
high. Then, in our honor, a banquet was held with all the employees 
of the SS. The SS Obersturmfuhrer Professor Dr.med. Pfannenstiel 

24 



made a speech [sermon — sic]: your work, it is a great duty and a duty 
so necessary. If one sees the bodies of the Jews, one understands the 
grandeur of your good work. The dinner itself was simple, but by order 
of Himmler himself, the employees [occupes] — sic] of this service 
received what they wanted of butter, meat, etc... On departure [Au 
Conge — sic], we were offered several kilos of butter and a large 
number of bottles of spirits. Me, I told the lie of having enough of 
everything from our farm. For this reason, Pfannenstiel took also my 
portion. 

We went with the car to Warsaw. Sleeping car being already gone, 
I was waiting for the other train. Waiting in vain for my empty bed, I 
met the secretary [of] the Swedish legation, Baron von Otter. All the 
beds were occupied, we were passing the night in the corridor of the 
sleeping car. Then, under the fresh impression, I told him everything 
with the prayer to refer everything to his government and to the Allies. 
He asked me for a reference of myself. I gave him the address of 
General Superintendent Dr. Otto Dibelius, Berlin-Lichterfelde, Briider- 
weg 2, friend of Reverend Martin Niemoller and head of the Protestant 
resistance against Nazism. 8 After some weeks, I saw the Legation 
Counsellor] Von Otter one more time. He told me that he had made 
his report to the government [of] Sweden, a report which, according 
to his words, had great influence on the relations [of] Sweden and 
Germany. 

T I — page 8 (numbered 7) and 9 (numbered 8) 

My attempt to refer all that to the head of the legation of the Holy 
Father did not have a great success. I was asked whether I was a soldier . 
Then I was refused all discussion. Then, I had all that told to him by 
Msgr. Doctor Winter, secretary of the Catholic Episcopate of Berlin. 
On going out of the legation of the Holy Father at the Rauchstrasse in 
Berlin, I saw myself followed by a policeman who, after some very 
unpleasant minutes quit following me [me quitta — sic]. 

In my apartments at Berlin W 15, Buelowstrasse 47/1 , 1 had around 
me a circle of anti-Nazis. One of the members came some time later 
with the Press Attache of the Swiss Legation at Berlin, Dr. Hochstras- 
ser, to whom I recounted, as to the other members, all that I knew. 
Another member of this circle, the Reverend Buchholz, chaplain of 
the Ploetzensee prison, who accompanied to the death the officers of 
20 July 1944. 9 Msr. Buchholz and Msgr. Niemoller received from my 
part from time to time [here an illegible word] a large number of 
cigarettes and cigars and other gifts as tokens of love [d'autres 
dotations d' amour — sic]. 



25 



[On a supplementary page — the 11th. but not numbered — which 
appears to be a draft, one reads the following text:] 

At Belcec and at Treblinca, one did not give oneself the trouble to 
count in a fairly accurate manner the number of men killed. If one had 
found the passports etc . . ., it would have related to a very small part 
of all the number of dead. Most died nameless. This is valid also for 
the Poles and Czechoslovaks who disappeared in the same death 
chambers. They were chosen for death by commissions of pseudo- 
doctors, simple young men with limousines and white coats, who 
toured the villages in order to, on sight, earmark the aged, sick, etc. 
[sic]. . . who were no longer worthy to live for not being able to 
work anymore. 

Hauptmann Wirth begged me not to propose any other method 
whatsoever to Berlin and leave all as it was. I lied that the prussic acid 
was already destroyed by the transport and very dangerous and to 
being forced to bury the acid, [which] was done immediately. 

T I — page 9 (numbered 8) and page 10 (numbered 9) — 
the first 6 lines only 

I must yet add that SS-Sturmbannfuhrer Giinther, at the beginning 
of 1944, asked me for large quantities of prussic acid for an obscure 
purpose [destin — sic]. The acid was to be supplied to Oranienburg 
and Auschwitz, concentration camps [champs — sic]. I loyally had the 
acid sent as requested. But immediately after its arrival, I diverted it 
for disinfection. This was a little [quelquement — sic] dangerous for 
me, but if I had been asked where the acid was, I would have said: it 
was already in a state of dangerous decomposition, and because of that 
I had to use it up for disinfection. I am sure that Giinther, according to 
his own words, had the order to obtain it to eventually kill many men. 
The invoices [notas — sic] for this supply, altogether 2,175 kg., 
enough to kill several millions of men, I have on me. I had them written 
in my name, for — as I said — discretion, in truth to be somewhat free 
in the disposal and to be better able to divert the toxic acid. 

I never paid the delivery. The manager of the firm, Dr. G. Peters, 
Friedberg/Hessen, who supplied the acid, told me that he supplied — 
to kill men — prussic acid in ampoules. 

T I — page 10 (numbered 9) from the seventh line to the end 

On 22 April 1945, I had awaited the taking of the town of 
Metzingen/Wurttemberg. I had given the advice to the citizens and at 
the Town Hall of Metzingen to give up the town to the French. The 

26 



inhabitants being ready, German troops to hold Metzingen were 
announced. Then, I passed the French lines and I presented myself, of 
my own accord, voluntarily, to Monsieur the French Commandant of 
the town of Reutlingen. I presented my papers to him, to wit: 

— 2 Gestapo arrest warrants 

— expulsion from the party NSDAP 

— special reference from the office of Pastor Martin Niemoller 

— military papers. 

Having examined [eprouves — sic] the papers, M. le Commandant 
of Reutlingen gave me a paper with the following text: "The bearer is 
not a real SS and must not be treated as such, but, on the contrary, with 
every consideration." 

It was M. le Commandant of Reutlingen who proposed, according 
to my wishes, that I should be turned over to a place of service which 
would be interested in my knowledge of Nazism and which, perhaps, 
would make use of my anti-Nazism. Unfortunately, the papers (2 
arrest warrants from the Gestapo, etc. . . . stayed at Tubingen, Garten- 
str. 24 in the corridor of my house, where I was again given permission 
to pick up a shirt, toothbrush. 

[Not having found in the archives of the Bielefeld (LKA) any other 
page beyond this page 9, 1 take note that it is here that the handwritten 
"confession" in French of 26 April 1945 abruptly terminates. There 
are still two supplementary unnumbered pages which essentially 
repeat passages from the preceding pages; whatever there is new we 
have inserted in the whole of the "confession" and indicated accord- 
ingly.-^iH.] 

TextTH 

It is typewritten, composed in French, dated 26 April 1945. It 
consists of 6 pages (of which the last carries the handwritten signature: 
"Kurt Gerstein"), to which there is added a seventhth page entitled: 
"Kurt Gerstein — Supplement", unsigned. 

We have a photocopy which comes from the National Archives in 
Washington; at the foot of each page there is a stamped number 
preceded by a B. Thus the seven pages are numbered from B 49357 to 
B 49363. 

Transcription of T II (first sheet) 

Hearing of the massacres of the imbeciles and mentally sick at 
Grafeneck, Hadamar, etc., shocked and wounded in my inside, having 
such a case in my family, I had but one wish: to look into, to look into 

27 



all this machinery and then cry out to all the people! — supplied with 
two references from two employees of the Gestapo, having dealt with 
my case, it was not difficult to enter into the SS army. 10 March-2 June 

1941 basic training at Hamburg-Langenhoom, Amhem, and Ora- 
nienburg with 40 doctors. For my double studies — technical and 
medicine — I received the order to enter into the medico-technical 
service of SS-Fuehrungshauptamt — sanitary service of the SS army 
— Amstgruppe D, Hygiene. At this place of service I myself chose the 
duty to construct immediately appliances for disinfection and filters of 
drinking water for the troops and for the prison and concentration 
camps. Having exact knowledge of the industry I soon succeeded at 
it — my predecessors not being successful. In this way, it was possible 
to reduce the number of dead prisoners considerably — for my 
successes, I succeeded soon to lieutenant. — December 1941, the 
tribunal which had ordered my expulsion from the NSDAP received 
knowledge of my entry into the SS army. Great efforts were made to 
hunt me and personally hound me. But due to my successes I was 
declared sincere and indispensable. — January 1942, 1 was the head 
of the technical service of disinfection, containing also the service of 
severely toxic gases for disinfection. 

Transcription of T II (second sheet) 

End of page numbered 1 in the original 

— On 8 June 1942 he entered into my workroom, SS-Sturm- 
bannfiiehrer Guenther of the ReichsSicher- 

Page numbered 2 in the original 

ReichsSicherheitsHauptamt, in civilian clothes, unknown to me. 
He gives me the order to obtain 100 kg of prussic acid and to go with 
it to a place which was not known except to the driver of the lorry. We 
left for the potash factory near Collin (Prague). The lorry loaded, we 
left for Lublin-Poland. We took with us professor Dr. med. Pfannstiel, 
professor of hygiene at the university of Marburg/Lahn. -At Loublin 
[sic], the SS-Gruppenfuehrer Globocnek awaited us. He says to us: 
this is one of the most secret things that there are, and even the most 
secret. Anyone, who speaks of it, will be shot immediately. Yesterday, 
two talkers died. Then he explains to us: At the moment, — 17 August 

1942 — there are three installations: 

1.) Belcec, on the route Loublin-Lemberg, in the sector at the 

Russian demarcation line. Maximum per day 1 5,000 persons. (Seen!) 

2.) Sobibor, I do not know exactly where. Not seen. 20,000 

28 



pers.p.day. 

3.) TrSblinca, 120 km NNE of Warsawa. 25,000 per day. Seen! 
4.) Maidannek, near Loublin, seen in preparation. — 

Transcription of T II (third sheet) 

Continuation of the page numbered 2 in the original 

— Globocnek says: You must do the disinfection of very large 
quantities of clothes, ten or twenty times the result of the "Spinn- 
stoffsammlung" (collection of clothes and textiles), which is done 
only to obscure the origin of Jewish clothing, Polish, Czech, etc. — 
Your other duty will be to change the service of our gas chambers, now 
functioning by the exhaust of an old "Diesel" engine, to a thing more 
toxic and functioning more quickly, that is prussic acid. But the 
Fuehrer and Himmler, who were here the 15 August — that is the day 
before yesterday — have obliged me to accompany personally all 
those who must see the installations. — Then Professor Pfannenstiel: 
But what does the Fuehrer say? — Then Globocnek, now Chief of 
Police and SS Adriatic coast at Trieste: Faster, faster, to finish all the 
action! — he says. Then the director of the ministry, Dr. Herbert 
Lindner, Interior Minister: Was it not better to burn the bodies instead 
of burying them? Another generation, perhaps, would think of it 
another way . . . Then Globocnek: But gentlemen, if ever, after us, there 
should be a generation so cowardly, so rotten, that it would not 
understand our work so good, so necessary, then — gentlemen — all 
the National Socialism was for nothing. — But, on the contrary, we 
should put down bronze tablets on which it is inscribed, that it was we, 
we, who have had the courage to realise this gigantic work! " — Then 
Hitler: yes, my good Globocnek, that's the word, that's also my 
opinion! — 

Transcription of T II (Fourth sheet) 

— The next day, we set out for Belcek. A special little station with 
two platforms stands against the hill of yellow sand, immediately to 
the North of the street and of the railway Lublin-Lemberg. To the 
south, near the highway, some service buildings with the placard: 
"Belcec service area of the SS army" — . Globocnec introduced me 
to SS-Hauptsturmfuehrer Obermeyer of Pirmasens, who with great 
reluctance showed me the installations. That day, we did not see the 
dead, but the smell of all the region, also of the big highway, was 
pestilent. At the side of the little station there was a large hut 
"Cloakroom" with a service window "Valuables." Then, a room of 

29 



100 chairs "hairdressers." Then a corridor of 150 meters in the open 
air, barbed wire on two sides, and signs: "To the baths and inhala- 
tions"! — Before us a building like a bathhouse, to the right and left 
large concrete pot with geranium or other flowers. After having 
mounted a small stairway, to the right and left, three and three rooms 
like garages, 4x5 meters, 1 .90 metre of height. On return, not visible, 
exits of wood. On the roof, the star of David in brass. Before the 
building inscription: "Heckenholt Foundation". — More — that 
afternoon — I did not notice. — Next morning, some minutes before 
7 o'clock, it was announced: 

Page numbered 3 in the original 

After ten minutes the first train will arrive! — Truly, after some 
minutes the first train arrived from Lemberg, 45 cars, containing 6,700 
persons, 1450 already dead on their arrival. Behind the little windows 
with barbed wire, children, youngsters, full of fear, women, men. The 
train arrives. 200 Ukrainians, forced to this service, wrench open the 
doors and, with leather horsewhips, they chase the people out the cars. 
Then a big loudspeaker gives instructions: In the open air, some in the 
shed, take off all clothes, also artificial limbs and spectacles. With a 
little bit of string, offered by a Jewish boy of 4 years, to tie together the 
shoes. To turn in all valuables, all money at the service-window 
"Valuables" without voucher, without receipt. Then the women, the 
young girls to the hairdresser — to have their hair cut with one or two 
cuts of the hair, which disappears into large potato sacks "to make of 
it something special for the submarines, linings, etc". — the SS- 
Unterscharfuehrer of the service tells me. 

Transcription of T II (fifth sheet) 

Continuation of page numbered 3 in the original 

Then, the march begins: To the right, to the left the barbed wire, at 
the rear two dozen Ukrainians with rifle, led by an extraordinarily 
pretty young girl, they approach. Myself with Hauptmann Wirth, 
police, we find ourselves before the death chambers. Totally naked, 
the men, the women, the young girls, the children, the babies, those 
with only one leg, all naked, pass. In a corner, a strong SS man, who 
in a loud unctuous voice says to the poor people: not the slightest thing 
will happen to you! It will not be necessary for you to do anything but 
breathe deeply, this makes the lungs strong, this inhalation, it is 
necessary against contagious diseases, it is a fine disinfection! — 
Asked, what would be their fate, he says to them: Truly, the men must 

30 



work, to build streets and houses. But the women are not obliged. Only 
if they wish they can help with the housework or in the kitchen. — For 
some of these poor people little hope once more, enough to make them 
walk without resistance to the death chambers, — the majority know 
everything, the smell tells them their fate! — Then they mount the 
little stairway and — see the truth! Mothers, nursing mothers, babies 
at the breast, naked, many children of all age, — naked — they 
hesitate, but they enter the death chambers, most without saying a 
word, pushed by the others behind them, harried by the horsewhips of 
the SS. — A Jewess, 40 years about, eyes like torches, calls down the 
blood of their children on their murderers. Receiving 5 blows of the 
horsewhip in the face from Hauptmann of police Wirth himself, she 
disappears into the gas chamber. A great many say their prayers, some 
others say: Who is it who gives us the water for death? (Israelite rite?) 
— In the chambers, the SS push the men. "Fill up well" — Hauptmann 
Wirth has ordered. The naked men are standing on the feet of others, 
700-800 to 25 square meters, to 45 m cube! — The doors close. 

Transcription of T II (sixth sheet) 

Continuation and end of the page numbered 3 in the original 

Meanwhile, the rest of the train, naked, are waiting. Someone says 
to me: also in winter naked! — But they can catch their death! — But 
that's what they're here for! was the reply! at, this moment, I 
understand why "Heckenholt Foundation." Heckenholt, that's the 
operator of the "diesel," the exhausts of which are intended to kill the 
poor people! SS-Unterscharfuehrer Heckenholt endeavors to get the 
diesel started. But it does not work! Hauptmann Wirth arrives. One 
sees, he is frightened, because me, I see the disaster. Yes, I see all, and 
I wait. My "stop" watch has timed everything. 50 minutes, 70 minutes, 

— the diesel is not working! The men are waiting in their gas 
chambers. In vain. One hears them crying. "Like at the synagogue," 

— says the SS-Sturmbannfuhrer Professor Dr. Pfannenstiel, graduate 
of hygiene of the university of Marbourg/Lahn, ear to the wooden 
door. Hauptmann Wirth, furious, makes 11, 12 blows of the horsewhip 
to the face of the Ukrainian, who is helping Heckenholt. — After two 
hours 49 minutes the stopwatch has recorded everything — the Diesel 
starts. Up to this moment the men in the four chambers already filled 
live, live, 4 times 750 persons 4 times 45 cubic meters! Again 

Page numbered 4 in the original 

25 minutes pass: Many, it is true, are dead. That's what one sees by 

31 



the little window through which the electric light allows one to see for 
a moment the interior of the chamber. After 28 minutes, still a few who 
survive. After 32 minutes, finally — , all are dead! — From the other 
side, the Jewish workers open the wooden doors. They have been 
promised — for their terrible service — freedom and some percentage 
of the result of the valuables and of the money found. 

Transcription of T II (seventh sheet) 

Continuation of the page numbered 4 in the original 

Like pillars of basalt the dead are still standing, there not being the 
slightest room to fall or lean over. Even dead, one still knows the 
families, who still clasp hands. One has difficulty separating them, to 
empty the chambers for next load. The bodies are thrown, blue, damp 
with sweat and urine, the legs full of excrement and menstrual blood. 
Among all, the babies, the cadavers of children. — But one has not 
time! Two dozen workers busy themselves checking the mouths, 
which they open by means of iron hooks. "Gold to the left, without 
gold to the right!" — Others check anus and genitals for money, gems, 
gold etc. — Dentists tear out by means of hammers the gold teeth, 
bridges, crowns. Among them all, Hauptmann Wirth. He is in his 
element, handing me a large fruit tin, full of teeth, he says to me: Feel 
for yourself the weight of the gold! This is only from yesterday and the 
day before yesterday! — And you do not believe what we find daily! 
Dollars, gems, gold! But see for yourself: — then he led me to a 
jeweller, who had the responsibility for all the valuables. I was shown 
also one of the heads of the large shop of the west, Berlin, Kaufhaus 
des Westens and a little man, who was made to play the violin, heads 
of the Jewish work detail. "This is a captain of the K and K army of 
Austria, knight of the German Iron Cross I class — Hauptsturm- 
fuehrer Obermeyer says to me. — Then the naked corpses were 
thrown into large ditches of about 100 x 20 x 12 meters, situated near 
the death chambers. — After some days, the bodies swelled and the 
whole rose 2-3 meters by means of gas, which formed in the cadavers. 
After some days, the swelling finished, the bodies fell together. Next 
day the ditches were filled again and covered with 10 cm of sand. — 
Some time later — I heard — grills were made of railway rails — and 
the bodies burned by means of diesel oil and petrol, to make the 
cadavers disappear. 

Transcription of T II (eighth sheet) 

Continuation of the page numbered 4 in the original 

32 



At Belcek and at treblinca [sic], no one took the trouble to count in 
a reasonably exact manner the number of men killed. The numbers 
made known by British Broadcasting Co. [sic] Radio are not accurate, 
in truth it will be a matter altogether of ca 25,000,000 [sic] men! Not 
Jews, only, but in preference Poles and Czechs biologically without 
value according to the opinion of the Nazis. Most are nameless dead. 
Commissions of pseudo-doctors, simple young SS in white coats and 
limousines, toured the villages and towns of Poland and Czechoslo- 
vakia to select out the old, consumptives, sick in order some time later, 
to make them disappear into the gas chambers. It was the Poles, the 
Czechs of No. Ill, who were no longer worthy to live because of not 

being able still to work. Hauptmann of Police Wirth begged me 

not to propose to Berlin any other method of the gas chambers and to 
leave everything as it was. — I lied — which I had done in every case 
— that the prussic acid was already destroyed by transport and become 
very dangerous. So I shall be forced to bury it — which was done 
straight away. 

Transcription of T II (ninth sheet) 

Continuation and end of the page numbered 4 in the original 

— Next day, we went in Hauptmann Wirth 's car to Treblinca. About 
120 km NNE of Warsaw. The setup at this place of death was almost 
the same as at Belcec, but still bigger. 8 gas chambers and real 
mountains of clothes and underwear, about 35-40 m. Then, in our 
"honor" a banquet was held with all the employees of the installation. 
The Obersturmbannfuehrer professor dr. med. Pf annenstiel, professor 
of hygiene at the university of Marburg/Lahn, gave a speech: Your 
work it is a great duty and a duty so useful and so 

Page numbered 5 in the original 

necessary. To me alone, he spoke of this institution as "beauty of 
work and as a humane thing." To all: If one sees the bodies of the Jews 
one understands the grandeur of your good work! — The dinner itself 
was simple, but by Himmler's order the employees of this service 
received what they wanted of butter, meat, alcohol etc. On leaving we 
were offered several kilos of butter and a large number of bottles of 
liquor. I had trouble lying about having enough of all from our farm. 
For this reason Pfannenstiel took also my share. — We went by car to 
Warsaw. Waiting in vain for an empty bed, I met the secretary of the 
Swedish legation, Msr. le Baron de Otter. All the beds occupied, we 

33 



passed the night in the corridor of the sleeping car. There, under my 
recent impression I told him everything with the plea to refer every- 
thing to his government and to all the Allies. He asked me for a 
personal reference. I gave him as such the address of the Generalsu- 
perintendent D. Otto Dibelius, Berlin-Lichterfelde West, Bruederweg 
2, friend of Martin Niemoeller and head of the Protestant resistance 
against Nazism. After some weeks I saw the Baron de Otter again two 
times. He told me that he had made his report to the Swedish 
government, a report, which, according to his words, had great 
influence on the relations of Sweden and Germany. 

Transcription of T II (tenth sheet) 

Continuation of the page numbered 5 in the original 

My attempt to refer all that to the head of the legation of the Holy 
Father, did not have great success. I was asked whether I was a soldier; 
then I was refused all discussion. Then I made a detailed report to the 
secretary of the episcopate of Berlin Msr. Dr. Winter in order to refer 
all that to his bishop of Berlin and likewise to the legation of the Holy 
Father. — Going out of the legation of the Holy Father at the 
Rauchstrasse at Berlin, I had a dangerous encounter with a policeman, 
who followed me, but, after some very unpleasant minutes he let me 
escape. 

Transcription of T II (eleventh sheet) 

Continuation and end of the page numbered 5 in the original 

I must still add that the SS Sturmbannfuehrer Guenther of the 
Reichssicherheitshauptamt at the beginning of 1 944 asked me for very 
big supplies of prussic acid for an obscure purpose. The acid was to be 
supplied at Berlin, Kurfuerstenstrasse at his place of work. I suc- 
ceeded in making him believe that that was not possible due to the 
great dangers. It was a matter of several freight cars of toxic acid, 
enough to kill a lot of men, millions ! He had said to me that he was not 
sure, if, when, for what group of persons, in what manner, where one 
would have need of this poison. I do not know exactly what the 
intention of of Reichssicherheitshauptamt and of the SD may have 
been. But I thought later of the words of Goebbels "to close the doors 
after them, if Nazism should never succeed." Perhaps they wanted to 
kill a great part of the German people, perhaps the foreign workers, 
perhaps the prisoners of war — I do not know! In any case, I diverted 
the acid immediately after its arrival for disinfection duties. 

34 



This was somewhat dangerous for me, but if anyone had asked me 
where the toxic acid was, I would have replied: it was already in a 
dangerous state of dissolution, and for that reason I had to use it up for 
disinfection — I am sure that Guenther, son of the Rassen-Guenther, 
to use his own words, had the order to obtain the acid for — eventually 
— killing millions of men, perhaps also in the concentration camps. 
I have on me the invoices for 2,175 kg, but in truth it concerns about 
8500 kgs, enough to kill 8 million men. I had the invoices made out in 
my name out of discretion — I said — in truth to be somewhat free in 
the disposition and in order to better make the toxic acid disappear. I 
never paid for these deliveries to avoid reimburse- 

Page numbered 6 in the original 

ment and remind the SD of this stock. The manager of the Degesch, 
who supplied this acid, told me he supplied prussic acid in ampoules 
to kill men. — 

Transcription of T II (twelfth sheet) 

Continuation and end of the last page of the original numbered 6 

One other time, Guenther consulted me as to whether it was 
possible to kill large numbers of Jews in the open air in the fortification 
moats of Maria-Theresienstadt. 10 To prevent this diabolical idea, I 
declared this method impossible. Some time later I heard that the SD 
supplied itself some other way with prussic acid to kill those poor men 
at Theresienstadt. — The most detestable concentration camps were 
not Oranienberg nor Dachau nor Belsen — but Auschwitz (Oswice) 
and Mauthausen-Gus near Linz/Donau. It is there that millions of men 
disappeared into the gas chambers, in autos like gas chambers. The 
method of killing children was to hold a pad of prussic acid under the 
nose. I — myself — saw experiments continued right up till death with 
living persons in the concentration camps. In this way, SS- 
Hauptsturmfiihrer Gundlach, Dr. med, made such experiments in the 
concentration camps for women at Ravensbriick near Fuerstenberg- 
Mecklenburg. I read a lot of reports — at my duty station — of such 
experiments at Buchenwald, for example experiments right up to 100 
tablets of Pervitine per day. Other experiments — every time approx. 
100-200 persons — are made right up till death with serum, lymph, 
etc. Himmler had personally reserved to himself the permission for 
such experiments 

One day, at Oranienberg, concentration camp, I saw all the prison- 
ers who were there for being perverts (homosexuals) done away with 

35 



in a single day. 

I avoided visiting the concentration camps often because it was 
usual — in preference at Mauthausen-Gusen — near Linz — , to take 
one or two prisoners in honor of visitors. At Mauthausen, it was usual 
to make the Jews work at a quarry of great height — . After some time 
the SS men on duty said: Attention, after some minutes there will be 
some misfortune! Indeed, one or two minutes later, some Jews were 
thrown from the quarry, falling dead at our feet. "Work accidents" — 
was recorded on the papers of the killed. — Dr. Fritz Krantz, anti-Nazi, 
SS-Hauptsturmfuehxer often told me of such things, which he sharply 
condemned and often made known. — 

The crimes discovered at Belsen, Oranienberg etc. are not consid- 
erable in comparison with others that were done at Auschwitz and at 
Mauthausen. 

It is my intention to write a book containing my adventures with the 
Nazis. 

I am ready to swear under oath that all my statements are com- 
pletely true. 

TextTm 

It is typewritten, composed in German, dated 4 May 1945. 

It is not signed. 

It is made up of 24 half-pages numbered 1 to 24 plus a half page (zu 
7) handwritten, inserted between half page 7 and half-page 8; to which 
should be added also eight half pages of supplements (Erganzungeri). 
This is the document 31 of LKA, which retains a typewritten carbon- 
copy. Doctor Steinberg, Director of LKA, told us that the original had 
never been found. 

T m was sent to LKA by Hfriede Gerstein on 3 1 July, 1972. 

We have photocopies measuring 21 cms x 29.5 cms; on each one of 
them, there are two half pages. The pages photocopied are numbered 
by hand, at the top on the right, from 244 to 261. 

The translation of the German text was made by us. We had at first 
intended to use the French translation published in Le Hie Reich et les 
Juifs (The Third Reich and the Jews), 1959, by L6on Poliakov and 
Josef Wulf , but quickly gave that up. 

In fact, as early as the half page No 3, we noticed that the authors 
mentioned translated the following German words: "in diese Ofen 
undKammern hineinzuschauen " by: "throw a glance in these places." 
Actually, it must be translated: "cast a glance into these ovens and 
these chambers." Perhaps Messers. Poliakov and Wulf considered it 
hardly logical that Gerstein seems to know in advance that he was 
going to find the ovens and the poison gas chambers. 

36 



Furthermore, we noticed very many inexactitudes which we had to 
correct. Finally, the published text contained several cuts in the 
principal "confession" and completely ignored the supplements 
(Ergdnzungeri), which have never been published until this day. 

In general outline, the authors of Le II le Reich et les Juifs translated 
the account already published by Professor Doctor Hans Rothfels, in 
1953, in No 2. of the review Vierteljahreshefte filr Zeitsgeschichte 
(Quarterly of Contemporary History); but they did not explain their 
cuts by explanatory notes as did Hans Rothfels; and they have not 
informed the reader of the existence of the supplements, regarding 
which the German historian wrote that they do not relate to eyewitness 
evidence but "Horensagen" (hearsay). 

T III — Half pages 3 (end), 4 and 5 (beginning) 

Having heard that they were beginning to kill off the mentally sick 
at Graf eneck, Hadamar, and elsewhere, I decided in any event to throw 
look into these ovens and these chambers in order to know what is 
going on. The more so because a sister-in-law by marriage was a 
victim of this forced murder at Hadamar. Supplied with two recom- 
mendations issued by officials of the State Secret Police who handled 
my case, I succeeded without difficulty in joining the SS. These gen- 
tlemen were of the opinion that my idealism, which they probably 
admired, would not fail to serve the Nazi cause. I took my classes at 
Hamburg-Langenhorn, at Arnhem/Holland and at Oranienburg. 

In Holland, I made contact immediately with the Dutch resistance 
movement (the certificated engineer Ubbink, at Doesburg). By reason 
of the double course of studies that I had made, I did not delay entering 
into the technical medical services and I was attached to the Central 
Office of the SS Command, work group D, sanitary service of the 
Wqffen SS Hygiene Section. I received my training by following a 
medical course attended by 40 doctors. In the hygiene service, I was 
free to determine my own activities. I had some appliances made for 
disinfection, mobile and stationary, for the soldiers, the prison camps 
and concentration camps. This was worth to me, without my having 
merited them, big successes, and from that moment I passed for a sort 
of technical genius. Actually we managed at least to stem a little the 
terrible wave of exanthematous typhus of 1941 in the camps. Due to 
my successes I soon became second lieutenant and first lieutenant. At 
Christmas 1941, the tribunal which had ordered my expulsion from 
the party learned of my entry into the SS to a position of command. 
There followed a campaign directed against me in the course of which 
I was hounded like an animal. But because of my successes and my 
personality, the section to which I belonged protected me and kept me 

37 



in my position. 

In January 1942, I became "head of section" in the Technical 
Section of Health and I was at the same time assigned to double duty 
in the same sector by the chief medical officer (Reichsarzt) of the SS 
and of the police. In this capacity I was assigned all the technical 
service of disinfection, including disinfection relating to highly toxic 
gases. 

T III — Half pages 5 (end), 6 and 7 (beginning) 

It was while in this capacity that I received, on 8 June 1 942, the visit 
of SS-Sturmbannfiihrer Giinther, of the Central Office of Security of 
the Reich, Berlin W, Kurfiirstenstrasse, a person I did not know till 
then. Giinther came in civilian clothes. He gave me the order to have 
brought immediately, for an ultrasecret mission relating to the Reich, 
1 00 kg of prussic acid and to transport it in an auto to an unknown place 
of which only the driver knew the name. 

Then, some weeks later, we left for Prague. I could almost imagine 
the kind of mission this was, but I accepted it because in this way by 
chance it presented me with an opportunity, long awaited, of sticking 
my nose into these matters. In addition, in my position as expert on 
prussic acid, I possessed so much authority and competence that it had 
to be easy for me, in any circumstances, to declare under whatever 
pretext that the prussic acid was unusable because decomposed or 
something of that sort, and to prevent its being used with the murder- 
ous purpose he had in mind. With us, rather by chance, was Professor 
Pfannenstiel, doctor of medicine, SS-Obersturmbannfuhrer, holder of 
the chair of hygiene at the University of Marbourg-Lahn. 

Next we left by car for Lublin where SS-Gruppenfuhrer Globocnek 
was waiting for us. At the factory at Collin, I had purposely thrown out 
hints that the acid was intended to kill human beings. Also, it was not 
long before that, in the afternoon, a person appeared who showed a 
great deal of interest in the vehicle and who, as soon as he saw himself 
observed, ran away with all speed. Globocnek said, "All this affair is 
one of the most secret things in existence at this moment; one can say: 
the most secret. Anyone who speaks about it will be shot on the spot. 
No later than yesterday two talkers were shot." Then he declared to us: 
"Actually — this was 17 August 1942 — we have three installations 
in service, which are: 

1) Belzec, on the road and railway Lublin-Lemberg 11 at the inter- 
section of the demarcation line with Russia. Maximum output per day: 
15,000 persons. 

2) Sobibor. Also in Poland, I do not know exactly where. Maxi- 
mum output: 20,000 persons per day. 

38 



3) Treblinca, 120 km north-north-east of Warsaw. Maximum 
output, 25,000 persons per day. 

4) Still in Preparation: Maidanek, near Lublin." 

In the company of director of these establishments, Captain of 
Police Wirth, I personally inspected Belcec, Treblinka and Maidenek 
right down to the details. 

T III — Half pages 7 (end), zu 7 (handwritten half page 
also numbered 7), 8 and 9 (beginning) 

Globocnek addressed himself exclusively to me in saying: It is your 
task to carry out successfully the disinfection of very important 
quantities of textiles. The collection of textiles has in fact been done 
only in order to explain the origin of the clothes for the workers in the 
East etc. and to present them as the result of the sacrifice accepted by 
the German people. In reality, the output of our establishments is from 
10 to 20 times superior to the whole of the collection of textiles. 

(I afterwards discussed with firms capable of this work the possi- 
bility of disinfecting such quantities of textiles — the textiles — at 
least, it was a matter of about 40,000 tons, 60 fiill trains of merchandise 
— in the existing laundries and disinfection establishments. But it was 
completely impossible to place such large orders. I turned to profit all 
these negotiations, to make known or cleverly to hint at the fact of the 
murder of the Jews. Globocnek then expressed himself as satisfied that 
all this heap should be sprayed with detenoline so that it would have 
the smell of disinfection — which was then done. 

Your second task — still much more important — is to adapt our gas 
chambers, which function at the moment with the exhaust gases of a 
Diesel, to something better and more rapid. I am thinking above all of 
prussic acid. The Fuhrer and Himmler were here the day before 
yesterday. In accordance with their instructions, I must take you there 
personally. I must not deliver passes or entry permits to anyone. 

Thereupon, Pfannenstiel asked: What then did the Fuhrer say? 
Glob.: More quickly! to carry out the whole operation more quickly! 
the ministerial counsellor, Dr. Herbert Lindner, who accompanied 
him then asked: Do you believe, Herr Globocnek, that it is well-done 
and judicious to bury all these cadavers instead of burning them? After 
us could come a generation who will not understand all that! Glo- 
bocnek replied: Gentlemen, if ever after us must come a generation 
so feeble and soft that it does not understand our great mission, then 
all the national socialism will have been in vain. On the contrary, I am 
of the opinion that we should put down plaques of bronze commemo- 
rating that it is us, we, who have had the courage to accomplish this 
great work so necessary. Then the Fuhrer: Good, Globocnek, that is 

39 



my opinion too. 

Afterwards, it was the other opinion which was imposed. The 
cadavers were burned on large grills improvised with railway rails, 
with the help of petrol and diesel oil. 

T III — Half pages 9 (and), 10 and 11 (beginning) 

The next day, we left for Belcec. For this purpose a special little 
station had been constructed close to a hill directly to the north of the 
route Lublin-Lemberg in the left corner of the demarcation line. To the 
south of the route some houses carrying the inscription "Special 
Detachment of the Waffen-SS at Belcec." The actual head of all the 
murderous installations, Captain of Police Wirth, not yet being there, 
Globocnek introduced me to SS-Hauptsturmfiihrer Obermeyer (of 
Pirmasens). This latter let me see that afternoon only what he abso- 
lutely had to show me. I did not see any dead that day, only the smell 
which prevailed in the surroundings was pestilential in that scorching 
month of August and there were flies everywhere by the million. Just 
the little station of two lines, there was a large hut, the so-called 
"Cloakroom," with a large service window "Valuables." Then came a 
room with a hundred chairs; the premises of the hairdresser. Then a 
little alley in the open air planted with birch trees, bordered to the right 
and left with a double row of barbed wire, with the signs: Access to the 
inhalation rooms and baths! Before us, a kind of bath establishment, 
with to right and left in the front large concrete pots with geraniums, 
then a small stairway and afterwards to right and to left respectively 
3 halls of 5 x 5 meters, 1.90 m high, with doors of wood like garages. 
In the wall at the bottom, not very visible in the darkness, large sliding 
doors of wood. On the roof, by way of a "subtle joke," the star of 
David! In front of the building a sign: Heckenholt Foundation. I did 
not see more on that afternoon. 

The following morning, a little before 7 o'clock, I am told: the first 
transport arrives in ten minutes! Actually, at the end of some minutes, 
the first train coming from Lemberg arrives: 45 cars, 6,700 persons of 
whom 1,450 were already dead on their arrival. Behind the barred 
openings, terribly pale and frightened, children were looking outside, 
their eyes full of the anguish of death, as well as the men and women. 
The train entered the station: 200 Ukrainians brutally open the doors 
and make the people go out of the cars by lashing them with their whips 
of leather thongs. A big loudspeaker gives further instructions: to 
undress completely: also remove artificial limbs, spectacles, etc. . . 
Deliver objects of value to the service window, without vouchers or 
receipts. Carefully tie up the shoes in pairs (in view of the collection 
of textiles), otherwise, in the pile which rose easily to 25 meters in 

40 



height, no one would have been able to retrieve the shoes which went 
together. Then the women and the young girls pass to the hairdresser 
who, in two or three cuts with the scissors, cuts all the hair, so to have 
it disappear into large potato sacks. "This is intended for some special 
purpose or other, for the submarines, for the caulking or something 
like that," the SS-Unterscharfiihrer who is on duty at this place tells 
me. 

T III — Half pages 11 (end), 12 and 13 (beginning) 

Then the procession starts to move. At the head, a very pretty young 
girl, they follow the road, all naked, men, women, children, without 
artificial limbs. I am standing above, on the ramp, between the 
chambers, with Captain Wirth. Mothers with nursing babies at the 
breast: they go up, hesitate enter in to the death chambers. In a corner 
is standing a man of the SS unit, corpulent, who says in an unctuous 
voice to these unfortunates: Not the least thing will happen to you! It 
will be necessary only to breathe deeply in the chambers, this develops 
the lungs, this inhalation is necessary because of the sicknesses and the 
epidemics. To those who ask what might become of them he replies: 
Yes, naturally, the men will have to work, to build houses or make 
roads, but the women will not have need to work. Only if they wish, 
they can help with the housework or in the kitchen. For some of these 
unfortunates a little glimmer of hope which suffices to make them 
walk without resistance the few steps which lead them to the cham- 
bers. The majority know what to prepare themselves for, the smell tells 
them their fate! They climb up the little stairway and then they see 
everything. The mothers with their children at the breast, the small 
naked children, the adults, men and women, all naked, they hesitate 
but they enter into the chambers of death pushed forward by others 
who are behind them or by the whips of leather thongs of the SS men. 
The majority without saying a word. A Jewess of about 40 years, with 
eyes full of flame, calls for the blood shed here to fall again on the 
murderers. She receives 5 or 6 blows of the horsewhip in the face from 
Captain Wirth personally, then she too disappears into the chamber. 
Many pray. I pray with them. I squeeze myself into a corner and I cry 
in a loud voice to my God and theirs. How I would have loved to go 
into the chambers with them, how I would have loved to die their 
death. They would then have found an SS officer in uniform in their 
chambers. They would have interpreted and treated the affair as an 
accident and it would have been quietly shelved. But I still do not have 
the right to do it; I must first reveal what I see here! The chambers are 
filled. Pack tightly! Captain Wirth has ordered. The people are 
stepping on each other's feet, 700-800 on 25 square meters, in 45 

41 



cubic meters. The SS men press them physically one against the other 
as much as they can. The doors close. 

T III — Halfpages 13 (end) and 14 (beginning) 

During this time, the others are waiting outside in the open air, 
naked. Someone says to me: even in winter it is exactly like this! Yes, 
but they can catch their death, I say. But that's exactly what they are 
here for! a man of the SS troop retorts in his dialect. Now, I also 
understand at least why the installation is called "Heckenholt founda- 
tion." Heckenholt is the operator of the Diesel engine, a little techni- 
cian, at the same time the constructor of the installation. The people 
must be put to death by the exhaust gases of the Diesel. But the Diesel 
does not work! Captain Wirth arrives. One sees that it is painful to him 
that it should have to happen today just when I am here. Yes, I see 
everything and I wait. My stopwatch has recorded everything very 
well. 50 minutes, 70 minutes, the diesel does not start. The people wait 
in their gas chambers. In vain. One hears them weep, sob. "Like at the 
synagogue," remarks the professor Pfannenstiel, his ear against the 
wooden door. Captain Wirth beats the Ukrainian who has to help 
Unterscharfiihrer Heckenholt get the Diesel going 12 or 13 times on 
the face with his horsewhip. At the end of 2 hours 49 minutes — the 
stopwatch has recorded everything — the Diesel starts. Up to that 
moment, the people remain alive in these 4 chambers, 4 times 750 
persons in 4 times 45 cubic meters. Once more, 25 minutes pass. 
Correct, 12 many are now dead, one sees it through the small window 
in which the electric light illuminates the chamber for an instant. At the 
end of 28 minutes only some still live; at the end of 32 minutes 
everyone is dead. From the other side the men of the work detail open 
the wooden doors. They have been promised for their dreadful work 
— even the Jews — liberty and so much per thousand of all the 
valuables found. 

T III — Half pages 14 (end), 15 and 16 (beginning) 

The dead are standing straight like pillars of basalt, ranged tightly 
one against the other in the chambers. There would not be place to fall 
or lean forward. Even in death one recognizes the families. They still 
hold hands, clenched in death, so that there is difficulty separating 
them to free the chambers ready for the next load. The bodies are 
thrown outside, damp with sweat and urine, dirtied with excrement 
and with menstrual blood on the legs. The cadavers of children fly 
through the air. There is no time. The horsewhips of the Ukrainians 
whistle on the work detail. Two dozen dentists open the mouths with 

42 



hooks and look to see if there are gold crowns. Gold to the left, without 
gold to the right. Other dentists break the gold teeth and crowns with 
the aid of pincers and hammers to pull them out of the jaws. 

In the middle of all these people, Captain Wirth leaps everywhere. 
He is in his element. Some workers check the genital organs and anus 
in the search for gold, brilliants and precious objects. Wirth calls me 
beside him: "Just feel the weight of this fruit tin with the gold teeth. 
This is only from yesterday and the day before." He says to me in 
language incredibly common and incorrect: "You would not believe 
the quantities of gold and of brilliants — he pronounced the word with 
two L's — and dollars. But see for yourself." And he took me to a 
jeweler whose job it was to look after all these treasures, and he 
showed me everything. Then again I was shown a former manager of 
the "Kaufhaus des Westens" of Berlin and a violinist. "This is a 
Captain of the old imperial and royal army of Austria, knight of the 
Iron Cross 1st. class, who is now the senior of the Jewish work detail 
in the camp." The naked cadavers were hauled on wooden barrows to 
only a few meters from there to pits of 100 by 20 by 12 meters. At the 
end of some days, the cadavers started to swell, then sank down tight 
together shortly afterwards, in such a way that it was possible to throw 
a new layer on top of them. Then 10 cm of sand was spread on top so 
that there only emerged some isolated heads and arms. At one of these 
places I saw Jews scrambling around on the cadavers and working in 
the graves. I am told that, by mistake, the people of a convoy who 
arrived already dead had not been unclothed. Naturally it was neces- 
sary to salvage that because of the textiles and the precious objects 
which, without that being done, they would have carried to the grave. 

T III — Half pages 16 (end) and 17 (beginning) 

Neither at Belzec nor at Treblinka was the least trouble taken to 
record or count those who were killed. The numbers were only 
estimates made according to the content of the cars. Over and above 
the Jews coming from all the sovereign states, above all the Czechs 
and the Poles No. Ill were killed in the gaschambers. Commissions of 
SS men — some of them without even a full primary school education 
— went from village to village in fine limousines and with medical 
equipment, in white coats, making the population march by in front of 
them, making a show of examining them, and designating those who 
were alleged to be without biological value and should for this reason 
be killed, principally the old, the consumptives, and the sick. Yes, a 
Sturmbannfuhrer of the SS told me, without these measures, Poland, 
overpopulated, would be for us devoid of all value. We are only 
carrying out after the event that which nature looks after for herself in 

43 



the animal and vegetable kingdoms, and unfortunately omits to do 
with mankind. Captain Wirth begged me not to propose to Berlin to 
change the installations and to leave everything just as it was, a good 
setup that was perfectly run in and had proven itself. As for the prussic 
acid, I had it buried under my supervision while giving as a reason that 
it had begun to decompose. 

T III — Half pages 17 (end) and 18 (beginning) 

The next day, 19 August 1942, we went in Captain Wirth 's auto to 
Treblinka, 120 km to the north-northeast of Warsaw. The installation 
was almost the same, but quite a bit larger than at Belzec. Eight gas 
chambers and veritable mountains of suitcases, of textiles, and under- 
wear. A banquet was given in our honor in the style of "old Germany" 
in the common hall, typically Himmlerian. The meal was simple, but 
one could have all that one wished. Himmler himself had ordered that 
the men of these commands should have as much meat, butter, and 
other things, notably alcohol, as they wished. Professor Pfannenstiel 
made a speech in which he explained to the men the usefulness of then- 
task and the importance of their great mission. Talkin g to me, he spoke 
of the "very humane methods" and of the beauty of the work. I 
guarantee that he really said this incredible thing to me. He said in 
particular to the teams: When one sees the bodies of Jews, one then 
understands truly how much your task is worthy of recognition. When 
we took leave, we were offered again several kilos of butter and many 
liqueurs to take away. I had difficulty in making them believe that I had 
sufficient of all that from my so-called estate, whereupon Pfannen- 
stiel, entirely happy, grabbed my share. We then left by car for Warsaw. 
It was there, while I was vainly trying to obtain a bunk in the train, I 
met the secretary of the legation of Sweden in Berlin, Baron von Otter. 
Still under the very fresh impression of the terrible things I had seen, 
I told him everything, while begging him to make this known imme- 
diately to his government and to the allies, considering that each day 
of delay must cost the lives of thousands and dozens of thousands of 
other people. He asked me to give him a reference and in this respect 
I named Herr Superintendent-Gewera/, Doctor Otto Dibelius, Berlin, 
Briiderweg 2, Lichterfelde West, close friend of Pastor Martin Nie- 
moller and a member of the ecclesiastical resistance against Nazism. 
I met Herr von Otter twice more in the Swedish legation. He had 
meantime made a report to Stockholm and stated to me that this report 
had had a considerable influence on German-Swedish relations. 

T III — Half pages 18 (end) and 19 (beginning) 

44 



I tried to make a report of the same matter to the apostolic nuncio. 
It was there that I was asked whether I was a soldier. Following which, 
they refused to have all further conversation with me and I was invited 
to leave the embassy of His Holiness. On leaving the embassy of the 
Holy See, I was pursued by a policeman on a bicycle who passed 
quickly in front of me, put his foot on the ground and let me then pass, 
in a totally incomprehensible way. After that I recounted the foregoing 
to hundreds of important persons, among others to the secretary of the 
Catholic bishop of Berlin, Herr Doctor Winter, begging him expressly 
to transmit my information to the Apostolic See. 

T III — Half pages 19 (end), 20 and 21 (beginning) 

I must still add that SS-Sturmbannfiihrer Gunther of the Principal 
Security Office of the Reich — I believe he is the son of the "Rassen" 
Gunther 13 — demanded again from me at the beginning of 1944 very 
large quantities of prussic acid for a very obscure purpose. He showed 
me in the Kurfurstenstrasse, in Berlin, a shed in which he was thinking 
of stocking the prussic acid. I then declared to him that it was out of 
the question that I take the reponsibility. It was a matter of several 
freight cars, enough to put to death millions of human beings. He said 
to me that he did not know yet himself whether the poison would be 
used, nor when, for whom, by what method, etc. But it was to be held 
available at all times. Afterwards I was often unable to put Goebbels' 
words out of my mind. I suppose they wanted to kill a large part of the 
German people, including surely the clergy and the unpopular officers. 
This would have to have been done in places such as lecture halls or 
clubs, or at least that is what I could deduce from the questions relating 
to execution techniques that Gunther asked me. It is possible also that 
he would have had to kill foreign workers or prisoners of war — I do 
not know — in any case I made arrangements so that the prussic acid 
would disappear, serving for no matter what disinfection purposes as 
soon as it had arrived in the camps of Oranienburg and Auschwitz. 
This was dangerous for me, but I would simply have been able to say 
that the poison was already in a dangerous state of decomposition. I 
am sure that Gunther wanted to obtain the poison to put to death 
eventually millions of human beings. There was enough of it for 8 
million persons, 8,500 kg. I have submitted the invoices for 2, 175 kg. 
I always had the invoices written in my name, pretending that this was 
for reasons of secrecy, but actually in order to be more free to dispose 
of the poison as I intended to get rid of it. Above all I avoided bringing 
the matter constantly to mind by presenting the invoices, but left the 
invoices totally unpaid, while asking the firm to be patient. 

The manager of DEGESCH, Doctor Peters, Frankfiirt a.M. and 

45 



Friedberg, who made this delivery, told me that he has delivered 
prussic acid in ampoules intended to kill human beings. 

T III — Halfpages 21 (end) and 22 (beginning) 

Another time, Gunther asked me whether it was possible to kill in 
the open air, in the moats of the fortress of Theresienstadt, the Jews 
who had permission to walk there. To thwart this terrible plan, I stated 
that it was impossible. I then afterwards learned that the SD-Com- 
mando Theresienstadt had obtained prussic acid another way and 
killed the Jews. The most horrible concentration camps moreover 
were not Oranienburg or Belsen or Dachau, but Auschwitz, where 
millions of people have been killed, part in the gas chambers, part in 
what were called the "death caves"; and Mauthausen-Gusen near 
Linz. At Auschwitz, it was customary to kill children by holding pads 
soaked in prussic acid under the nose. — Furthermore, I have myself 
seen at the Ravensbriick camp, near Furstenburg in Mecklenburg, the 
concentration camp for women, experiments made on the living. 
These were made on the initiative of SS-Gruppenfuhrer Dr. Gebhardt- 
Hohenlychen, by SS-Hauptsturmfuhrer Dr. Gundlach. At Buchen- 
wald as well such experiements on living human beings were made, 
for example, with up to 100 Pervitin tablets or, failing that, until death 
occurred. Himmler himself reserved the right of approval for these 
experiments. In particular, it was down there that the vaccine against 
typhus, lymph and other serums was tested. The experiments were 
made each time on 100 to 200 persons, namely people condemned to 
death by the camp management or by the SD. I was astonished at 
Oranienburg that in just a few days all the homosexuals disappeared 
by hundreds, and this in the ovens. 

T III — Half pages 22 (end) and 23 

I furthermore avoided making too frequent appearances in the 
camps, because sometimes they had the habit of hanging people or 
proceeding with executions in honor of visitors. The SS- 
Hauptsturmfuhrer Dr. Fritz Krantz, who has seen great numbers of 
such things, often spoke to me in profound indignation. For example, 
at Gusen-Mauthausen, every day numerous Jews who had to work in 
a large quarry were pushed, to make them fall to the bottom of the steep 
cliff; and, down below, their cases were recorded as fatal accidents. At 
Auschwitz, such shameful actions were similarly perpetrated in much 
greater numbers than at Belzen. I had the luck in my service to meet 
some total anti-Nazis, like the SS-Hauptsturmfuhrer and chief of staff, 
Heinrich Hollander, a good Catholic, and Dr. Fritz Krantz, whom I just 

46 



previously mentioned. Hollander kept me informed of all the interest- 
ing things. His wife one day, on the occasion of a meal, made violent 
reproaches on the subject of the homicide committed against the Jews 
to Dr. Grawitz, SS-Obergruppenfiihrer, of the Reich SS and Police 
medical service and, moreover President of the German Red Cross. As 
a consequence of this, she was severely reprimanded and forbidden 
ever to mention that subject again. 

All the information I am supplying is the literal truth, absolutely 
accurate. I am fully aware, before God and all humanity, of the 
extraordinary import of the information which I am noting here in 
writing and I affirm under oath that nothing at all of what I have 
recorded is imagined or invented, but on the contrary everything 
happened exactly as I have said. 

T III — Supplement No 1 

At Belzec, I had the impression that all were really dead although 
Captain Wirth had told me that they had seen the most unexpected 
things, for example, that they had found a child fully alive, in the 
morning, in a chamber which had been left full all night without 
emptying it. Notably, Wirth said, they had seen the most curious things 
and the most diverse reactions among the mentally ill. 

The experimentation with different kinds of homicide must not 
have been extended to a great number. But more than one thing was 
tried. For example — undoubtedly on a fairly large number of people 
— death by compressed air in the old boilers into which the air was 
introduced from compressors of the type ordinarily used to break up 
asphalt. At Treblinka, I had the impression that many were still living. 
Nearly all had their eyes open and for this reason had a frightful 
appearance. However, I saw no more movement even though I paid 
great attention. The medical doctor Villing, of Dortmund, told me with 
very profound emotion the account of a truly heroic death. It con- 
cerned thousands of Polish ecclesiastics who had to dig the ditches 
themselves in front of which they were subsequently shot, naked. 

T III — Supplement No 2 

When they were asked with mocking contempt if they still believed 
in Christ and Mary, they replied by firmly confessing their faith in 
Christ and invoked the Virgin of Czestochowa. This death had been 
gripping and convincing, Doctor Villing tells me. Other intellectuals 
also — notably teachers, men and women, died in the hundreds of 
thousands with similar exemplary dignity. A kind of death which was 
told me under every assurance of truth consisted of making people 

47 



climb the stairway which led to a blast furnace, to finish them off once 
at the top, and to make them disappear afterwards into the blast 
furnace. Plenty of people must have been killed likewise in the brick 
kilns. But the source from which I have this fact is not sufficiently 
worthy of belief. 

A high-ranking officer of the Police of Bromberg, the SS-Ober- 
sturmfuhrer Haller, recounted, to me and the doctors in the course for 
the SS, that before his arrival at Bromberg it was usual to kill Jewish 
children without further ado by simply bashing their heads against the 
walls of houses. He put a stop to these stupidities and saw to it that 
execution by firearms was implemented. 

T III — Supplement No 3 

He has the particularly tragic memory of two little girls who had 
knelt down before them to say their prayers — they were 5 and 8 years 
of age — and who "had" to be shot however all the same. Hall[er] says 
moreover: at the mass executions of the Poles, they were forced to dig 
long ditches and to lie in them face down. Then they were executed 
from above with a machine gun. The following ones then had to lie 
down on the cadavers which were still warm, to be executed similarly . 
Many were still not dead, and when they tried to get out of the ditch 
by crawling under 5 or 6 layers [of bodies], it was necessary to finish 
them off at the edge of the ditch. 

An important member of the German government of Krakau told 
me, while carving a turkey, of an especially fortunate capture they 
made. According to him, they had taken a leading member of the 
Polish resistance movement, a Jew. This one, during his interrogation, 
cloaked himself in silence. Upon which his wrists were broken. Even 
then he continued to be silent. Then he was seated by force on the plate 
of a stove, red-hot from the fire. You should just have seen how the 
fellow became talkative! 

T III — Supplements No 4 and No 5 (first five lines) 

During a visit to the local office of the construction department of 
the Waffen-SS of Lublin, on 18 August 1942, two heads of the special 
works told me of an inspection made in the morning at the morgue of 
the prisoners of war camp of the SS near Lublin. The cadavers there 
had been crammed in by the thousands. While they were taking 
measurements for an alteration of the premises, two men had suddenly 
moved. The SS-Rottenfuhrer who was accompanying them had then 
asked: Where then? Then he had taken an iron bar which he found at 
hand and he had smashed the skulls of the two men. It was not the 

48 



action, the heads of the works thought, which had surprised them, but 
the natural way in which it had happened. 

The day of my inspection at Belzec, it happened that a Jewess made 
some cuts in the neck to some Jews of the work detail with a razor that 
she had kept hidden on her person. Wirth deeply regretted that the 
woman was already dead, she should have had to suffer some 
exemplary punishment. As for the Jews of the work detail who were 
wounded, he had them looked after attentively and receive medical 
treatment, as he said, in order to keep them believing that they would 
be resettled, remunerated, and kept alive. He — Wirth — found an 
inexhaustible source of astonishment and amusement in the fact that 
they believed it. And the fellows believe that, the fellows believe it! ! ! 
he exclaimed to himself!! 

T III — Supplement No 5 (end) plus the first four lines of 
supplement No 6 

At Belcec, the men and young boys were invited by loudspeaker, 
after the opening of the cars and the undressing, to fetch the clothes 
scattered everywhere straight away into the cars and with which they 
disappeared into a big warehouse. "Whoever does the most can stay 
in the work detail!!" Then began a race to the death between these 
naked people at the time of tidying up, under the sarcastic laughter of 
the men of the troop. Naturally, they all disappeared afterwards into 
the gas chambers. Only a few very old and very weak persons were set 
apart, and then shot. I think of some impressions profoundly moving 
for me: of a little Jewish boy of 3 or 4 years who had a packet of strings 
for tying up the shoes by pairs put into his hand; of the way that, lost 
in a dream, he distributed the strings to the people; — or again, of a 
little coral chain which a little girl lost one meter from the entrance to 
the gas chamber. I recall that a little boy of perhaps three bent down 
to pick it up, what pleasure it gave him, and that he was afterwards 
pushed — no, in that instance he is gently urged — to make him go into 
the gas chamber. 

T III — Supplement No 6 excepting the last 3 lines 

The SS-Hauptsturmfiihrer Obermeyer told me: I met in a village of 
the region a Jew and his wife, natives of my home town of Pirmasens. 
The man was a Wachtmeister during the World War and he is a very 
good fellow. 14 When I was a child he saved me from death by 
preventing me from being run over. I am going to take them with me 
now and I shall enroll them in the work detail. As I asked him what 
would happen to those two, Obermeyer says: Afterwards, it will be as 

49 



for the others, we must have no illusions. There is only one possibility. 
But, at least, I shall have them shot. I have similarly met a fairly large 
number of people within the SS who condemned these methods most 
severely and who, because of this, came to a rejection of or even a 
passionate hatred of National Socialism. 

T III — Supplement No 6 (the last 3 lines), Supplement No 
7 (in full), Supplement No 8 (in full, that is 5 lines) 

I quote here some names which I answer for completely: 

— SS-Sturmbannfuhrer, Doctor of Medicine Focht of Hagen in 
Westphalia, head of the internal section of the SS quarantine hospital 
of Berlin, 

— SS-Hauptsturmfiihrer, Doctor of Medicine Nissen, Itzehoe, 

— SS-Obersturmfiihrer, Dr. Med.e Sorge of Jena, 

— SS-Hauptscharfuhrer, Staff Sergeant of the Reich SS medical 
corps, Heinrich Hollander, anti-Nazi activist and animated by a 
burning hatred of Nazism. 

— Hauptsturmfiihrer Dr. Fritz Krantz, head of the medical section 
in the Reich SS, 

— SS-Gruppenfuhrer, Doctor of Pharmacy, Blumenreuther, direc- 
tor in chief of sanitary supplies of the Reich SS Medical Department 
and of the Police, 

— Dr. Rudolphi, SS-Sturmbannftihrer, same address, 

— Dr. Behmenburg, same address. Rudolphi trampled the portrait 
of Hitler with his feet in October 1944 

In general, it is a mistake to look on the SS, even in the slightest, 
as a united mass. I know how difficult it is concerning this to make any 
distinctions between judgement and treatment. I understand that one 
might wish to find fault with a given unit in particular and I am without 
doubt the one who best knows the horrors committed by the SS. 
Nevertheless, we must not lose sight of the fact that, for example, at 
least two-thirds of the Dutch SS were forcibly enlisted by lying 
methods and so-called sports courses. It was just the same with many 
Germans, notably those who came from the Hitler Youth and who 
were surprised and duped without suspecting a thing. Those as well 
who, at the instigation of Himmler, were all simply pushed to leave the 
air force or the navy to enter the SS. That has to be taken into account 
for the love of truth and justice! 

Text T IV 

It is handwritten, composed in French, dated 6 May 1945. The 
original, forwarded to LKA by Elfriede Gerstein on 10 August 1972, 

50 



in preserved there; it is document 33. 

It consists of 9 half pages. 

Along with document 33, Gerstein's widow forwarded to LKA 
nine other original half pages entitled "Supplements." This is docu- 
ment 34, which LKA presents as additions to document 33. 

T IV — Half pages 4, 5, and 6 (in full) 

. . . Hearing of the massacres of imbeciles and the insane at Graf- 
eneck, Hadamar, etc., shocked and wounded in my insides, I had only 
one wish: To see, to look into all this machinery and then cry out to all 
the people. I did not have for this undertaking any great scruples 
having been myself twice the victim of agents of the SD who had crept 
into the most secret counsel of the Brothers of the confessional 
resistance church (Niemoeller) and even in the prayer circle. In 
addition, a sister-in-law — Mile. Bertha Ebeling — was murdered at 
Hadamar. Supplied with two references from employees of the Ge- 
stapo, who handled my case, it was not difficult to enter the SS army. 
The employees were of the opinion that my idealism, which they 
admired, should work for the benefit of Nazism. — - On 1 March 1 94 1 , 
I entered into the SS. The elementary instruction was done with 40 
doctors at Hamburg-Langenhoom, at Arnhem/Holland and at Ora- 
nienburg. In Holland, I straightway made contact with the national 
Dutch resistance (Graduate Engineer Ubbink of Doesburg). — For my 
double studies I soon succeeded to the medico-technical service of the 
SS-Fuhrungshauptamt — Group D — sanitary service of the SS army, 
hygiene section. In this service, it was up to me to choose my duties 
for myself with great freedom. I constructed lorries and installations 
for disinfection, and filters for the troops' drinking water, prison 
camps and concentration camps. 

For an exact knowledge of this industry, I soon succeeded at it, my 
predecessors not being successful. In this way, it was possible to 
reduce the number of dead prisoners considerably. Undeservedly 
soon, I had great success and was taken for a great technical genius. 
In this way, I was often consulted on behalf of the Ministry of the 
Interior and the Ministry of the East. At least, I succeeded in lowering 
somewhat the great outbreak of purpura fever of 1 94 1 in the prisoners ' 
camps, etc. For my successes, soon I was lieutenant. December 1941, 
the tribunal which had ordered my expulsion out of the NSDAP 
received knowledge of my entry into the SS army. Great efforts were 
made to hunt and pursue me. But because of my great successes and 
my honorable character I was retained and protected by my chief. 
January 1942, 1 was named head of the service of the department of 
technical sanitation, containing also the service of severely toxic gases 

51 



for disinfection. 

T IV - Half pages 7, 8 and 9 (the first two lines) 

On 8 June 1942, the SS Sturmbannfiihrer Gunther of the Reichs 
Sicherheits Hauptamt, entered into my place of work in civilian 
clothes, unknown to me. He gave me the order to obtain at once 260 
kg of prussic acid for an extremely secret purpose and to go with the 
poison by means of an auto to a place which was only known to the 
driver. Some weeks later we set off for Collin near Prague. I was able 
to get an idea about what kind of order it was. But I accepted it, 
because, by chance, I succeded in seeing into all this machinery. 
Moreover, as an expert for prussic acid, I was sufficiently authorised 
and competent in any case to get rid of the poison as decomposed and 
thus prevent its misuse for killing people. 

We were accompanied — by chance — by SS Oberstvumbannfuhrer 
Professor Dr. med. Pfannenstiel, professor of hygiene at the Univer- 
sity Marburg/Lahn. — At Collin I was given to understand that the 
acid was intended to kill people. Because of that, in the afternoon the 
car was observed with attention. 

At Lublin we were received by the SS Gruppenfuhrer Globocnek, 
who says to us: All this affair is one of the most secret things, and even 
the most secret. Anyone who speaks about it will be shot immediately. 
Yesterday, two talkers died. TTien he explained to us: At the moment 
— 17 August 1942 — there are 3 installations: 

1 Belcec, on the highway Lublin-Lemberg in the sector of the 
Russian demarcation line. Maximum per day 15,000 persons. 

2 Sobibor, (in Poland; I do not know exactly where). 20,000 per 
day. Not seen! 

3 Treblinca, 120 km NNE of Warsaw. 25,000 per day. Seen! 

4 Maidandek (near Lublin) seen in preparation. 

I inspected Belcec, Tr6blinca, Maidenak in detail with the head of 
these institutions, the captain of police Wirth. 

T IV - Half page 9 (continuation and end) 

Globocnek says: You must do the disinfection of very large quan- 
tities of textiles, linen, clothing, ten or twenty times the result of 
"Spinnstoff Sammlung." All this collection is only made to conceal 
the origin of Jewish clothes, Polish, Czech, etc. Truly, the result of our 
installations is 10-20 times that of all these collections! 

T I V - Supplement - Half page 1 and half page 2 (beginning) 



52 



At Belcec, I had the impression that all were dead. But the 
Hauptmann Wirth who — with no knowledge of chemistry, physiol- 
ogy, and moreover no intellectual culture whatsoever had a liking for 
experiments in killing men — told me the most curious things that he 
has seen: for example, a very lively child in a chamber which had 
stayed full during the night. In preference, they had made the most 
different experiments with the insane. I do not believe that it concerns 
large numbers, with whom the experiments were made. For example, 
men were killed by means of compressed air in boilers, making use of 
the ordinary compressors for road asphalt. — At Treblinca, I had the 
impression that some were still living. Nearly all had their eyes open, 
a terrible look. But I did not see any movements, in spite of every 
attention. 

The SS Hauptsturmfiihrer Dr. Villing of Dortmund told me, touched 
and gripped in his heart, of the most heroic manner of dying. It 
concerned several thousands of Polish cures and priests, forced to dig 
the ditches themselves and who, in front of these ditches, were shot 
completely naked. 

T IV - Supplement - Half pages 2 and 3 (except the last 
4 words) 

Asked with irony if they still believed in Jesus Christ and Mary they 
replied by a strong confession of Jesus Christ and by an appeal to the 
Holy Virgin of Czestochowa. This manner of dying — Doctor Villing 
tells me — was moving and touching. 

Also other Polish intellectuals, above all the schoolteachers, both 
men and women, died in large numbers in a manner extraordinarily 
honest and moving. 

One way of killing men was to make them ascend the stairway of 
a blast furnace, kill them there with a rifle shot and have them 
disappear into the furnace. They say that many men died in the round 
furnaces of the brickyards. But I cannot guarantee the truth of that 
report. 

One of the heads of the Bromberg police, SS Obersturmbannfuhrer 
Haller, told 40 doctors in my course and me that, before his arrival at 
Bromberg, it was usual to bang the Jewish children by the head against 
the wall. He personally ended this abuse and had these children shot. 

T IV - Supplement - Half pages 3 (last 4 words), 4 (in 
full) and 5 (beginning) 

He tragically recalled two little girls of 5 and 8 years, who had fallen 
to their knees to say their prayers — and who had to be shot afterwards. 

53 



— Haller told us: At the massacres of the Poles they were forced to dig 
large ditches in which they had to place themselves face down. Then 
they were machine-gunned with automatic pistols. The next ones were 
made to place themselves on the still warm cadavers in order to be shot 
immediately. Many were not dead and were shot trying to crawl out 
from the 5-6 layers of men. 

One of the heads of the German government at Cracow has told me, 
while carving a turkey, of an extraordinarily lucky break. That they 
had seized one of the chiefs of the Polish resistance, a Jew. At the 
interrogation he kept silent. Then they broke his wrists. 

But still he kept silent. They they put him with his behind on the hot- 
plate of a stove. Then, he was ready to talk! 

T IV - Supplement - Half pages 5 (continuation and 
end) and 6 (in full) 

On the occasion of a visit to the administration of the construction 
works of the SS Army, on 18 August 1942, these two officer architects 
told us of a visit to a mortuary depot of a prisoners' camp near Lublin. 
The cadavers were piled up by the thousands. While busy with their 
work, all of a sudden they saw some who were moving. The SS 
Rottenfiihrer of the service only asked: Where? . . .then he took an iron 
bar that was already at hand to break their skulls. — It was not the 
action — the architects told me — which surprised them, but that it all 
happened as a matter of course. 

On the occasion of my visit to Belcec, a Jewess wounded with a 
razor some men of the work detail. Wirth regretted she was already 
dead, for not being able to punish her severely as an example. He had 
the wounded Jews looked after by doctors with great care, to make 
them believe that they would be spared and recompensed. In a loud 
voice he laughed that they believed they would live, that they would 
receive their acres, their promises. The fools, the fools, he cried! 

T IV - Supplement - Half page 7 (except the last 3 words) 

At Belcec and at Tr6blinca, after undressing, the men and the boys 
were invited to carry at great speed the clothes scattered everywhere 
to the cars: The best workers will be members of the work force! — 
It made a competition of life and death of these naked men picking up 
the clothes, the SS deriding them. Naturally, afterwards, all disap- 
peared into the gas chambers, only some very old and very weak 
persons were shot. — I remember some gripping impressions: of the 
little Jewish boy, who was ordered to give a small piece of string to 
every person to tie the shoes together, and who, dreaming, distributed 

54 



the strings. That all — involuntarily — were involved in the machin- 
ery of their own killing. — Or I remember a naked little girl of 5 years 
who, one meter from the death chamber, loses a little string of corals, 
and the little boy of three years, who picks it up, who is very happy 
with it — and then was thrown into the chamber. 

T IV - Supplement - Half page 8 (except the last 5 lines) 

The SS Hauptsturmfuhrer Obermeyer told me: I met in a village of 
this region a Jew and his wife from my native place Pirmasens. 
1914-1918, he was a sergeant, an honorable man. As a child, he saved 
me from death, from being run over. I shall take these people and make 
them members of the work detail. — Asked, what will be their future 
lot, he says to me: Afterwards? The same as the others, in such things 
there are no differences. But I shall have them shot! Even on the inside 
of the SS I have met some number of men warmly condemning these 
methods, full of a burning hatred against Nazism. 

T IV - Supplement - Half pages 8 (end) and 9 (in full) 

Here are some names of such men: 

2 / 3 of the Dutch SS were only in this unit because forced by the most 
fraudulent and violent methods. Similarly, many Germans, in prefer- 
ence from the Hitler Youth, were pressed into the SS by lie and decep- 
tions. It is the same fate as those members of the Luftwaffe and navy, 
forced to the SS by Himmler. For justice, it is necessary not to forget 
this! 



Text TV 

It is typewritten, composed in French, dated 6 May 1945. 

It is entitled "Report of Dr. Gerstein of Tubingen." This is the copy 
of an interrogation by the services of the O.R.C.G. (Organisation for 
the Investigation of War Criminals). A specimen of this copy is 
preserved at the Directorate of Military Justice at Paris in the admin- 
istrative file No. 611/War Crimes, reference Kurt Gerstein. 

Not having been permitted to make photocopies of this interroga- 
tion, which we designate T Va, we shall present as appendix the 
photocopy of a document very close to it which comes from the 
National Archives at Washington and carries the declassification code 
1 .08 1 3 . It is, obviously, the replica of the document preserved at Paris 
with slight differences which we have corrected in the transcription. 
We designate the latter document T Vb. 

55 



There also exists a translation into English of T Vb. We designaste 
this document T Vc. This document in English is also preserved in the 
Natinal Archives in Washington; it carries the same declassification 
endorsement 01.0813 as T Vb. We have available a photocopy, 
coming from the Center for Contemporary Jewish Documentation at 
Paris; but it is a document in such poor condition that certain passages 
are illegible. In the circumstancees, we forego adding the version T Vc 
as an appendix to this thesis. 

Transcription of T Va (first sheet) 

. . . when I learned of the massive murder of the insane at Hadamar, 
Grafeneck and elsewhere, I had only one wish, to see right to the 
bottom of this sorcerers' pot and to communicate to the people what 
I shall see there, be it at the risk of my life. I did not have to have 
scruples, having been myself twice the victim of the agents of the SS 
who had infiltrated themselves into the most closed groups of the 
Protestant Church and who had prayed side by side with me. 

I thought: "Whatever you are capable of doing, I can do better than 
you," and I constituted myself a volunteer to enter into the SS. I made 
this decision all the more easily in that my sister-in-law, Bertha 
Ebeling, had been killed at Hadamar. 

With the help of two recommendations of Gestapo agents who had 
been responsible for my case, it was easy for me to be accepted into 
the Waffen SS; one of these gentlemen had said to me: "With your 
share of idealism, you should be in the party, right up to your neck." 
In this way they themselves showed me the road to take. My basic 
training was given to me at Hamburg-Langenhoorn in a course of 
instruction which I followed with 40 doctors. Afterwards at Arnhem 
in Holland and at Oranienburg. At Arnhem, I was immediately put in 
touch with the Dutch resistance by my student friend, the manuf actuer 
Ubbink, of Doesburg. 

My double studies, as much doctor as technician, bring me soon to 
the G.S. of the SS, Section D. Hygiene. It must be admitted that this 
section was of a remarkable breadth of conception, perfectly consci- 
entious. The choice of my occupation was left to me entirely and 
freely. I set myself to construct disinfection installations stationary 
and mobile for prisoners' camps, concentration camps, troops under 
combat, in large quantity and to satisfy a pressing need. Without 
having personal merit in that, I obtain a great success and from this 
moment I am considered, wrongly, a technical genius. Quite simply I 
have solid good sense and a great sureness of instinct. From this 
moment, I am very much used for the projects of the Ministry of Labor 
and of the Ministry of the East, and I have to take charge of putting in 

56 



good order the very insufficient disinfection system of the O.K.W. 1 * 
(Oberkommando der Wehrmacht). This system was already so badly 
botched that there was not a great deal to improve. All the same, I 
succeeded in stopping the terrible wave of typhus of 1941 which daily 
caused several tens of thousands of deaths in the prisoners' and the 
concentration camps. Soon, I became second, then first lieutenant. 

In December 1941, I am once more in great danger, the party 
tribunal that had decided my execution, having learned that I had infil- 
trated into an E. M. of the SS. Thanks to my successes and the general 
esteem which I enjoyed, I am protected by my chiefs and kept on. 

In February 1942, 1 am named head of the technical sanitary section 
which comprises, at the same time, all the drinking water system and 
all the technical disinfection, even with the aid of very toxic gasses. 

Transcription of T Va (second sheet) 

On 8 June 1 942, the SS Sturmbannfuehrer Guenther of the R.S.H. A. 
of the Kurfurstenstrasse comes into my office. He is in civilian clothes. 
I have never seen him before. With many mysterious allusions, he 
gives me the order to obtain for him 260 kgs of prussic acid and to go 
with this poison, with a car of the R.S.H.A. to a place known only to 
the driver. 

Some time after, I go with this car to Kellin [Kollin] near Prague. 
I was able to imagine approximately the sort of mission it concerned. 
I accept it all the same, for today again it seems to me that a chance, 
looking strangely like fate, is putting me in a position to cast an eye 
exactly where I wanted to see clear with all the fibers of my heart. 
Among the thousands of possible posts, I had been entrusted, among 
hundreds of others, with just the post which brought me closest to that 
sort of thing and which charged me, me among so many others, to 
work there. If I think about it, that seems to me incredible, and all the 
more so if one takes my past into account which has led me several 
times into the prisons of the Gestapo and of the S.D. for anti-national 
activities and, not so long ago, into a concentration camp, this being 
largely known to my chiefs, following from the denunciation of the 
party. Truly, the S.D. and its patron the R.S.H. A. slept magnificently 
in this case and made in an exemplary fashion a gardener of the goat. 17 

At all times, when carrying out an order received, I keep the 
absolute secret of this mission, even in the office, and speak to no one 
of this thing. It is not very possible to doubt, that if in my situation I 
yield to an indiscretion, I will be killed after dreadful tortures and my 
family will be executed the same as me. 

I have not the least scruple in accepting this mission, for others 
would have brought it to success in the spirit of the S.D., whereas I, 

57 



considered an authority in the field of prussic acid and of very toxic 
gases, I can very easily make the whole load disappear under the 
pretext that the material is spoiled or decomposed. It is in this way that 
the use of the prussic acid for the execution of human beings can be 
prevented. In any case, I do the necessary, from this moment onward, 
always to have on me for my personal use in case of need, some poison 
as well as a fully-loaded pistol which never leave me, either by day nor 
by night. 

A place being free in the car in question, I am accompanied by the 
SS Obersturmbannfuehrer Professor Doctor Pfannenstiel, holder of 
the chair of hygiene at the University of Marburg Lahn. 

Transcription of T Va (second sheet continued) 

At Kollin in the prussic acid factory, I voluntarily made it clear to 
the personnel, by maladroit technical questions, that the prussic acid 
was intended to kill human beings. I did the same thing each time, this 
being the best way to start rumors among the people. The vehicle was 
very narrowly watched at Kollin. 

At Lublin, we are received by the SS Gruppenfuehrer Globocnek, 
general of the Waffen SS. He says: This state secret is actually one of 
the most important, one can calmly say the most important; and any 
man who talks about it will be shot immediately; just yesterday, we 
silenced two talkers. 

At the present time (17 August 1942) we have three installations: 

Transcription of T Va (third sheet) 

1. Belcec, situated on the route Lublin-Lemberg, in the northern 
corner just at the spot where the Russian demarcation line cuts the 
road. 

Daily capacity: about 15,000 executions. 

Average utilization: Up to by [sic] since April 42, 1 1,000 per day. 

2. Sobibor, near Lublin in Poland, I do not know exactly where, 
20,000 executions per day since about June 42 

3. Trebttnca, in Poland, 120 kms north-north-east of Varsavie. 
25,000 executions per day since May 42 

4. Maidanneck, near Lublin, still in preparation. 

Accompanied by the head of all these death factories, the Captain 
of Police Wirth, I thoroughly inspected all these places with the 
exception of Maidanneck. Wirth is that same person charged by Hitler 
and Himmler with the misson that did away with the insane at 
Hadamar, Grafeneck, and elsewhere. 

58 



Transcription of T Va (fourth sheet) 

Turning towards me, Globocnec says: "Your duty is to disinfect 
immense quantities of woollens, linens, clothes and shoes that our 
factories produce. If every year we collect clothes among the Danish 
people, that is only done to camouflage, vis a vis the people and the 
foreign workers, the origin of these immense quantities of secondhand 
clothes. Another much more important aspect of your mission is to 
modify the functioning itself of our installations of death. At present, 
that is done thanks to the exhaust gases of an old Russian diesel engine. 
This has to be modified and go very much faster. I think above all of 
the prussic acid. The day before yesterday the Fuehrer and Himmler 
were here. I received the order not to give passes to people who were 
obliged to visit these installations for indispensible reasons of work, 
but to accompany them personally in view of the preservation of the 
secret. 

Pfannenstiel then asks: "What did the Fuehrer say about all this?" 
Reply of Globocnec: "All action must be taken more quickly. He was 
accompanied by the ministerial counsellor, Dr. Herbert Linden, of the 
ministry of the interior who was responsible, as doctor, for the 
execution of the insane. He expressed the idea to burn the cadavers 
rather than to bury them. It is possible that a generation may succeed 
us who will not understand us too well." Globocnec replied: Gentle- 
men, if ever a generation must succeed us that would not understand 
our great duty so necessary, it truly must be believed that all our 
national-socialism has been useless. On the contrary, I am of the 
opinion that we ought to put down at the same time as the cadavers, 
tablets of bronze on which it would be written that it was us who have 
had the courage to accomplish this work so important and so indispen- 
sible." Hitler replied: "Yes, Globocnec, that is also my opinion." 

Nevertheless, some time after, it was the opinion of Dr. Linden 
which prevailed. Even the cadavers already buried were burned on 
grills made with rails, with the aid of petrol and heavy oils. 

The offices of these factories were at Lublin in what is called the 
"Julius Schreck" barracks. 18 

I am introduced to the gentlemen present on the following day. 

Transcription of T Va (fifth sheet) 

We go in Captain Wirth's car to Belcec; a special little station is set 
up right beside the road, near a hill of yellow sand. To the south of the 
road are some buildings with the sign "Special Commando of the 
WaffenSS of Belcec." 

Globocnec put me in contact with Wirth's replacement, the SS 

59 



Hauptsturmfuehrer Obermeyer of Pirmasens. 

With remarkable restraint, the latter had me take a walk around the 
place. 

Behind thick rows of barbed wire, all at once after the station, there 
is first a large hut with the inscription "Cloak Room" and further back 
a big service-window on which is marked: "Deposit of gold and 
objects of value." Then comes a room with about 100 stools, the 
"hairdressing salon." Then a pathway bordered by trees of about 
150 m, bordered to right and left with double barbed wire with a sign 
"to the rooms for inhalations and baths." We then find ourselves in 
front of a building like a bathhouse with a little stairway of wrought 
iron. On the building, a large placard with the inscription "Heckenholt 
foundation." I did not see more that afternoon, only the gas chambers 
coming to the right of the corridor situated in the "bathhouse." To right 
and to left, three rooms like garages 5m x 5m and 1.90 m in height. 

I do not see any dead that afternoon but everywhere, even on the 
road, there prevails an unbreathable stink, pestilential, indescribable, 
of cadaver. Millions of flies were flying in the air. 

The next day some minutes before 7 o'clock, I am alerted "Imme- 
diately, the first transport is due to arrive." Actually, on the stroke of 
7 o'clock, a train with 45 cars comes from Lemberg; behind the 
openings covered with barbed wire, one sees children of a dreadful 
pallor, as well as some men and some women with features distorted 
by fear. 

200 Ukrainians heave open the doors and with their leather whips 
whip the people out of the cars. 6,700 persons, 1,450 of whom are 
already dead on their arrival. Aloudspeaker gives instructions: "Undress 
completely, also take off your spectacles and artificial limbs (a guard 
says to a young girl: Leave your spectacles calmly, you will have 
others inside), deposit the objects of value at the service-window 
without voucher or receipt. 

A little Jewish boy of three years receives an armful of strings 
which he pensively distributes to the others; it is for tying the shoes 
together, for never could anyone retrieve the assorted pairs in a pile 35 
to 40 meters high. Then the women and the young girls pass on to the 
"hairdresser." With 2 or 3 cuts of the scissors the hair is cut and 
disappears into large potato sacks. 

An Unterscharfuehrer of the service tells me "This is intended for 
a special use for the insulation of submarines." 

Transcription of T Va (sixth sheet) 

At this moment already, I predict to everybody that soon these 
submarines will stop prowling the sea, for the most efficient army 

60 



must lose its fighting spirit if it has been stained with rivers of innocent 
blood. 

In fact, events proved me right a little time afterwards. 

The procession of death then starts to move: at the head, a ravishing 
young girl. It descends the pathway. All naked, men, women, children; 
among them supported to the right and to the left, the men who have 
been obliged to put down their artificial limbs. 

I find myself with Captain Wirth, at the top of the ramp between the 
death chambers. The mothers with their nursing babies at the breast, 
grandchildren naked, the adults, the children, the women, all in 
confusion, naked, they slowly mount. Then they enter into the death 
chambers, pushed by those who are behind them who are spurred on 
by the whips of the SS. 

At a corner of the pathway there is a big SS man with a face like a 
bulldog who is surrounded by these unfortunates. In an unctuous voice 
he says to them: "Nothing at all will happen to you. You only have to 
breathe deeply inside the chambers, the inhalations are indispensable 
because of the epidemics and the sicknesses and that will do you good 
for the lungs." On the question "What is going to happen to us?" he 
relies: "/a, naturally the men must work, to build houses, roads, but 
the women have no need to work, only if they wish, they can help in 
the factories and in the kitchen." 

For some among these unfortunates, this glimmer of hope is 
sufficient to make them take steps just into the chambers without 
resistance, but the majority know what awaits them. The smell has 
informed them of their fate. Thus, they climb up the little stairway and 
see the whole installation. The majority without saying a word react 
like sheep being led to the slaughter house. A Jewess of about 40 years 
with blazing eyes, calls down on the head of the murderers all the 
innocent blood spilled here by the most dastardly killing ever seen. It 
is Captain Wirth personally who hits her 5 or 6 times with his whip on 
the face. She disappears in her turn into the chamber. Some turn 
towards me: "Oh, Mister, help us, help us!" Many pray. I cannot yet 
give them help. I pray with them, I press myself into a corner and I cry 
to their God and to my God in a loud voice. 

Transcription of T Va (Sixth sheet) 

I can permit myself this; there is enough noise around me. With 
what joy would I not have gone toward them into this chamber, with 
what joy would I not have died their death. On finding an SS officer 
in uniform in their chamber the murderers would never have supposed 
that that could be a protest on my part. They would have considered 
it an accident and my epitaph would have been: "Dead for his beloved 

61 



Fuehrer, while carrying out his important duty for the Fuehrer." 

No, that won't do. I do not yet have the right to yield to the 
temptation to die with these people. I know enough about it. Wirth has 
told me: "There are not ten persons who have seen what I have seen 
and who will see it; the auxiliary foreign personnel will be executed 
at the end. I am one of the five men who have seen all these 
installations. There is certainly not one of them, apart from me, who 
sees this as an adversary, as an enemy of this gang of murderers; so, 
I must still live to cry out what I have seen here. Truly, this must be 
much more difficult, I must live and make it known. 

The chambers are filling up: "Pack tightly" Captain Wirth has 
ordered. They are stepping on one another's feet. From 700 to 800 
human beings on 25 m2, on 45 m3. 1 recapitulate, more than half are 
children, average weight maximum 30 kgs. Specific gravity 1, thus 
25.250 kgs of men per chamber. Wirth is right, with the help of the SS, 
750 persons can be stowed in 45 m3 and the SS help with their whips 
and cram in as many as physically possible. The doors close. 

Transcription of T Va (seventh sheet) 

During this time, the others are waiting outside naked. Meanwhile, 
the 2nd transport has arrived. Someone says to me: "Naturally they 
wait naked outside even in bad weather, even in winter." Up until now 
I have not asked anything. I appeared to be interested in it, but a word 
stupidly escapes me. "They'll catch their death." "That is what they 
are really there for," an SS man says to me in his dialect. In a flash I 
understand also why all this installation is called "Hockelchoc Foun- 
dation." Hockelchoc is the operator of the Diesel. A little technician 
and untiring worker according to Wirth, he already acquired undying 
merit at the time of the execution of the insane by his enthusiasm and 
his fertility of ideas. He is also the constructor of the whole installa- 
tion; with the fumes of his Diesel, all these human beings must die. But 
the Diesel machine does not work. I am told this is quite rare. 

Wirth arrives. One sees that it is painful to him that this should 
happen just today when I am here. Yes, I see everything and I hear 
everything; my watch has recorded everything well, 50 minutes, 70 
minutes the Diesel does not start; humanity is waiting in these 
chambers in vain. One hears them weep and sob "like in the syna- 
gogue" remarks Professor Pfannenstiel who has his ear glued to the 
wooden door. Captain Wirth beats with a whip the Ukrainian who has 
to help Hockelchoc in starting the Diesel. 

After 2 hours and 49 minutes, my stopwatch has recorded it, the 
Diesel starts. Right up to this moment, these human beings in the 
chambers already full are alive: 4 times 750 beings in 4 times 45 

62 



meter 3 . 

Again 25 minutes pass. It is true that many are already dead; one 
sees that through the little window illuminating the chamber for an 
instant with electric light. Wirth has interviewed me in detail in order 
to know whether I consider it preferable to let these people die in a dark 
room or a lighted one. He asks this in the same tone that one asks: "Do 
you prefer to sleep with or without a cushion? Do you like your coffee 
with or without milk?" 

28 minutes later, rare are those who still live. Finally, after 32 
minutes all are dead; I am told that this is the normal time in order to 
kill. 

On the other side, the men of the work detail open the sliding doors 
of wood. These men, also Jews, have been promised liberty and a 
certain percentage from all the objects of value found. Three book- 
keepers keep a book with scrupulous exactitude and calculate this 
percentage. 

Transcription of T Va (eighth sheet) 

Like marble statues, the dead stand pressed one against the other. 
In the chamber, there is no room to fall down or even to lean over. Even 
in death one can recognize the families; they hold hands together 
stiffened by death and it is difficult to pull them apart one from another 
to free the chambers for the next load. 

The naked cadavers, damp with perspiration and urine, with men- 
strual blood on the legs, dirtied with excrements, are thrown outside, 
the bodies of babies fly through the air; there is no time to lose. The 
whips of the Ukrainians fall on the backs of the work detail. 2 dozen 
dentists open the mouths with hooks and look for gold. Gold to the 
right, no gold to the left. Other dentists with pincers and hammers pull 
out the gold teeth from the jaws. Captain Wirth skips about among all 
this, he is in his element. Some workers check the genital organs and 
the anus to look for gold, brilliants, or objects of value. Wirth makes 
a sign to me: "Get a load of this fruit tin with gold teeth, it is only from 
yesterday and the day before." With an extraordinary vulgarity, he 
says to me: "You cannot imagine what one finds every day, like gold 
and like brilliants, but look," and he leads me toward a jeweller 
responsible for administering all these treasures, and shows me all 
this. — 2 big 20 dollar pieces especially seem to please Wirth who 
makes them disappear into his pocket. 

I am also shown a former head of the big department store in Berlin. 
A little violinist is made to play on his instrument. This is a former 
captain of the Austrian army, holder of the iron cross 1st class. Both 
of them are heads of the Jewish work detail. 

63 



The naked cadavers were thrown some meters further away, into 
pits of 100 x 12 x 20 meters. Some days later, these cadavers swell and 
afterwards collapse heavily, which permits re-covering them with a 
new layer; about 10 cm of sand is thrown on top; there are only a few 
arms and a few heads sticking out. The day of my visit, only 2 
transports with about 12500 persons arrive at Belcec. 

Transcription of T Va (ninth sheet) 

This "factory" has been working since 1942 and "manufactures" 
about 11,000 dead per day. When the circle of my friends or myself 
heard the broadcast from London or the Voice of America we were 
often surprised by the innocent angels who spoke of hundreds of 
thousands of dead when in reality there were already more than TEN 
MILLIONS. 

In the year 1 943 , the Dutch Resistance told me through Ubbink that 
I was requested not to supply invented atrocities, but to content myself 
with reproducing the strict truth; despite my pointing out these things, 
in August 1942, at the Swedish embassy in Berlin, people refused to 
believe these figures. Unfortunately, I reply to it under oath, these 
figures are exact. 

According to my unquestionable documents, I estimate the number 
of defenseless human beings murdered by Adolf Hitler and Heinrich 
Himmler at about 20 million. It is obviously not just a matter of the 5 
or 6 million European Jews who were murdered, but of all the Czech 
intelligentsia and the elite of other peoples like the Serbs, then the 
Poles, who were the most numerous, and a small number of Czechs No 
3, as well. That refers to those who are called the "biologically useless" 
who, according to the opinion of the SS, no longer had the right to exist 
since they could no longer work. 

Commissions of so-called doctors, equipped with magnificent cars 
and the paraphernalia of medical sorcery travelled from village to 
village, and sounded the chests of the whole population, dressed in 
white coats, stethoscope in hand. Whoever did not seem capable of 
working, from a simple glance of the eye, was put on the list of the 
useless and was sought out some time later and put away. 

It is these young folk dear to Himmler, who judged, who very often 
were wet behind the ears, who had not undergone a primary school 
education and who congratulated each other with "dear colleague" 
and "Herr Professor" — "without these measures," a Sturmbannfuehrer 
at Lublin tells me, "all of Poland will be without value to us, for it is 
too overpopulated and too ill. We are only doing what nature does 
everywhere else and what it unfortunately forgets among the other 
human beings." 

64 



Even a gamekeeper confirms to me that the elimination of the weak 
which is part of the correct maintenance of a preserve is, in the Polish 
circumstances, absolutely just and indispensable. It is astonishing 
how much this kind of racial materialism can take place in the brains 
of many German intellectuals; even those who refuse to accept the 
massacre of the Jews were completely in agreement with the execu- 
tion of the weak and the insane and justify this measure with a great 
deal of conviction. For many, that became so natural and indisputable 
that it became difficult to discuss it with a large part of the elite. 

Wirth asks me not to propose to Berlin any modification in the 
methods of death in the gas chambers employed up to now for they 
have proven themselves. What is curious is that no one has asked me 
a single question in Berlin. 

I had the prussic acid which I had brought buried. 

Transcription of T Va (tenth sheet) 

TTie next day, 19 August 1942, the car of Captain Wirth takes us to 
Treblinca, 120 kms north-north-east of Warsaw. The installation is 
almost similar but a great deal bigger than Belcec, 8 gas chambers and 
several mountains of suitcases, textiles, and linen. 

In our honor, a feast truly Himmlerian, in the most pure old German 
style, is given in the common hall. The meal is simple, but everything 
is at the disposition of everybody in unlimited quantity. Himmler 
himself has given the order to give at pleasure to the men of this 
Kommando as much meat, butter, and above all, alcohol as they wish. 
Prof. Pfannenstiel makes a speech, stressing the importance and the 
utility of the duty of these men. Turning to me, he speaks of the "very 
humane" methods and of "beauty of work." This seems improbable, 
but I guarantee that Pfannenstiel, himself the father of 5 children, did 
not speak in jest, nor, ironically, but he treated this thing like a doctor 
with absolute seriousness. More than half of those killed were chil- 
dren; the normal time for killing after the transport and the very painful 
wait was 32 minutes. Pfannenstiel said again to the men of the Kom- 
mando: "In seeing these bodies of Jews, these pitiable figures, one 
understands still better how much our work will call for recognition." 

On departure several kilos of butter and numerous bottles of liquor 
are offered to us to take away. I had great difficulty to refuse these 
things by arguing that, supposedly, I had plenty of them. Very happy, 
Pfannenstiel also pockets my share. We return by car to Warsaw. On 
departure, we see again a group of Jews at work who are busy in one 
of the common graves on a heap of cadavers. "It had been forgotten 
to undress those of the arrivals who were already dead; naturally, that 
must be recovered, because of the objects of value and the clothes," 

65 



Captain Wirth explains to me. At Warsaw, waiting in vain for a 
sleeping car, I meet the secretary of the legation of the Swedish 
embassy in Berlin, the Baron von Otter, in the train; still under the fresh 
impression of my dreadful adventures, I told him everything with the 
urgent plea to communicate immediately all that to his government 
and to the Allies. I say to him: "In the place of numerous bombs, if the 
Allies sent millions of pamphlets and intelligent leaflets well done in 
informing the German people of all that is going on, it is probable that 
in some weeks or months, the German people would finish with Adolf 
Hitler." 

Baron von Otter asked me for references, for this conversation was 
for him, as a diplomat, very delicate. I indicated to him Dr. Dibelius 
at Berlin, Bruederweg 2, eminent member of the Protestant resistance, 
close friend of my friend, the Pastor Niemoller now at Dachau. 

I again saw Baron von Otter on two occasions at the Swedish 
legation. Meanwhile, he gave an account to Stockholm personally and 
he told me that his report had a considerable influence on Swedish- 
German relations. 

Transcription of T Va (eleventh sheet) 

Some days later to relieve my conscience, and in order to have done 
all that is in my power, I tried to give an account to the papal nuncio 
in Berlin; At my first words, I am asked whether I am a soldier; 
thereupon, all conversation with me is refused and I am requested to 
leave the legation of His Holiness immediately. 

I tell this only to prove how difficult it was, even for a German, 
pitiless enemy of Nazism, to find a way to discredit a criminal 
government. 

In this situation where every day tens and tens of thousands awaited 
killing, where a delay of some hours seemed to me criminal, if in this 
situation I say, a qualified representative of Jesus on earth refuses all 
conversation with me, what can one ask of an average citizen against 
Nazism? What must he do, he who hardly knows these errors, in 
general, except from hearsay? He who, like millions of foreigners 
(such as the Dutch resistance) hold these things to be terribly exagger- 
ated, who does not have my ability, who does not have perhaps any 
occasion as I do to listen to the foreign radio, what must he do against 
Nazism? If even the representative of the Pope in Germany refuses to 
listen to information of this extraordinary importance on this unique 
violation of the law of Jesus: "Thou must love thy neighbor as thyself." 

Terribly disappointed and despondent, I leave the legation where I 
was unable to find either advice or help. Hardly gone out, I am 
followed by a policeman; some minutes later, a policeman on a bicycle 

66 



also follows me. I passed minutes of immense despair and disappoint- 
ment; I lifted the safety-catch of my revolver in my pocket and I 
mentally prepared myself for suicide. The incomprehensible hap- 
pened; the policeman brushed by me at about 50 cms, stopped an 
instant . . . and went away. From that day, risking my life each hour, 
I have given an account of these atrocious deaths to hundreds of 
influential persons: to the Niemoller family, to the press attach^ of the 
Swiss legation at Berlin, Dr. Hochstrasser, to the secretary of the 
Catholic bishop of Berlin Dr. Winter, requesting transmittal to the 
bishop and to the Pope, to Dr. Dibelius and to many others; thus 
thousands have been informed by me. 

Transcription of T Va (twelfth sheet) 

I must add that Guenther of the R.S.H. A. (I believe that he is the son 
of Guenther of the racial studies) asked me again, at the beginning of 
1944, for large quantities of prussic acid. The poison was to be 
delivered to his office in the Kurfuerstenstrasse in Berlin and stored in 
a shed that he showed me. It concerned very large quantities, alto- 
gether several freight cars, which were to be piled up little by little and 
held at his disposal. This was sufficient poison to kill several millions 
who in this way would have disappeared without a lot of noise. 
Guenther told me that he did not know yet where, when, how , for what 
purpose, for what group this poison was to be used. In any case, it was 
to be constantly available. I deduced from several technical questions 
put by Guenther that a part, at least, of this poison was to be used to 
put down a large number of men in the clubs and the lecture halls. 
According to these meagre indications, I supposed that it related to 
officers or priests, in any case educated people, and the poison was to 
be employed in Berlin itself. 

Having looked over the premises in detail, I state to Guenther that 
I cannot take the responsiblity of stocking such quantities of poison at 
that spot, in the capital, since there was enough to kill twice the number 
of all the inhabitants. With many difficulties, I obtain the storage of 
this poison at Oranienburg and at Auschwitz, in the concentration 
camps. Afterwards I arrange things so as to use up the poison as soon 
as it arrives, supposedly for disinfection. The invoices of the supply- 
ing firm, the German Pest Control Corporation, of Frankfurt and 
Friedberg, were made out, at my request, in my name, to more readily 
make the poison disappear. For this reason, I avoid presenting the 
numerous current invoices for payment, so as not to remind the S.D. 
and the R.S.H.A. continually of the large quantities that ought to be 
available. I make the firm have patience and leave the invoices unpaid. 
The manager of this house, Dr. Peters, told me in the course of a 

67 



conversation that he has delivered prussic acid in ampoules for the 
execution of human beings. I never learned exactly what the group 
was that Guenther still was to destroy on the orders of his chief 
Eickmann. 

According to the quantities, I thought first of all of the occupants of 
the concentration camps, and it is for that that I replied negatively to 
the question of Jochen, the son of Pastor Niemoller: will he ever see 
his father alive? Himmler's order to kill all the occupants of the 
concentration camps in case of need, was to be foreseen already at that 
time. It was equally clear that the Ukrainian teams of the death camps 
at least would be sacrificed in order to get rid of embarassing 
witnesses. I also thought of the eventuality of the murder of the 
prisoners of war as a means of blackmail. 

When later, Goebbels pointed out that, if it was necessary national 
socialism would slam the door behind it in a way to shake the world, 
I checked once more, to see whether the reserves of poison were well 
destroyed. 

Transcription of T Va (thirteenth sheet) 

Some time after, Guenther recalled me to the R.S.H.A. and asked 
me if it might be possible to poison the Jews interned at Maria- 
Theresienstadt by throwing prussic acid from the top of the forti- 
fications. To prevent the execution of this plan, I declared this 
impracticable. 

I learned later that he had obtained the prussic acid some other way 
and that he had all the same executed the Jews who, supposedly, led 
such a good life at Maria-Theresienstadt: it involved Jews, fathers of 
sons killed or holders of high decorations and having rendered special 
service. 

The most horrible concentration camps were by no means Belsen 
or Buchenwald. Auschwitz and Naathausen [sicjvtest much worse 
and millions of men disappeared in the gas chambers and in the gas 
vehicles (mobile gas chambers); at Auschwitz alone millions of chil- 
dren were killed by a pad of prussic acid held under the nose. In the 
Ravensbruck concentration camp, I was present at these tests on living 
beings, performed by Dr. Gundlach, Haupsturmfuehrer, on the order 
of SS Gruppenfuehrer Professor Dr. Gerhardt Hohenlychen. 

The tests on the women were, in some way, still more repugnant and 
odious than in the concentration camps for men. At least, to the men 
one said honestly: "Pay attention, you are going to receive an injection 
and you're going to kick off." At the womens' concentration camp at 
Ravensbruck, one proceeded differently: There you are, Frau Meyer, 
we just noticed that you have an abcess in the liver, we 're going to have 

68 



you treated with some injections and you are going to see that your 
condition is going to improve a lot." What was the most horrible was 
the cynicism and the shameless irony with which this was done. It was 
a veritable competition, from the star of David on the death chambers 
right up to these humorous diagnoses. 

Daily, experiments were made at Buchenwald on hundreds of 
detainees with 1 to 100 tablets of pervitine, then again injections of 
typhus. Himmler reserved for himself the authorization of such 
experiments performed on persons condemned to death by the S.D. 
The reports of these tests were all centralized in my office. 

The Stabsscharfuehrer Hoellander gave them to me regularly. 

Another day, at Oranienburg, I saw thousands of pederasts disap- 
pear without a trace into a furnace. 

Transcription of T Va (fourteenth sheet) 

At Mauthausen, it was the practice to do away with the Jews in the 
quarries, by making them fall from a height. 

What is curious, is that these "work accidents" were always 
foreseen some minutes previously by the guards. 

The SS Hauptsturmfuehrer, Dr. Fritz Kraatz, head of a mission to 
the Reich SS medical service, gave me an account of these facts with 
sincere disgust and has made these things public. Kraatz was a 
fanatical enemy of the Nazis 

Transcription of T Va (fifteenth sheet) 

At Belcec, I had the impression the day of my inspection, that after 
such a long wait in the chambers, everybody was truly dead; on the 
other hand, Captain Wirth, a creature without any education and 
without any notion of chemistry and physiology has told me of the 
strangest things. Wirth was gifted with a special love for varied 
experiments to take people from life to death. Thus he spoke to me of 
a little child that they found one morning in a gas chamber which had 
not been emptied the night before and who was perfectly alive and 
happy. 

Wirth was apparently taken up with particularly interesting experi- 
ments on the weak minded, it is on them that one could best test the 
various degrees of sensitivity. Tests were also made with the aid of 
compressed air; people were put into old boilers filled, by means of a 
compressor, with compressed air. At Treblinca, I had the impression 
that certain of them were still living and were simply unconscious, 
which did not exclude the possibility that during the night they could 
revive and suffer a new martyrdom until final death. 

69 



Nearly all had their eyes open and offered a dreadful sight. In spite 
of my careful observation, I could not observe any movement. On the 
whole, not the least trouble was taken to do these executions in a 
humane manner. Insofar as one may have the right to use this word in 
connection with these facts. All this was done less by sadism than by 
total indifference and convenience. 

The Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr. Villing of Dortmund spoke to me of a 
thing which especially impressed him: about 8,000 Polish clerics were 
compelled to dig ditches; then they had to undress, stand in front of 
these ditches naked and were shot. 

Transcription of T Va (sixteenth sheet) 

To the ironic questions, whether they still believed in Jesus Christ, 
in Mary and in their Polish people, they replied with a serene 
affirmation of faith that they believed more than ever in Christ, in the 
Holy Mother of God and in a resuiTection of their people. 

Villing spoke to me of this with emotion. 

Other Poles died in the same exemplary fashion, above all the 
schoolmasters and schoolmistresses. On hearing all that spoken of, I 
remembered my own prison in Buschsenstrasse at Stuttgart; an inex- 
perienced hand had scratched on the metal of my bed: "Pray, the 
Mother of God helps." This was for me in painful days a great 
consolation and my cell seemed to me a little church. I salute with 
gratitude this unknown brother who sent me this sign and this encour- 
agement in my deep pain. May God reward him. 

Another way of killing people in Poland was to make them climb 
to the top of ladders of blast furnaces and throw them inside after 
having killed them with a pistol shot. Many others are said to have dis- 
appeared into the brick kilns, suffocated by the gases and burned. In 
those cases, I do not have a source absolutely guaranteed. 

One of the chiefs of police at Bromberg, the SS Sturmbannfuehrer 
Haller told the doctor who followed the course with me that it was 
usual when he first came to Bromberg to take the Jewish infants by the 
feet and to break their heads against the wall of their apartment, to 
avoid the noise of the fusillade. He presumably stopped this nonsense 
and managed to have the children shot. 

Transcription of T Va (seventeenth sheet) 

He found it particularly painful to be present himself, at the action 
of two little girls of 5 and 8 years, falling to their knees and praying. 
Naturally, concluded Haller, it was necessary afterwards that I have 
them shot as well. He spoke to us also of the execution of the Polish 

70 



intellectuals; they were compelled to make their graves, to lie down in 
them on their bellies, and were shot with an automatic pistol; those 
following were obliged to lie down on the warm cadavers and were 
shot in their turn; some, not yet dead, were shot while they were 
attempting to get out from between the various layers. 

One of the heads of the German government of Krakau spoke to me, 
while carving a turkey, of a particularly good capture he had made; a 
man of the Polish resistance, a Jew, had refused to speak, so then he 
had his wrists broken; he continued to keep silent; thereupon, he was 
made to sit on a white-hot iron plate. "You should have seen," he says 
to me, "how that made him a talker." 

Transcription of T Va (eighteenth sheet) 

During a visit to a construction office of the Waffen SS at Lublin, 
the two architects told me about a visit they had made to the morgue 
of a prisoner-of-war camp with a view to enlarging it. "Thousands of 
cadavers, in general typhous, were stacked there; suddenly, they saw 
that some were still moving; the Rottenfuehrer, who carried the key, 
merely asked calmly, "Where is that?" then, took a round iron hammer 
just nearby, and smashed in the skulls of the persons pointed out. It was 
not the fact itself that astonished the architects, but the naturalness 
with which the action was performed. 

At the time of my visit to Belcec, a Jewess had cut several of the 
Jewish workers, with the help of a hidden razor. Wirth sincerely 
regretted that this woman was already dead for she ought to have been 
punished in an exemplary manner. 

The wounded Jews have been perfectly looked after by him, in 
order to make them believe that they would be recompensed, "and 
they believe that, these idiots," Wirth shouted, laughing. 

Transcription of T Va (nineteeth sheet) 

What was especially repugnant at Belcec was the competition or- 
ganized between the men and boys of the transport to carry away the 
garments to the cars. He who works the best becomes a member of the 
working-group. In this way a race for life and death is started between 
these naked beings who carry the clothes to the laughter of the SS; 
naturally, they all disappear without exception into the gas chambers, 
only some beings very old and sick, who even when supported by 
others cannot drag themselves to the chambers, were put aside and 
shot. 

Some particularly gripping impressions do not leave me any more: 
the little Jewish boy of 3 years who, wool-gathering, distributes the 

71 



pieces of string to tie up the pairs of shoes. Even this child was pressed 
into service in the horrible death machine of Hitler. 

I think also of a little girl who, one meter from the chamber, lost her 
little coral necklace; this necklace is found by a little boy of 3 years; 
he picks it up, looks at it lovingly, is happy with it, and, the following 
moment, is pushed, I must say with gentleness, by a guard preserving 
a remnant of feeling, to the interior of the chamber. 

Transcription of T Va (twentieth sheet) 

The SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Obermeyer told me the following story: 
in a nearby village, he had met a Jew coming from Pirmasinz, his home 
town. During the war, this Jew had been a noncommissioned officer, 
a very decent chap. As children, they played together and he even once 
saved the life of Obermeyer — Obermeyer declared that he was now 
going to take this man with his wife into his work unit. I asked him 
what was going to happen later. He looked at me with an astonished 
air: "What do you think will happen? The same thing as the others, 
there is no other solution; finally, perhaps, I shall have them shot." 

I must say in order to be fair, that I have met certain SS who 
emphatically condemned these methods and have become furious 
adversaries of Nazism. 

Transcription of T Va (twenty-first sheet) 

I think above all of Hauptscharfuehrer Hoellander who always kept 
me informed of all the secrets and who always got rid of everything 
that could have been compromising for me. 

Another anti-Nazi was the head of the interior section of the 
hospital of the SS at Berlin, the SS Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. Focht, who, 
since 1941, has frequently criticized openly these methods, know- 
ingly risking his head. The same thing is valid for the surgeon SS 
Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr. Nissen of Itzehoe and Dr. Sorgue of Jena. The 
three chief pharmacists of the Waffen SS , Blumemeuther, Behmenburg, 
and Rudolphi were members of the group of officers of 20 July. 
Among the Dutch and Belgian SS, 2 / 3 were led by force and by trickery 
under the pretext of sports courses. If they afterwards refused to obey, 
they were immediately shot. 

Every person who, with an imprudent action, touched the trousers 
of a comrade even from the outside, was immediately shot. This order 
emanated directly from Himmler and cost the life of many very young 
SS men, coming out of the Hitler Youth and taken by force into the SS. 

Numbers belonging to the aviation and the navy were abruptly 
transferred to the SS. It would be unfair, despite the very understand- 

72 



able hatred that the SS have unleashed, not to make a distinction. 

It must be said here that, frequently, the police have been much 
worse than the SS. The President of the German Red Cross, the SS 
Gruppenfuehrer Dr. Grawitz, is one of the principals responsible for 
the situation of the concentration camps. 

TextTVI 

It is typewritten, composed in German, dated 6 May 1945. There is 
no signature, although one reads on the last page: Gez: Kurt Gerstein. 
(Gez = Gezeichnet = signed) 

It is preserved at the National Archives in Washington. 

It consists of thirteen pages. 

T VI - Page 1 (the last 4 lines) and page 2 (lines 1 to 35) 

. . . When I heard of the massive slaughter of the mentally sick at 
Hadamar, Grafenesk and other places, I had only one wish: "You must 
go yourself and look into this devil's cauldron and make known to the 
people what is happening, even at the risk of your life." In this, I had 
no need of scruples, since I had myself twice been the victim of the 
agents of the SD, who had wormed their way into the very heart of the 
fraternal Council of the Confessional Church and even participated in 
the most intimate fellowships of prayer and got down on their knees. 
I said to myself: What you can do, I have long since been able to do 
and I registered myself voluntarily to enter the SS. This all the more 
so as my sister-in-law Bertha Ebeling of Saarbriicken had been put to 
death at Hadamar. On the recommendation of two officials of the 
Gestapo who had studied my case, it was easy for me to be accepted 
in the Waffen-SS. These gentlemen were completely of the opinion 
that an idealism such as mine should at all costs be used for the 
NSDAP. In this way, they themselves showed me the road which I 
afterwards followed. I received my basic training with 40 doctors at 
Hamburg-Langenhoorn, then at Aniheim-Holland and at Oranienburg. 
At Arnheim, I made immediate contact through the instrumentality of 
my student friend, the manufacturer Ubbink of Doesbur g, Grad. Eng. , 
with a Dutch resistance movement. By reason of my double studies, 
technical and medical, I was called straightaway to the central Ad- 
ministration of the SS, Service D, sanitary affairs of the Waffen-SS, 
Hygiene Section. Admittedly this service proved to be one of great 
broadness of outlook. Thus, it was left entirely up to me to choose an 
activity for myself. To meet an absolutely pressing need, I constructed 
disinfection installations, mobile and fixed, in great number, notably 
for the prisoners' camps, the concentration camps and the combat 

73 



troops. Without wishing to boast, I obtained in this field some 
extraordinary successes and I was henceforth taken to be a very special 
technical genius. This is why I was also called on frequently for 
projects of this type by the Ministry of the Eastern Territories and the 
Ministry of Labor. Still the fact remains that we actually succeeded in 
containing the terrible epidemic of exanthematic typhus of 1941 
which at times caused several tens of thousands of deaths each day in 
the prisoners' camps and the concentration camps. That is why I very 
quickly became second lieutenant and then lieutenant. In December, 
I found myself again in great danger, for the party tribunal, which had 
decided my expulsion from the party, had received knowledge of my 
accession to a responsible position in the SS. By reason of my 
successes and the general good evaluation of me, I was however 
protected by my service and maintained in my position. In February 
1942, 1 became head of the technical sanitary service, which com- 
prised also questions of drinking water and all technical disinfection, 
including that with the aid of highly toxic gases. 

T VI - Page 2 (lines 36 to the end) and page 3 (lines 1 to 25) 

On 8 June 1942, I received in my office of work the visit of 
Sturmbannfiihrer SS Giinther of the Central Service of State Security 
of the "Kurfiirstenstrasse". G. came in civilian clothes: I did not know 
him until then. With all sorts of mysterious allusions, he gave me the 
order to obtain a quantity of hydrocyanic acid (260 kg) and to go with 
the poison, by means of a vehicle of the SD, to a place that only the 
driver knew. The affair appeared like one of the most secret affairs of 
the Reich of the moment. Some time later, I went with the vehicle in 
question to Kollin near Prague. I could roughly imagine to myself the 
kindof misson. I accepted it however because here chance was leading 
me to my goal: to cast an eye into all this machinery, as I had been 
wishing to do for a long time. Moreover, I did not have the slightest 
scruple. For if I had not accepted the mission, another would have 
executed it in the way wanted by the SD, whereas, thanks to my 
authority in the field of highly toxic gases, I could withbut difficulty 
get rid of the entire load, as being decomposed or deteriorated. In this 
way, I could all by myself, prevent a wrongful use of the hydrocyanic 
acid to kill people. 

As there was still a place in the car, I declared myself ready to take 
along the Prof. Dr. med. Pfannenstiel, holder of the chair of hygiene 
at the University of Marburg/Lahn. At Kollin I had been given to 
understand, by purposely maladroit technical questions to the Czech 
personnel of the factory, that the hydrocyanic acid was intended for 
killing human beings. I always acted the same afterwards, as the best 

74 



way of spreading the thing around among the people. At Kollin, 
quickly, the vehicle was inspected with care. At Lublin, we were 
received by the SS Gruppenfiihrer General Globocnec. He said to us: 
This secret affair of the Reich is actually one of the most secret, one 
can even say the most secret which exists. Anyone who does not hold 
his tongue is immediately shot. Only yesterday, we silenced two 
talkers. At the moment — it was the 17 August — we have three 
installations: 

1) Belcec, on the highway from Lublin to Lemberg in the north 
corner, exactly at the spot where the road cuts the demarcation line 
with the Russians. Daily output: about 15,000 executions. Average 
utilization until now since April: 1 1 ,000 per day. 

2) Sobibor, near Lublin in Poland; I do not know exactly where. 
20,000 put to death per day. 

3) Treblinka, 120 km to the NNE of Warsaw in Poland. 25,000 
put to death per day. Average utilization about 13,500 per day since 
June 1942. 

4) Maidaneck, near Lublin. Was then still in construction. 
Accompanied by the Head of all these death factories, Captain of 

Police Wirth, I have inspected Belcec, Treblinka, and Maidaneck, in 
a thorough manner and while they were still functioning. Wirth is the 
same one who, on the order of Hitler and Himmler, killed the mentally 
sick at Hadamar, Grafeneck, and other places. 

T VI - page 3 (lines 26 to the end) and page 4 (the first 5 lines) 

Globocnec said to us, that is to say he addressed himself solely to 
me: It is your task to disinfect large quantities of textiles, linen, 
clothing, and shoes which remain in the installations. These quantities 
represent 10 to 20 times the product of the collection of textiles. All 
these collections are essentially made only for the purpose of making 
the origin of the large quantities of old clothes plausible in some way 
to the foreign workers and the German people. Your other task still 
more important naturally, is to change the actual operation itself of 
these installations of death. The thing works now with diesel exhaust 
gases coming from an old Russian diesel engine. This must be 
changed in some way to work more quickly, and there, I think above 
all of hydrocyanic acid. The day before yesterday, on 15 August 1942, 
the Fiihrer and Himmler were here. I may not make out a permit to 
people who must visit the installations, but, to keep the secret, conduct 
them there personally. Pfannenstiel then asked: "What did the Fiihrer 
say of all this?" and Globocnec replied: "The whole operation must be 
brought to completion the quickest way possible!" In his company, 
there was also the ministerial counsellor, Dr. Herbert Linden of the 

75 



Ministry of the Reich. He is of the opinion that it would be better to 
bum the cadavers instead of burying them. One day a generation could 
come after us who would not understand all this. Whereupon, I, 
Globocnec, said: "Gentlemen, if ever there should come after us a 
generation who will not understand our great task so worthy of 
recognition and so necessary, then it is our National Socialism alto- 
gether which would have been in vain. On the contrary I am of the 
opinion that bronze plaques should be set in the ground on which it 
would be written that we, that it was we, who had the courage to 
accomplish this work so necessary and important. - and thereupon, 
Hitler: Good, Globocnec, that is truly also my point of view. It was the 
other point of view, however, which prevailed. The cadavers were 
then burned with the help of petrol and diesel oil on gigantic grills 
improvised with railway rails. It was then necessary for me to visit the 
vast offices of these establishments of death at Lublin, at the barracks 
named "Julius Schreck." 

T VI - page 4 (lines 6 to 43) 

The next day, we went to Belcec with the car of Captain Wirth. A 
special little station had been built right against a hill of yellow sand 
on the north side of the road. To the south of the road, there were some 
administration buildings with the inscription "Special Commando of 
Belcec of the Waffen SS." Globocnec turned me over to Hauptsturm- 
fuhrer Obermeyer of Pirmasens, who showed me the installation with 
great reluctance. Behind thick brushwood hedges, right near the 
station, there was first of all a large hut with the inscription "Cloak 
Room." There was a large service-window, "Deposit of money and 
objects of value." There followed a room with about a hundred stools, 
the hairdressing salon. Then a birch tree pathway of about 1 50 meters, 
enclosed to the right and left by a double barbed wire, with signboards: 
"To the rooms for baths and inhalation." Next, there was a building 
before us, a little like a bathhouse, with a little stairway to the right and 
to the left of that a large concrete vase with geraniums. On the roof, in 
the guise of a weather-vane, the star of David in wrought iron. In front 
of the building, an inscription "Foundation Heckenholt." I did not see 
anything more that afternoon. In particular, I did not see a single dead 
person. But throughout, and again above the road, a pestilential stench 
of cadavers, and millions of flies buzzed about everywhere. Within the 
bathhouse itself, set three each on both sides of a corridor, were rooms 
almost like garages, each of 5 x 5 meters in area and 1 .90 m in height. 
The following morning, some minutes before 7 hours, I am told: the 
first transport is going to arrive! In fact, at 7 hours exactly, a train 
arrived of 45 cars coming from Lemberg. Behind the little windows 

76 



latticed with barbed wire, one saw dreadfully pale children, and also 
some men and women with features contorted by anguish. The train 
disappeared behind the hedge. 200 Ukrainians abruptly open the 
doors and with lashing leather whips drive out of the train some 6,700 
persons of whom 1,450 are already dead on their arrival. A loud- 
speaker gives instructions: undress completely, take off even artificial 
limbs, spectacles, etc. (To a young girl a guard says: take off your 
glasses; inside you will receive others). Deliver the objects of value to 
the service-window, without voucher or receipt. Under the arm of a 
little Jewish boy, someone presses a handful of strings, which the child 
of three years, distraught, distributes to people: To tie the shoes 
together! For, in the pile of 35 to 40 meters high, no one could 
afterwards have retrieved the matching shoes. Then the women and 
the young girls to the hairdresser, who cuts their hair in two or three 
cuts of the scissors and makes it disappear into large potato sacks. 
"That is intended for the submarines for certain special uses, for the 
airtight joints or something like that!" the Unterscharfiihrer who is on 
duty at this place tells me. 

T VI - page 4 (lines 44 to end) and page 5 (lines 1 to 43) 

I foretold even then to many people that these submarines would 
soon navigate no longer because this weapon so ingenious would 
become blunted since it was stained with floods of innocent blood. 
God would arrange things in such a way that they would not work any 
more! And in fact, a little time after, events proved me right! Then the 
throng starts moving; in front a superb young girl; and so they go on, 
following the pathway, all naked, men, women, and children, the men 
with artificial limbs which they had to take off supported on both sides 
by the others. 

As for me, I stay with Captain Wirth up above on the ramp, between 
the death chambers. Mothers with their sucklings at the breast, they 
walk up, hesitate, then enter into the death chambers. At the corner of 
the birch-tree pathway stands a robust elderly SS man, surrounded by 
these poor people. In a voice like a minister 's, he says to them: Not the 
least tiling will happen to you ! In the chambers you must only breathe 
deeply, this dilates the lungs, this inhalation is necessary because of 
the sicknesses and the epidemics. To the question, what would happen 
to them later? he replies: Yes, naturally, the men must work, to build 
houses and roads, but the women have no need to work. Only if they 
wish, they can help in the work or in the kitchen. For some of these 
poor people, a little glimmer of hope which suffices for them to pass 
the few steps up to the chambers without hesitation. The majority 
know; the smell announces their fate! Thus, they climb up the little 

77 



stairway, and then they see everything! The mothers with their babies 
at the breast, the little naked children, the adults, men and women, in 
confusion, all naked - they hesitate - but they enter into the death 
chambers, pushed forward by the others behind them or by the leather 
whips of the SS. The majority without saying a word. Like a lamb led 
to a slaughterhouse! A Jewess of about 40 years with flashing eyes 
cries out: May the blood which is spilt here in the basest of murders 
fall again on the murderers! She receives 5 or 6 blows of the whip on 
her face, personally from Captain Wirth, then also disappears into the 
chamber. Some address themselves to me: Oh Mister, help us, but help 
us! Many pray. But I cannot help them, I pray with them, I squeeze 
myself into a corner and cry in a loud voice to my God and to theirs. 
There is enough noise around me, I can allow myself to cry in a loud 
voice to my God. How I would have wished to enter the death 
chambers with them; how I would have wished to share their death. 
They would then have found an SS officer in uniform in their 
chambers; they would not have protested for that; they would have 
considered the thing an accident; one would have announced in refer- 
ence to me: "Died in service for his beloved Fuhrer faithfully served 
in the execution of an important task for the Reichsfuhrer . . ." 18 No, 
that won't do. I cannot yet yield to the temptation to die with these 
people. I know it well: There are not 10 persons who see what I see and 
what I have seen, I who have a view of the whole here, of all the 
installations and their organization. Certainly, not one apart from 
myself sees this as an adversary, as an enemy of this gang of 
murderers. So I must live and first of all make known what I see here. 
To be sure, this is the most difficult service, very difficult. The 
chambers are filling. Pack well, that is what Captain Wirth has 
ordered. The people are stepping on each other's feet, 700 to 800 
persons to 25 square meters, 45 cubic meters. I make an estimate: 
average weight at the most 35 kg, more than half are children, specific 
gravity 1 , thus 25,250 kg of human beings per chamber. Wirth is right, 
if the SS men push a little, one can cram 750 persons into 45 cubic 
meters ! - and the SS men push them with their horsewhips and compel 
them to enter, as many as is physically possible. The doors close. 

T VI - page 5 (lines 44 to the end) and page 6 (lines 1 to 25) 

During this time, the others are waiting outside, naked. Meanwhile 
the second transport has also arrived. Someone tells me, naked of 
course in winter also and in cold weather. Yes, but they can catch their 
death, say I, who am usually prudent, who asks absolutely no question, 
who acts the part of one not interested, this word escapes from me. 
"Yes, that is exactly what they're here for," an SS man replies to me 

78 



in his country dialect. Now at last I understand why the whole 
installation is called "Heckenholt." Heckenholt is the operator of the 
diesel, a little technician and a tireless worker. Already during the 
liquidation of the mentally ill, he has gained unprecedented merit 
according to Wirth by his zeal and his inventive mind. He is also the 
constructor of all the installations. It is with the exhaust gases of his 
Diesel that the people here have to be killed. But the Diesel was not 
working. That happened relatively seldom, I was told. Captain Wirth 
arrives. One can see that it is unpleasant to him that this happens just 
today, when I am here. But yes, I see everything! and I wait. My 
stopwatch has quietly recorded everything. 50 minutes, 70 minutes, 
the Diesel does not start! The people are waiting in their gas chambers. 
In vain. One hears them weeping, sobbing. "Like in the synagogue!" 
Professor Pfannenstiel remarks, his ear against the wooden door. 
Captain Wirth strikes the Ukrainian who must help Heckenholt, full 
in the face with his horsewhip. At the end of 2 hours 49 minutes - the 
stopwatch has well recorded everything - the Diesel starts. Right up 
to this moment, the people in the 4 chambers already filled - 4 x 750 
persons in 4 x 45 cubic meters! - are living. Again 25 minutes pass. 
Right, many are already dead now. One sees it through the little 
skylight, through which the electric light illuminates the chamber for 
an instant. Wirth had questioned me minutely to know whether I 
thought it better to make people die in a lighted room or without light. 
He asked me that in the tone in which one asks whether one sleeps 
better with or without a bolster. At the end of 28 minutes, only a few 
were still alive. Finally, at the end of 32 minutes, all are dead. At the 
other side, the men of the working party open the wooden doors ! They 
have been promised - themselves Jews! - freedom and some thou- 
sandths of all the valuables found for their terrible work. Three 
bookkeepers keep the accounts with great exactitude and minutely 
calculate the thousandths. 

T VI - page 6 (lines 26 to the end) 

The dead are standing tightly one against the other like columns of 
basalt in the chambers . There would not have been space to fall or even 
to lean forward. Even in death, one recognizes the families.. Convulsed 
by death, they clasp hands in such a way that it is difficult to separate 
them one from the other in order to free the chambers for the next 
batch. The cadavers are thrown outside, wet with sweat and urine, 
soiled with filth and menstrual blood on the legs. The cadavers of 
children fly through the air. There is no time, the horsewhips of the 
Ukrainians whistle over the work detail. Two dozen dentists open the 
mouths with hooks to look for gold — gold to the left — without gold 

79 



to the right! Other dentists extract with pincers and hammers the gold 
teeth and the crowns out of the jaws. Captain Wirth is jumping around 
among them all over the place. He is in his element. Some of the 
workers check the genital parts to look for gold, brilliants, and objects 
of value. Wirth calls to me: Feel the weight of this fruit tin full of gold 
teeth; it is only from yesterday and the day before! With a pronuncia- 
tion incredible and incorrect, he says to me: You would not believe 
what one can find every day of gold and brilliants (he pronounced this 
with 2 L's and without "Y") and also dollars. But look for yourself! 
And he took me to a jeweller responsible for administering all these 
treasures and he had me see everything. Then again I was shown a 
former head of the Kaufhaus des Westens in Berlin, W. and a little 
violinist was also made to play in my honor. He is a former captain of 
the imperial and royal army of Austria with the Iron Cross 1st class; 
these are the two chiefs of the Jewish work detail. The naked corpses, 
on wooden carts, were thrown into 100 x 12 x 20 meter pits a distance 
of only a few meters away. After some days, fermentation made the 
cadavers swell, then they collapsed heavily in a short time afterwards, 
so that a new layer could be thrown on top; then about 10 cm of sand 
was spread on top, with the result that only a few isolated heads and 
arms stuck out. The day of my visit there arrived at Belcec only two 
transports with, in total, 12,500 persons. 

T VI - page 7 (lines 1 to 37) 

This installation has been functioning since April 1942 and effects 
on average 1,000 killings per day. When I and my circle of friends 
listened to the radio of London or the Voice of America, we were often 
astonished by those innocent angels who came up with figures of 
hundreds of thousands of dead, whereas there were already tens of 
milions of them. The Dutch resistance movement had asked me in 
1943 through Graduate Engineer Ubbink of Doesburg, not to supply 
them with atrocities, but [facts] of the strictest authenticity. Although 
I transmitted these things in August 1942 to the Swedish Legation in 
Berlin, apparently no one wanted to believe these figures at all. Yet 
nevertheless they are true, I attest to it under oath. I estimate the 
number of those who, defenseless and unarmed, have been murdered 
at the instigation of Adolf Hitler and Heinrich Himmler, drawn 
without any possibility of resistance into those murderous traps where 
they were put to death, as at least 20,000,000 human beings. Because 
most certainly it is not just a matter of only some 5 or 6 million 
European Jews who were thus put to death, but above all the Polish 
intelligentsia and a great part of the Czech, as well as the management 
classes of other peoples, for example the Serbs, but most especially the 

80 



Poles and the Czechs. No. III. It was these who were said to be 
biologically without value, and who, from the fact that they truly could 
not work any longer, no longer had the right to live from the point of 
view of the Nazis. Commissions of so-called doctors went from 
village to village and from town to town, in beautiful limousines and 
with a complete medical paraphernalia; dressed in white coats and 
supplied with stethoscopes, they examined the whole population. 
Whoever, according to all appearances, was no longer in a condition 
to work, was put on the list as a useless mouth and some time 
afterwards taken away and gassed. And those who decided this often 
did not possess even a primary education and awarded each other (the 
honorifics) "Dear Colleague!" and "Herr Medical Advisor!" Yes, 
without these measures, an SS-Sturmbannfuhrer at Lublin told me, all 
of Poland would be without value for us, since it is in every way 
overpopulated and sick. We are only compensating for what every- 
where else nature itself does and which it has unfortunately forgotten 
to do with men! At Treblinka, I saw a certain number of workers who, 
the following day, were turning over the cadavers in the graves. "It was 
forgotten to undress the people who arrived already dead. Obviously 
it is necessary to retrieve that because of the textiles and the objects of 
value," Captain Wirth told me. Wirth begged me not to propose to 
Berlin any kind of change in the gas chambers in use up till then or in 
the methods of putting to death, given the fact that they had stood their 
test as well as possible and were well run. Curiously, I was never asked 
such questions in Berlin. As for the hydrocyanic acid which I brought, 
I had it buried. 

T VI - Page 7 (line 38 to the end) and page 8 (lines 1 to 18) 

The next day, 19 August 1942, we went with the car of Captain 
Wirth to Treblinka, 120 km to the NNE of Warsaw. The installation 
was almost the same, but noticeably bigger than at Belcec. Eight gas 
chambers and veritable mountains of suitcases, of textiles and under- 
clothes. In our honor, a banquet was given in the common hall in the 
typical old-German style of Himmler. The food was simple, but 
everything was available in unlimited quantity. Himmler had himself 
ordered that the men of these commandos should receive as much 
meat, butter and other things, especially alcohol, as they wished. 
Professor Dr. med. Pfannenstiel made a speech in which he explained 
to the men the usefulness of their task and the importance of their great 
mission. To me only, he spoke of the "very humane methods" and of 
the "beauty of the work." This has an air of being absolutely incredible 
but I guarantee that he did not say it as a joke but absolutely seriously! 
As a doctor, it is in this way he styled these things - To the teams, he 

81 



said in particular again: When one sees these bodies of Jews, only then 
does one understand clearly to what extent your task merits recogni- 
tion. On our departure, we were again offered several kilos of butter 
and numerous bottles of liqueurs to take away. I had some difficulty 
refusing these things under the pretext that I had sufficient of all that 
from our supposed farm. On which, Pfannenstiel very happily pock- 
eted my share as well. -Afterwards, we went by car to Varsovie. There, 
when I was looking in vain for a bunk in the sleeping car, I met in the 
train the secretary of the legation of the Swedish embassy at Berlin: 
Baron von Otter. Still under the very recent impression of the terrible 
things that I had just seen, I recounted everything to him while begging 
him to make it known at once to his government and to the Allies, since 
every delay must cost the lives of thousands, of tens of thousands of 
people. Von Otter asked me for a reference: I gave him Herr Superin- 
tendent-General Dr. Otto Dibelius, Berlin, Briiderweg 2, a leading 
member of the evangelical resistance movement and at the same time 
a close friend of my friend Pastor Martin Niemoller. I met Herr von 
Otter twice again at the Swedish legation. Meantime, he had reported 
personally to Stockholm and told me that this report had had a 
considerable influence on Swedish-German relations. 

T VI - page 8 (lines 18 to 33) 

I tried in the same affair to make a report to the papal nuncio at 
Berlin. There, I was asked whether I was a soldier. Upon which I was 
refused all further discussion. I was invited to leave the Embassy of 
His Holiness immediately. I say that here because that shows to what 
extent it was difficult for a German to find advice in his distress when 
he could not even find help and counsel in such a dreadful necessity 
from the representative of His Holiness, the Vicar of Christ on Earth! 
On leaving the papal embassy, I was followed by a policeman on a 
bicycle. I had lifted the safety catch on my revolver in my pocket to 
blow my brains out when, incomprehensibly, this policeman passed 
very close by me, then turned back. Risking my head daily, and at the 
risk of being tortured and hanged, I then reported all that to hundreds 
of important persons, among others the secretary of the Catholic 
bishop of Berlin, Dr. Winter, in order that he transmit it to H. E. 
Monseigneur the Bishop of the Holy See. 

T VI - page 8 (lines 18 to the end) and page 9 (lines 1 to 21) 

I must add that Giinther of the Central Office of Security of the 
Reich (I believe he is the son of the "Rassen-Giinther") at the 
beginning of 1944, asked once more for very large quantities of 

82 



hydrocyanic acid for a very obscure purpose. The poison was to be 
delivered to his offices in the Kurfurstenstrasse, and stored there in a 
shed which he showed me. It concerned very large quantities, to the 
total of several freight cars, which was to be accumulated little by little 
and held at his disposal. The poison was sufficient to kill many 
millions of persons. Giinther said that he did not yet know and that one 
could not yet foresee, if, when, to what purpose, for what group of 
persons the poison would or would not be utilized. In any case, it was 
to be there constantly available. From certain questions of a technical 
nature which Giinther asked, I concluded that one probably had to 
have in mind the killing of a very great number of persons in a kind of 
club or lecture hall. After a detailed inspection of the premises, I 
explained to Giinther that I could not in any way take the responsibility 
of storage of this poison in the shed in question in the very center of 
the capital of the Reich, considering that this poison was sufficient to 
kill at least twice the total population of Berlin and that its decompo- 
sition and gasification, especially in summer, were probable. With 
great difficulty, I managed to convince him to stock this poison in the 
concentration camps of Oranienburg and Auschwitz. Afterwards I 
arranged matters in a way that after its arrival the poison would 
immediately disappear at each place for disinfection purposes which 
constantly required cars of hydrocyanic acid there. The invoices of the 
supplying company — Deutsche Gesellschaft fiir Schddlingsbe- 
kdmpfung (German Pest Control Corporation), Frankfurt a.M. and 
Friedburg — I made out in my name, supposedly on account of 
secrecy, in reality in order not to be hindered in my arrangements and 
to be better able to get rid of the poison. For the same reason, I always 
avoided presenting for payment the numerous invoices which were 
accumulating, for in that way it would have been necessary continu- 
ally to remind the SD of the existence of this stock and an investigation 
of the situation would certainly have been made by the paying office 
according to regulations. Also I preferred to give assurances to the firm 
following its reminders (for payment) of the orders and leave the 
invoices unpaid. The Manager of Degesch told me moreover during 
a conversation that he had delivered hydrocyanic acid in ampoules to 
kill people. What group of persons Giinther was to kill on the 
instructions of his superior Eichmann should the need arise, I never 
learned. From the number, I thought of the occupants of the concen- 
tration camps and of the foreign workers, but also of the officers, of the 
German clergy and of prisoners of war. Especially when Goebbels 
said later that possibly National Socialism would slam the door 
violently behind it, I once more carefully verified that this reserve of 
death had really been destroyed. The order of Himmler to kill all the 
occupants of the concentration camps should things be in a bad way 

83 



was already then to be foreseen. 
T VI - page 9 (lines 21 to 44) 

One other time Giinther asked me if it was possible at Maria- 
Theresienstadt, in the moats of the fortress where the Jews who were 
interned there had the right to walk, to poison them by throwing cans 
of cyanide from the top. To make this terrible plan ineffective, I stated 
that it was impossible. I learned later that the SD had however obtained 
the hydrocyanic acid by another way and that it had killed all the same 
the Jews who were, it seems, so comfortable at Theresienstadt. They 
were the fathers of sons who had fallen in battle, Jews of great merit, 
holders of high decorations. Moreover, the most frightful concentra- 
tion camps were not at all those of Belsen or Buchenwald. Very much 
worse were Mauthausen-Gusen near Linz on the Danube and 
Auschwitz. Down there millions of men disappeared into the gas 
chambers and the gas vehicles (mobile chambers). At Auschwitz 
alone, millions of children were killed by holding a pad of hydrocy- 
anic acid under the nose. At the Ravensbruck concentration camp for 
women near Fiirstenberg in Mecklenburg, I saw tests on living women 
performed by Hauptsturmfuhrer Dr.med. Grundlach on the order of 
SS Gruppenfiihrer Professor Dr. Gebhardt-Hohenlynchen. In addi- 
tion, I was able to have knowledge in my work of numerous reports of 
this kind. These concerned, for example, the tests of Pervitin — right 
up to 100 tablets per day - on 100 to 200 detainees, and this right up 
until death finally followed. Other tests of this kind were made with 
serum and lymph — for example with the most varied vaccines 
against typhus. Himmler had reserved to himself the personal pre- 
rogative of approving such tests on persons condemned to death by the 
SD. In addition, one day at Oranienburg I saw several hundreds and 
even several thousands of homosexuals disappear without a trace into 
the ovens. 

T VI - page 9 (lines 44 to 50) 

At Mauthausen, it was usual to make the Jews work at the quarry 
and to throw them afterwards, as if by accident, from the top of a rocky 
cliff. They lay dead down below and were registered as accidents. The 
SS-Hauptsturmfuhrer Dr. Krantz — a fierce anti-Nazi — a native of 
Bonn on the Rhine, frequently spoke to me and many other persons 
with indignation about the numerous actions of this sort that he had 
seen. 

T VI - page 9 (the last 4 lines) and page 10 (lines 1 to 20) 

84 



At Belcec, the day of my visit, I had the impression that after such 
a long wait in the chambers all were truly dead. But Captain Wirth, a 
man totally devoid of culture and without the least knowledge of 
chemistry and physiology, had reported the strangest things to me. 
Obviously Wirth had an avowed predilection for tests on men when 
they were being killed. Thus he spoke to me of a little child that they 
had taken out of the gas chamber in the morning, completely un- 
harmed after having passed the night in there without it having been 
"unloaded." He said they had set up particularly interesting experi- 
ments with the mentally ill. That was where they had observed the 
most varied sensitivities of individuals.Tests had also been made with 
compressed air; people were put into boilers into which compressed 
air was introduced by means of the ordinary compressors used in 
asphalting the streets . — At Treblinca, I had the impression that at least 
a certain number were still living and were only unconscious. Nearly 
all had their eyes open and presented a terrible aspect. In spite of my 
attentive observation, I was not however able to notice any movement. 
On the whole, no one has taken any trouble so to speak to effect the 
killing in a manner — let us say — "humane" insofar as one could use 
the term in such a context! — And this undoubtedly less from sadism 
than from complete indifference and laziness in regard to these things. 
The SS Hauptsturmfuhrer Dr. med. Villing of Dortmund told me of a 
particularly dignified death. It concerned several thousands — 8,000 
I believe, priests and members of the Polish clergy. These were com- 
pelled to dig long and deep ditches themselves; then they had to 
undress completely, place themselves in front of the ditches, and then 
they were shot. 



T VI - page 10 (lines 20 to 40) 



To the mocking and sarcastic questions whether they still believed 
in Jesus Christ, in Mary, and the Polish people, they replied by firmly 
confessing Christ, the Holy Mother of God, particularly that of 
Tchenstchau, and in affirming their faith in the resurrection of their 
people; Villing spoke of it with tears and with the deepest emotion and 
distress. Other Poles also died in a similarly dignified and exemplary 
manner, in particular the teachers, men and women. In hearing talk of 
all this, I remembered my own imprisonment in Buchsen street in 
Stuttgart. With an almost childish hand someone had scratched there 
in clumsy lettering on the edge of my iron bed: "I pray you, Mother of 
God, help me!" - In Poland, a confirmed method of killing people was 
to make them climb up the spiral staircase of the blast furnaces, to 
execute them at the top however with a pistol shot, and then to make 
them disappear into the blast furnace. It is said that many people were 

85 



asphyxiated by the fumes of brick ovens and after that burned. Here 
however my source is not one hundred percent sure. - One of the 
police chiefs at Bromberg, the SS Sturmbannfiihrer Haller told the 
doctors in my course and myself that on his arrival at Bromberg, it was 
usual to smash the skulls of the Jewish children immediately against 
the wall of the apartments to avoid the noise of shots. He had put a stop 
to this excess and seen to it that the children were killed by shooting. 

T VI - page 10 (lines 40 to the end) and page 11 (the first 3 
lines) 

He still remembered clearly two little girls of 3 and 5 years who had 
fallen to their knees in front of him and had prayed. But I had to have 
them shot too, of course, said Haller. Haller spoke to us of the 
execution of the Polish intelligentsia. These people, too, had to dig 
ditches, lie face down and were then killed with a machine pistol. 
Those following had afterwards to lie down on the cadavers which 
were still warm and were similarly slaughtered. Many afterwards had 
been killed when they were trying to worm themselves between the 
cadavers and climb outside, for they were not yet completely dead. 

One of the heads of the government at Cracow told me, while 
carving a turkey, of a particularly successful capture that they had 
made. A man of the Polish resistance, a Jew, had clammed up in stolid 
silence. On this, they broke some of his joints. As he continued to keep 
silent, he had been seated on the red hot plate of a stove. You should 
have seen how he recovered his tongue! 

T VI - page 11 (lines 4 to 18) 

On occasion of a visit to the construction office of the Waffen SS at 
Lublin, the two architects informed us that that very morning, they had 
measured the mortuary of a prisoners' camp with the purpose of 
enlarging it. Thousands of cadavers, the majority typhous, were piled 
up there. All of a sudden, they had seen some of them move. The 
"Rottenfiihrer" who kept the key had only asked: "Where?" then he 
had taken a round rod of iron which was there ready and smashed the 
skull of these people. It was not the action itself, the architects said, 
which had astonished them, but the way in which it seemed to be a 
matter of course! On the occasion of my visit, a Jewess dealt some 
Jewish workers cuts in the neck with the blade of a razor she kept 
hidden. Wirth deeply regretted that the woman was already dead, she 
ought to have been punished in an exemplary manner! He scrupu- 
lously had medical care given to the wounded Jews so that they might 
believe that they really would be left alive, settled and recompensed! 

86 



"And the people believe it, the people believe it! These idiots!" cried 
Wirth. 

T VI - page 11 (lines 18 to 33) 

At Belcec, the competition organized among the men and the young 
people of the transports was particularly horrible: it consisted of 
hauling the clothes right up to the cars. Whoever does the most will go 
to the work detail! This resulted, it seems, in a life-or-death competi- 
tion among these naked men who hauled the clothes to the laughter of 
the SS. Of course, all disappeared afterwards into the chambers. Only 
a few, old and sick, who could no longer drag themselves up to the 
chambers, even supported by the others, were taken to one side and 
straightaway shot. Some touching scenes still pass before my eyes: the 
dreamy little Jewish boy of three years who had to distribute the pieces 
of string to tie up the shoes. Even a child like him was harnessed 
without knowing it to Hitler 's dreadful machine of death and murder 
in the system of pillage of Himmler and Wirth. Or else I think of a little 
girl who had lost, one meter from the chamber, a little chain of coral 
that a little Jewish boy of three years found: how he picked up the little 
chain, looked at it with love and seemed completely happy with it, and 
at the following instant was pushed — yes, I must say it — this time 
with gentleness to the interior of the chamber. 

T VI - page 11 (lines 33 to 43) 

The SS Hauptsturmfiihrer Obermeyer of Pirmasens told me: "in a 
village in the vicinity I met a Jew and his wife who come from my 
home town of Pirmasens. He had been adjutant during the Great War, 
a very good lad. As children, we played together; he even saved my life 
once when I had almost been killed by a car. Him and his wife, I am 
going to take them now into my work detail." I asked Obermeyer what 
would happen later to this man. He looked at me with astonishment: 
"What will happen to him? Exactly the same thing as for all the others. 
There is nothing else. Perhaps I shall have them shot." On the other 
hand, I have met in the SS a certain number of men who sincerely 
condemned these methods and had become thereby furious adversar- 
ies of Nazism. 

T VI - page 11 (lines 43 to the end) and page 12 (excepting 
the last 3 lines) 

I think above all of the chief staff officer of the senior director of 
hygiene in the department of medicine of the Reich SS and of the 

87 



police, the Hauptscharfiihrer Heinrich Hollander. He kept me in- 
formed of all the affairs of any importance and saw to it that anything 
that might in some way have accused me or made me suspect in my 
job was made to disappear. I would myself have long since ended up 
in the oven, if this faithful friend, a Catholic and ardent anti-Nazi, had 
not held over me his protecting hand. A convinced anti-Nazi, he was 
also the director of internal services of the SS hospital in Berlin, SS 
Sturmbannfiihrer Dr. med. Focht who from 1941 found numerous and 
courageous words to condemn the methods of the Nazis and the SS. 
It was the same with the surgeons of SS Hauptsturmfuhrer Dr. med. 
Nissen of Itzehoe and Dr. med. Sorge of Iena. An effective and militant 
anti-Nazi also was the SS Hauptsturmfuhrer Dr. in geology Fritz 
Krantz of Bonn, who made known among the people round him, at the 
constant risk of being hanged, the numerous horrors that it was given 
to him to see in the concentration camps. Among the group of officers 
of 20 July 1944 must be counted the chief pharmacists of the Waffen 
SS, the SS Gruppenfiihrer Dr. pharm. Blumenreuther and his two 
assistants SS Sturmbannfiihrer Dr. Behmenburg and Dr. Rudolphi. 
The latter, in October 1944, trampled with his feet the portrait of the 
Fuhrer which was in his office. 

Among the Belgian SS, Dutch and Luxembourgians, 2 / 3 of the 
effectives had been incorporated by force by incredible manoeuvres of 
lies and deceit about so-called sports or other courses. Before people 
had time to know what was going on and even before putting on the 
uniform, they were sworn in by the sole fact of their presence at an oath 
taking, and in case of refusal they were treated as deserters or hanged 
for insubordination or at best shot. With what rigor such actions were 
treated, is shown by the fact that very young members of the Waffen 
SS were shot quite simply for the fact of having grabbed a comrade by 
the seat of his trousers in the region of the pubis. This order to chastise 
even the least signs of pervert tendencies was brought to the notice of 
all the members of the SS and signed by Himmler himself. Thousands 
of boys of the Hitler Youth were pushed into the SS against their will 
like the foreigners mentioned above. It is the same with the other corps 
of the Wehrmacht — in particular the Luftwaffe and the navy — 
compelled to join the SS on the order of Hitler and Himmler. It would 
be absolutely false and unjust — highly unjust — to wish to make each 
SS man co-responsible for the terrible crimes of the SS without 
examining these aforesaid circumstances. It is necessary to mention 
here also that the police were often considerably worse than the SS. At 
the time of the apprehension and the assembling of the Jews with their 
transport in view, for example, at the time of their delivery to the 
abattoirs of Himmler, they supplied his worst agents, even though it 
would have been easy for the old experienced police officials to get rid 

88 



of a good part at least of the Jews by means of the card-index. Besides, 
it is only justice to expect on the part of these old officials, already 
mature and who had to know what is just and unjust, other behavior 
than that of the Hitler Youth or the young SS devoid of maturity. The 
fact that Himmler was not only Reichsfuhrer of the SS but at the same 
time chief of the German police is very often not sufficiently taken into 
consideration. The blood guilt of the police in the smooth execution 
of the massacre of the Jews is enormous, even if this was effected in 
great part at a desk without risks and in the security of an office. In this 
regard, it is hardly necessary to make a distinction between Gestapo 
and police and this very generally. That is not to deny the possibility 
that more than one gendarme or policeman can have earnestly endeav- 
ored to serve justice and to fulfill his duty according to his conscience 
and not according to the orders of the Nazis. But that would be his 
business to prove it. On principle, every police official should to begin 
with be considered in the same way as a member of the SS. 



Additions And Drafts 



1. Drafts of T I 



a. One handwritten page beginning: "A la personne" and ending: 
"Administration g6n6rale de la SS," dated 26 April 1945. The trans- 
lation is on page 89. 

It is a draft (the original of which is with the LKA) of the beginning 
of T I. The writing is small and compressed together, to the extent that 
when Gerstein recopied it with his additions , he used two pages instead 
of one. Thus we have the explanation for the two pages of T I which 
are numbered "2;" this error in numbering is followed in the subse- 
quent pages so that the last page, which is the tenth, is numbered "9." 

The text of this draft shows a peculiarity which deserves being 
noted: Gerstein writes of having sent 3,500 anti-Nazi brochures, while 
in the other versions he writes "8,500" brochures. It should moreover 
be noted that on the finalized page of T I the 8 of the 8,500 is 
overwritten. 

b. One handwritten page beginning: "ayant pass6 volontaire et 
spontan6" and ending "avec tous managements." (For translation see 
below). This is a separate text but, in the main, we find here the ideas 
expressed in the last page number 9 of T I. The original is preserved 
at LKA. 

[It is interesting to note here that Gerstein puts Maidanek in the 
same context as Belzec and Treblinka,claiming he has seen the gas 
chambers there and the massacres in all details; whereas in nearly 

89 



every version of a final "confession" he clearly states that he saw 
Maidanek under construction. — R.V.P.] 

Transcription and Translation of Text Referred to in la. 

Bergassessor a.D. 19 
Kurt Gerstein 
64a Rottweil 26 April 1945 
Certified Engineer 
(address details) 

Personal data: Gerstein, Kurt, associate of the factory of De Limon 
Fluhme & Co., Dusseldorf, automatic greasing. Before the war, head 
of department of this firm. Born 11 August 1905 at Munster/West- 
phalia. — father Ludwig Emil Gerstein, President of the Regional 
Court, Hagen Westphalia. — mother Clara n6e Schmemann died 
193 1 . — Married to Elfriede Gerstein n6e Bensch, Tubingen, Garten- 
str. 24. Telephone 3340. Three children Arnulf , 5 years, Adelheid 3 V 
2 years, Olaf 2 years. 

Life: 1905-1910 Munster, 1911-1919 Sarrebruck, 1919-1921 
Halberstadt, 1921-1925 Neuruppin, 1925-1931 studies Marburg, 
Aix-la-Chapelle, Berlin. 193 1 Examination for Certified Engineer. — 
Since 1925, active member of the organized Protestant Youth (Chris- 
tian Union of Young Men) particularly the Christian student youth, 
called Bibelkreis (circle around the Holy Bible). 

Politics: supporter of Stresemann and Bruning, active for them. 
Since 1932: responsible position for the whole of Germany in the 
Protestant student youth. — Since June 1933, pursued by the Gestapo 
for Christian activity against the State. 

2 May 1933 entry into the NSDAP party. — 2 October 1936, 
expulsion from the NSDAP. 30 January 35, public protest at the 
theater of the town of Hagen, against the anti-Christian drama Wit- 
tekind, beaten up and wounded by the Nazis. — 27 September 1936 
chased out of the state service for having sent 3,500 anti-Nazi 
brochures to the high employees of the state. Put in prison by the 
Gestapo at Sarrebruck right up till the end of October 36. Mining 
career finished! — December 1936 right up till the beginning of the 
war, medical studies at Tubingen, tropic medical institute. — Approx. 
the third of my income about — V 3 of 18,000 — Reichsmark/year, I 
have given, since 1931, for my ideal religious aims. At my expense, 
I have had printed approx. 230,000 religious and anti-Nazi brochures 
to send them, at my expense, to the interested. 

14 July-28 August 1938: second imprisonment, then concentration 
camp of Welzheim up till 23 August 1938. 

90 



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Hearing of the massacres of the imbeciles, etc., totally shocked and 
wounded in my insides, having such a case in my family, I had only 
one wish: to see into this machinery and then cry out to all the people. 
With the references of the two employees of the Gestapo, having 
treated my case, it was not difficult to enter into the SS Army. 10 
March-2 June 1941, studies as a simple soldier at Langenhoorn, 
Amhem and Oranienburg with 40 doctors. For my double studies — 
technical and medicine — on 2 June 1941 1 received the order to enter 
into the medico-technical service of the FuehrungsHauptamt (General 
Administration) of the SS. 

Transcription and Translation of Text Referred to in lb. 

Having passed voluntarily and of my own accord on 22 April 1945 
the German-French lines between Metzingen and Reutlingen I put 
myself immediately at the disposition of Monsieur the Military 
Commandant of the town of Reutlingen. Responsible head of the 
Christian youth in Germany, beaten up and wounded by the Nazis, 
pursued, twice made prisoner for Christian anti-Nazi agitation, once 
in a concentration camp, excluded from the service of the state for the 
same reason, I was launched as agent for the resistant church, as 
personal friend of the Rev. Niemoller, in the SS Army. There, I 
succeeded to an important double position of SS Fiihrungshauptamt 
and Reichsarzt SS and police at Berlin, sanitary service and of 
hygiene, of which I was the head of the medico-technical service, from 
November 1941-April 1945. Having seen, as few others, the gas 
chambers and the massacres of Belzec, Treblinka and Maidanec/ 
Poland, in all details, straightaway I revealed all these things to the 
Swedish legation, to the Swiss legation, and the Dutch national 
resistance and to many persons of influence in Germany. 

Monsieur the Military Commandant of Reutlingen, having exam- 
ined and verified my papers and circumstances, has sent me to Rott- 
weil in order to discuss my employment in the security service of the 
army, especially in the anti- Werewolf 20 service. He had given me a 
certificate with the following text: Msr. the holder is not a true SS and 
must not be treated as such, but, on the contrary, with every considera- 
tion." 

2. Additions of T II (P5-1553) 

a. Note handwritten in French by Gerstein, carrying his signature; 
it concerns the deliveries of prussic acid. It is not dated. 

b. Handwritten note of two pages in English, composed and signed 
by Gerstein. 

91 



POLICE D-ISRAEL T^fef > K «l V » n 1 l> * n 






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c. Two invoices of the Degesch Company chosen as examples from 
a collection of twelve invoices for Zyklon B, six for delivery to Oran- 
ienburg and six for delivery to Auschwitz. The dates of these twelve 
invoices range from 14 February 1944 to 31 May 1944. The total 
invoiced amounts to 2,370 kgs, of which 1,185 for Oranienburg and 
1,185 for Auschwitz. Gerstein says in his "confessions" that he had 
these invoices written in his name, which is correct, but the address 
mentioned is that of the Institute of Hygiene (Leipzigerstrasse 31/32 
in Berlin) and not the Obersturmfuhrer 's personal address in Berlin. 

All of these additions come from the police of Israel, headquarters, 
6th Bureau. The originals are preserved in the National Archives in 
Washington. 

The complete documents of PS- 1553 (the "confession" proper and 
the additions) were sent to the American authorities in 1945 by two 
Allied officers, the Englishman, Major Evans, and the American 
Haught, who interrogated Gerstein at the Hotel Mohren at Rottweil on 
5 May 1945. 

Translation of document referred to in 2a. above, which is 
signed but not dated. 

"The prussic acid according to the attached invoices was ordered by 
the Reichssicherheitshauptamty Berlin W, 35 Kurfurstenstrasse on the 
instructions of SS Sturmbannfiihrer Guenther: I, responsible for this 
work, loyally performed this service in order to, the acid having 
arrived at Oranienburg and Auschwitz, make the tins disappear into 
the disinfection chambers. In this way, it was possible to prevent a bad 
usage of the acid. To prevent reminding anyone of the presence of this 
stock — or, better, its "non-presence" — to the Reichssicherheitshaup- 
tamt, I have never paid these supplies, the address on the invoices was, 
for the same purpose, myself. In this way it was possible to get rid of 
the acid immediately on arrival. If someone had noticed its non- 
presence, I would have replied: this is a mistake of the disinfection 
service who did not know and should not have known its real use, or 
I would have said: the acid had decomposed and it was no longer 
possible to keep it anymore." (signed) Gerstein. 

Transcription of document referred to in 2b. above as 
follows: 

Domicil Permanent: Tubingen - Neckar, Gartenstr. 24. 26 April 
1945. My report is interesting to the Secret Service. The things I have 
seen, no more than 4-5 others have seen, and these others were Nazis. 
Many of responsibles of Belsen, Buchenwald, Maidanek, Oswice 

92 



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135 



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(Auschwitz), Mauthausen, Dachau, etc. were men of my service, daily 
I have seen them in my double position in: 1) SS Fiihrungshauptamt, 
D, sanitary service, and 2) Reichsarzt SS and Polizei, Berlin. 

I am in situation to say the names and crimes of in reality those 
responsibles of this things, and I am ready to give the material for his 
accusation in World Tribunal? Myself, cordial friend of Reverend 
Martin Niemoller and his family (now at Leoni/Starnbergersee/ 
Bavaria!) — I was after two prisons and concentration camp agent of 
the confessional-Church — like SS Obersturmfiihrer and compart- 
ment-chief in SS Fiihrungshauptamt and of Reichsarzt SS and Polizei, 
a dangerous position! 

The things I have seen nobody has seen. 1943, August, I have made 
my reports [here written over word "regards"]for the Svenska legation 
in Berlin. I am ready and in situation to say all my observations to your 
Secret Service. 

The secretary of the Svenska Legation Berlin, now at Stockholm, 
Baron von Otter is ready to be witness my relations of 1 942 of all these 
cruelties. I propose to demand this information: 

Reference: Msr. Niemoller (Reverend Martin Niemoller 's woman, 
Leoni/Starnberger See, Munchen [illegible word]), (signed) Gerstein. 

Notes: Your army has not find Mr. Niemoller, Mr. Stalin junior, Mr. 
Schushnigg, at Dachau. They are deported, nobody now; who they 
are. 21 

Please do not publish my report before exactement now: Niemoller 
is liberated or dead. Gerstein. 

Translation of Degesch Invoice of 14 February 1944 

The invoice is overwritten/overstamped with various file and 
service references which were added subsequently and do not form 
part of the original document. 

Translation 

Degesch (Emblem) 

German Pest Control Co., Inc. 

Frankfurt-on-Main (Address and Phone numbers, etc.) 

Herr Obersturmfiihrer 

Kurt Gerstein 

Berlin, Invoice 

Leipziger Strasse 31/32 Frankfurt a.M. 14 February 1944 

D.G.I. We have dispatched to you today by the train from Dessau 
with a consignment note of the Armed Forces issued by the local Army 
Administration at Dessau for the concentration camp of Auschwitz, 
Dept. Destruction of Parasites and Disinfection, Station: Auschwitz, 
an urgent merchandise, the following consignment: Zyklon B Prussic 

93 



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acid non-lachrymatory. 22 50066/78 = 13 cases each containing 30 = 
390 tins of 500 grammes = 195 kgs. 5.— 975.— Gross: 832 kgs. Tare: 
276.25 kgs. Net: 555.75 kgs. The labels carry the wording: "With 
Care, without warning properties." 

3 A separate handwritten text, in English, of one page, 
beginning with: "This relation is interessant" and ending 
with "Reichsarzt SS und Polizei." 

While obviously in Gerstein's handwriting, it is not dated or signed. 
The original is preserved by LKA (Bestand 5,2 - Nr 64c). One finds 
again in this text certain ideas expressed in the note of two pages, also 
in English, shown as additions to T II in 2b. above. 

Transcription of handwritten note in English referred to 
in 3 above, as follows: 

"This relation is int6ressant for Secret Service. The things I have 
seen no more than 4-5 men have seen, and the others were nazies. 
Many of responsables of Belsen, Buchenwald, Maidanek were men of 
my service: "SS Fuehrungs-Hauptamt D, Sanitary-services and Reich- 
sarzt SS and Polizei." I am in situation to say the names of in reality 
responsables of this things and I am ready to give the material for this 
accusation in world-tribunal. My-self, I was, after 2 prisons and 
concentration-camp, Mend of reverend Martin Niemoller, agent for 
confessional-church in SS-administration (SS Fuehrungshauptamt, 
D, sanitary-service and Reichsarzt und Polizei). 

4 One typewritten page, in French and headed "Post- 
Scriptum," carrying the number "16." 

It is undated and unsigned. It begins with: "A Belcec, il 6tait trfcs 
terrible" and ends with: "furent assassin6s." One can assume that there 
were fifteen pages before this sixteenth page. But only this page 16 is 
in the archives of LKA. 

The ideas expressed in this text are comparable to those found in 
certain supplements (Erganzungen) of T HI and T IV. 

Translation of the page 16 in French referred to above, as 
follows: "Post Scriptum: -16- 

"At Belcec it was very terrible the competition that was made 
among the men and boys at the transport of clothes. I still think of a 
little Jewish boy of 3, 4 years, who had to share out the small strings 

94 



/(Lcu«<- ^e^-/ ^-^/ <^& ir^U» / ^ r e^ t — 



Tout acriptua s - 16- 6^.6 

A Lolceo il etait trie terroble lalfonourrenoe .qu»on f elegit" 
parmi leii "hommea ot gafoons au tranaportdoB vfctamento.-Je •i*c:\ac 
encore au potit ^orcon ;juif de 3\, 'jt^ : ftnfl» ™* devait partaker, 
loo ficealea- pour Joindre lcs Qhtt«cs]irea^ i( Ijftmo tel enfant fdt 
abu*6 aane aavolr a cotU mchine.^territoi-e A'aoeaaainat ■ d* # 'i;it'-' 
ler ot Wirth-* Ou je penae a une .petite' XJLll'c 'do £ ana qui outlif.lt 
- .total ciiiout nu- uuc petite chain*. \ de ooiv.il, que quelque ui:m- 
tes plitc tard - 1 metre avent loa ojiaaibrea de £,az- trouvn • vxi 
&arcon do .3 una j, 8e rfcjouiae&nt, contemplont et - au prcch,. v in 
BiOi.ont-. f£t' lance dena la chambre,--Obprneyer 'me racontal d un 
villas aupre8 fi'ici jai trouve un Juif de ma villf. Fatcrwlle, 
de i : ir^uBti'.s, Au cuerre do 14-10. il etait oorceant, un hov-e 
trSo honorable, Enfcnto, noue avons Jou6 euat'ir.ble # II m'u -:a& - 
eauve uiit foila la vi«- , ri'6 ,unt ..an danger d'etro surpacjt6. Oct 
hoi'iice ot ea feme je prendrai aveo moi pour moh oojii)'i s nuO tr-ia*; 11- 
loursl-- Deicand6 , oe qu'il furait d'apree do- cos hordes, il ne 
dltj to.talcncnt etonnfi : Qu'eat.c. que ' deviendra do lai? Le 
ciemp. que tous let; autre a, dtne tellce choaca il n'y a paa qv.ulque 
cutpe.- '.laauiere — acis -pcut etre- je' lea feral fusiler l — 

'tlalo'J.'ui uiiBDi trouve quelquca 83 ''",'■' d'evenub par oca L.etfcodee 
uea adYwrauiroB .viYi:o de oe re^i/ic" idS-Hauptaci.tirfuelircr llcinriwh 
Ebllcender du Reicl.sarEt iili et de police, -qui no donmiit Qoienct 
do toutea ohoaee extraordinaire a ot Intereucantea.-lJoi reeV.c , j'tiiis 
diapuru dtna lea chai.ibrtio do jrz ', 8i Hpllaender no u'uvnit ,;.a 
£urde ' o ouvc nt dca choaca dun^creuae3 Vx <-yA.ntina£i auuci; 
SS-Sturiitanr4uehrer Dr.r.td.Focht ,. ohef de rayon interiuur <h; 

iiis^LaLarett Berlin-Lichterf ©Ida, 
Er, Lied. Hi 8 sen, SS-HauptQturnfuchrer, 'Ittelioe Hollstein 
Dr.aed,ehii t Sor£,c de Jena, — 

pffioiwre , qu'on pout £Csrdur coiiirce oevuf' <lu. 20 Juillot 1D44 J 
SS-Grup, enfuehrer I>r..pharm,Blunonreu , ljher, ohef du rayon phi.r. . r.r'.ur. 
de police ot 315 

tfS-BturffibannfUhrer Dr.phami, Belli;. uiburg, du neLit- service, 
5S-Sturmbannfut:hrer It, phaixi Rudolph! ',,-•. 8 . " • 
Le dernier aruinl quj: piedxs jootobre 1944, le Hit.-.er-3ild, 
2/3 de lu LS hollandaiac, bolge eto 6 talent forofee J,.ait 3w. a.r- 
vioc per uetho".cs fraudouleuaea et ' violantea.De n6Ae u.v. w r-..: 4 - 

de ijartic doe Jcunea gena de la EITLERJUGSia) sont forcea d ee 
ocrvice, tc nepjo lue coL*.andea de : iiferienne et d'e le rcri.x. 
-*ouvant , lea agents de' la police.. etaient bcuueoup plus tiauvui^ 
coi'...e lwa SS, II etaient ' ooupabloa en grandc nombre dec t-.M.ri- 
aomic-utnta dee Juifa, qui , quelqua" tempe pluo t;rd , furcr.t" 
a.-aaaalnea, 



to tie up the shoes: even such a child was abused without knowing of 
this terrible murder machine of Hitler and Wirth. — Or I think of a little 
girl of 5 years who forgot — totally naked — a little chain of coral that 
some minutes later — 1 meter before the gas chambers — was found 
by a boy of 3 years: rejoicing, contemplating and — at the next 
moment — was thrown into the chamber. — Obermeyer told me: at 
a village near here I found a Jew from my home town, from Pirmasens. 
In the war of 14-18 he was a sergeant, a very honorable man. As 
children, we played together. He even saved my life once, I being in 
danger of being run over. This man and his wife I will take with me for 
my work detail! — Asked, what he would do afterwards with these 
people, he says to me, totally surprised: What will become of them? 
The same as all the others, in such things there is no other way — but 
perhaps I shall have them shot! — 

But I have also found some SS, become by those methods active 
adversaries of the regime: SS Hauptscharfuhrer Heinrich Hollander 
of the Reichsarzt SS and of the police who let me know of everything 
extraordinary and interesting. — Myself, I'd have gone into the gas 
chambers, if Hollander had not often protected me from the dangerous 
things. — Anti-Nazi also: SS-Sturmbannfiihrer Dr. med. Focht, head 
of the interior department of SS-Lazarett 23 Berlin-Lichterfelde; Dr.med. 
Nissen, SS-Hauptsturmfuhrer, Itzehoe Hollsteih; Dr. med. surg. Sorge 
of Jena, — Officers, that one can keep as those of 20 July 1944: SS- 
Gruppenfiihrer Dr. pharm. Blumenreuther, head of the pharmaceuti- 
cal department of police and SS; SS-Sturbannfuhrer Dr. pharm. 
Behmenburg, of the same service; SS-Sturmbannfiihrer Dr. pharm. 
Rudolphi, of the same service. The last ruined with his feet, October 
1944, the Hitler picture. 

2 / 3 of the Dutch SS, Belgian, etc., were forced into the service by 
fraudulent and violent methods. In the same way a large part of the 
young people of the Hitlerjugend are forced into this service, similarly 
the ones ordered of the air and of the navy. — Often, the agents of the 
police were very much worse than the SS. They were guilty of large 
numbers of imprisonments of Jews, who, some time later, were 
assassinated." 

Letter from Gerstein to His Wife 

Dated 26 May 1945. 

It is handwritten, on five half pages. The photocopy and the 
typewritten transcription were sent to us at our request by Gerstein' s 
widow. The most important sentence seems to be the following: 
"Wenn Du irgendwelche Schwierigkeiten hast, geh mit dem Bericht, 
den ich anlege, zum Militargouvemeur," which means: "If you have 

95 



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Abschrift des handschrif tlichen letzten Briefes meines Hannes 
Kurt Gerstein vom 26. V. 1945* an mich. 



Liebe Priedel! 

Nach 5 Wochen Aufenthalt in Rottweil zur Verfugung des Militar- 
gouverneurs werde ich heute mit dem Wagen an eine ubergeordnetc 
Stelle in der Gegend von Konstanz - wo weiss ich nicht ! - 
weiter gegeben Ich hatte hier ein H&telzimmer als Aufenthalt 
zu^ewiesen bekommen, nachdem ich 1 Nacht und 1 Nachmittag im • 
Kafig gehalten word en war und hiergegen Einspruch erhoben 
hatte. - Ich liess Dir auf der Kommode im Flur Gartenetr. 24 
meine Papiere zurUck, da Du sie sicher brauchst. Ich gebe Dir 
den einen Rat: Wehr Dich ! Lass Dir nichts gef alien. Es ist 
selbstverstandlich, dass jemand wie ich -wie wir - anders 
behandelt werden mussen, wie andere Leute. Meine Tatigkeit 
im SSPHA usw. war von vornherein eine reine Agententatigkeit 
fiir die Bekenntniskirche. Ich halae Dir nur das wenigste sagen 
kbnnen, weil man Dich im Ernstfall erpresst und ausgequetscht 
hatte. Mich wiirde der SD in kochendes Wasser geworfen haben, 
wenn er gewusst hatte, dass ich in meiner Not alles den 
Schweden und der Schweiz verraten habe. 

Wenn Du irgendwelche Schwierigkeiten hast, geh mit dem Bericht 
den ich anlege, zum Militargouverneur. Verwahr die Haftbefehle 
Parteiausschluss-Urkunden usw. gut. Auch das leg vor, £ib f s 
aber nicht aus der Hand. 

Vielleicht kann auch Praulein Dr.v.Huene, Zeppellnstrasse, 

Dir manches helfen. Auch zum Burgermeister rate ich Dir zu geh< 

- Wann ich zuruckkomme, weiss ich noch nicht. Ich geniesse 
alle Preiheiten bisher und hoffe auch bei der nachsten 
Instanz. Auch mit der Verpflegung und Unterbringung - im 
Mohren ±s& in Rottweil, Pam. Miller - hatte ich Gltlck. 
Aber ich kann, da man sich fur meinen Pall sehr stark inter- 
essiert und da ich als einer der Hauptzeugen gegen die Kriegs- 
verbrecher vor dem International en Gerichtshof aufzutreten 
habe, noch nichts n&heres sagen. 

Dir, Deinem Vater und den Kindern 
herzliche Griisse und V/iinsche 

Kurt. 

26.V.45 1058 



difficulties of any sort, go with the report, which I attach, to the 
Military Governor." In the following chapters, we shall try to deter- 
mine to which "confession" Gerstein refers in speaking of the "Ber- 
icht" attached to his letter. 

Translation of Gerstein's Last Letter To His Wife of 26 
May 1945 

"Dear Friedel, 

After a stay of five weeks at Rottweil at the disposition of the 
military governor, I am being sent today by car to a higher authority 
in the region of Konstanz — where, I do not know ! I had received here 
a hotel room as assigned residence, after I had been held under lock 
and key for one night and one afternoon, and had protested against 
this. — I left my papers for you on the chest of drawers in the vestibule 
of 24 Gartenstrasse, for you certainly need them. I give you a piece of 
advice: defend yourself! Let nothing happen to you. It is self-evident 
that someone like me — like us — must be treated differently from 
other people. My activity as the SS F.H. etc. was from the beginning 
a pure activity as agent in the service of the confessional church. I 
could tell you only the minimum, because, if things turned out badly, 
they would have been able to blackmail you and to press you with 
questions. As for me, the SD would have plunged me in boiling water 
if it had known that, in my distress, I divulged everything to Sweden 
and to Switzerland. 

If you have difficulties of any sort, go with the report, which I 
attach, to the Military Governor. Take good care of the warrants for 
arrest, the documents relating to expulsion from the party, etc. Present 
those documents also, but do not part with them. 

Perhaps Fraulein Dr. v. Huene, Zeppelinstrasse, can help you in 
some way. I advise you also to go and see the Mayor. — When I shall 
return, I do not yet know. Up till now I enjoy every freedom and I hope 
it will be the same in the next jurisdiction. Also with the food and 
lodging, with the Miller family at Mohren in Rottweil, I had luck. But 
since everyone is very strongly interested in my case and as I have to 
appear before the international court of justice as one of the principal 
witnesses against the war criminals, I cannot yet say anything more 
definite. 

To you, your father and the children, heartfelt greetings and 
wishes, Kurt. 26.V.45. 10 58 . 



96 



Interrogations by the French Military Justice 
Department 

It appears appropriate to include two interrogations by the French 
Military Justice Department within the complete collection of docu- 
ments left by Gerstein; all the more so as, in their case, we have every 
guarantee of authenticity. 

1 Interrogation of 26 June 1945 

Interrogating! officer of the O.R.C.G.: Commandant Beckhardt. It 
consists of two sheets, typewritten front and back, numbered 1 to 4. 

The original is preserved in the Gerstein file at the Directorate of 
Military Justice at Paris. 

Photocopies of interrogation referred to in 1 ) above. 

Translation into English of above, as follows: Paris, the 26 June 
1945. 

INTERROGATION of Mr. Kurt GERSTEIN by Commandant Beck- 
hardt Interrogating officer of the OH.C.G. 48 rue de Villejust- Paris.) 

I - Interrogation of Identity NAME: GERSTEIN. Forenames: 
Kurt — . Born: 11 August 1905 at Munster (Westphalia) - Son of: 
Ludwig E. GERSTEIN (President of the Court of Justice (retired) and 
of Clara SCHMEMANN, deceased in 1931.) Married on 31 August 
1937 to Elfriede nee Bensch. Domicile: 24 Gartenstrasse at Tubingen. 
3 children: Arnulf born 25/9/39; Adelhaid born 25/10/41; Olaf born 
December 1942; Nationality: German. Religion: Confessional Prot- 
estantism - Lutheran. 

// - Professional Education. In 1919, I go into the mines of 
Lintfors, near Aix-en-Chapelle, as apprentice worker, until 1925, after 
having been, previously, secondary-school student at Sarrebriick from 
1915 to 1919. In 1925, 1 finish my studies and pass my baccalaureate. 

In 193 1 , after having followed various courses I become certificated 
engineer for the mines service. 

/// - Political and Religious activities. From 1922 to 1933, 1 am 
a republican and active supporter of BRUENING and STRESEMAN. 

In 1933, 30 January 1935 and 27 September, 1936, 1 am arrested 
and manhandled by the Gestapo for anti-national-socialist propa- 
ganda and Christian activity. Following this, I was debarred from the 
State Mining Service. 

The 14/7/38, 1 am arrested by the Gestapo and the S.D. of Stuttgart; 
I was interned in prison then at the concentration camp of Walzheim. 

I received a prohibition on making speeches. 

In 1940, through the Bishop of Stuttgart, I learned of the massive 



97 



PARIS, le 26* Juln 1945 ... "1 AJ> 

IffTSRROQATOIRE da Monsieur Kurt QERSTEIft /' \*^{ 

par le Commandant BEOKHARDT !• J \ ^,, 

(Officier Interrogates 2» >*(J.#iCI.G." 
48, rue de Villirjuet? -f-PAfclS-J 

I *• Interrogatolre d'ldentite* 

KQM : QERSTEIH %, 

., Prenona : Kurt 

K6 le : 11 aout 1905 a Mflnater (Wes&b&lld) 

File de : Ludwig E. SERSTEIN (President de la Oour de Justice 
en retraite) et de Hlara SCHMEMAITCT ddadde'e en 1931 

Uarie* le }1 aout 1937 avea Elfried© ne'e jK Benooh 

Domicile : 24 Gartenatraese & (Tubingen 

3 enfanta J Arnulf ne* le 25/9/39 "• s ■■ 

AdelKald ne'e le 25/10/41 

Olaf.ne* en docerabre 1942 
Hationalite" : allemande 
Religion : protestantiame oonfeseionnel - lutherien - 

II - Formation profeasionnalla 

Kn 1919» J© rentra oomme apprenti ouvrier aux Mine a de Lintfc 
pres d'Aix-la-Chapelle, Jusqu'en 1925, aprea avoir, au pr^alable, 
eta* lyoeen a Sarrebruok de 1915 a 1919. En 1925, je termine mes 
e*tudea et pasae mon baooalaurdat. 

Kn 1931» aprea avoir auivi dlffdrenta atagea jo deviena inge*- 
nieur diplOma* du Service deo Mines 

III * Aotlvite'a politique et relifllense 

Do 1922 a 1933, je 8uiB ropublicaia et partisan aotif de 
BRIOTING et STRESEMAffN. 

En 1933> la 30 Janvier 1935 at la 27 aeptembre 1935$i Ja aula 
arrfitd et malmrene* par la Geetapo pour .propagande anti-nationale- 
sooialiste et aotivite* chre*tienne. Par suite, je fus exelua du 
Service doe Mines de l'Etat. 

«T<$tudiaiB alora la m^dAoina tropioale a SPubingen a l'lna- 
titut protestant de Tubingen, 

Le 14/7/38, je suis arrets par la Gestapo et le S.D, da 
Stuttgart; Je fUB interne* en prison puis au oamp de concentration 
de ,/elzheim. 

Je recus 1' interdiction de pr,ononcer des dlsooura. 

En 1940, par I'lntermo'diaire de l f e*v£que de Stuttgart, J'ap- 
pris ] •assasslnat massif d'allencSa a Hadamar et Gfafeneok. Ma bel- 
le-8Q\ur, Bertha EDITING figurait parr n i les victimes. C'est alors 
que je pris la decision d'entrer aux \7affen SS. 

IV * Activity dans les Services Nationaux-Sooialistea 

D - Ktes-vous rentr«5 aux .Vaffen S3 pour eapionner et ser^r votra 
ide*al religieux ? 



(AAyO/1/f^K^ 




R * Oul f pour mener une lutte aetiYe et mieux oonnaitre lee bufe 
nationaux-eocialistes et lours secrete 

D * Comment ave&-voue pu rentrer dans oett organisation apres 
avoir 6t6 voua-meme arrdte* plUBieurs foie par la Gestapo ? 

.. R - Je n'ai fait qu'aooepter la proposition que des subalterns. 
^ de la Gestapo m*avaient falte, lore de ma deuxieme arrestation 

D - A quelle date avez-vous e*te" tatoue* du signe dlstlnctif des 
Waffen SS ? 

R - En mai 1941 , Je fas tatoue* Au eigne* AB eorrespondant a la 
4* catdgorie sanguine . 

D •• Quelle formation vob chefs SS tous out -lis donne"e 

R - Je suivis des oouxs spe*eiaux pour me*deeins a Harabourg, Lan 
genhoorna Amhem et a Oranienburg; le 9 novembre 1941, je fus 
4 _ nomme* sous •lieutenant SS, servioe d'hygiene. Un an apres,. ayant 
')•; ame'lipr j! lee* installations sanitaires des oampS de prieonxflers 
ex des bampa ^de concentration , je fus nomwe" lieutenant SS* 

D • Quelles ont 6t6 ros aotiTites depuis furrier 1942 lusqu'au 
21 avril 1945, <late a laquelle vous voua etes conBtitue Jlriscm 
nierde l'Armee. tfransaiae ? 

R -' Le 8 Juin 1942, le SS Sturmbannfdhrer GtJHTHER du RSHA me 
donne l'ordre de transporter 260 legs i Hn i a mf i BMn^m y de oyan 
de potassium a KolHn proV "Se Pragues* Le SS Sturmbannfflhrer 
Progesseur-Docteur PFAHNENSTIEL ... 

D - Connaiseez-vous I'adresse du Dr en Allemagne ? 

R * Oui, Marburg (Lahn) Rottenberg 1 

S . .. Je oonnaissais le pro.ict d'utilisation de^cyanure et 6fo* 
J decide II a easayer d'eh faire dlsparaltre, 2$""de~*'falre"BavoirAM 
jouvriers qui le fabriquaientt que ce i»rodnit e*tait destine* a tueh, 
i des etres humains . 
K A Lublin, je suis reou par le SS flruppenfCQirer GLOBOCNEC 

General Waff en SS (fait prisonnier par les toerioaine ti Tries fe) 

II me mit au oourant "do l r organisation 

18 : a Beloeo, entre Lublin etLemberg 
executions quofiidiennee : 15.000 

21 : Sobibor pres de Lublin en Pologne (20*000 par Jour) 

}1 ! Treblinoa en Pologne (23.000 par Jour) 

Oes trois installations fonotionnent respeotivewenV depuis 
les mois d» avril, flnin et mai 1942. 

4$ : Maldannedc pre a de Lublin, enoore en preparation 

D -» # A votro connaiBBanoe, quelles e*taient les nationality et 
raoes dea irictimes ? 

R - Pour la rlupart des Juife, des Polonais et des Tcheques. 

...^Les victimes o'taient asphyxi^es au moyen d'un no.teur 
Diesel a eohappement toxique (oxide et gaz carbon! que ) dane 1*S 
I /quatre installations prtScite'eB. 



wiwyfan^. ^y 



./. 




D * Combicn de temps Gtea-vous reste" dans ces camps et en avez* 
voua visits d'autfes ? 

R - Seulement troie J our a, pule l f on me oonduiait a Lublin ou le 
SS HauptsturmfGhrer OBETW.ETER (originaire de Pirmasena) me fit 
visiter l 1 installation. J'assiate a l«arrive*e d'un oonvoi : 4-5 
wagons con tenant 6.700 peraonnee dont 1450 mortes au oours .du 
voyage. Lea vie times aont entiereraent ddpouill^ee de leura effeft 
Lea cheveux oont cbupds et re'oupe're's dans des saca de Jute. Deu* 
ou trois heures apros, lis Staient tous exe'oute's 

D - Avez-vous 6t6 appele* a prendre une part indireote a, oes mas- 
aaorea ? Lea SS se sont-ils conteritria de faire de voue un aisrplt 
jjpeotateur ? 

R - Je n f ai aucune vie humaine sur la conscience, mon travail 
conaistait exclusiveraent dans £es^ installations sanitairea en 
vue d'eViter des dpidemies oontre^de'a* maladies. J* T dtais charg^ 
e*calement de rendre l'eau potable et en dtais responsabld aupres 
des SS et de la Police 

D - Avez-vous eu des contaot9 aveo les organisationa de resis- 
tance alleraandes ou autres ? 

R - Oui, J 1 dtais ohef de la resistance protestante, en liaison 
aveo la resistance hollandaise et aveo les legations de Suede et 
de Suisse. 

D - Pouvez-vous le prouver, et aveo quelles personnes e*tiez-vour 
en relation ? 

R' - Pour lA/ire*sistance protestante, je reoevais des consignes dt 
Pasteur NIEl/lOELLER (de*tenu a Dachau depuis 1937) P»* l'interme*- 
diaire de sa farallle et des religieuses. 

Aveo la resistance hollandaise, depuis 1941* par l f interme*- 
diaire TJBBINK originaire de DOESBOURG (Ingdnieur - propridtaire 
d'un fonderie) 

Aveo la rdsistanoe de Suede , par la Legation de Suede de 
Berlin, ii. Baron de OTTER 

Aveo la resistance Suisse, par la Legation Suisse de Berlin. 
Docteur HOCIISTRASSER 

En 1942, ,je faisais la connaiBsande d'un restaurateur fran- 
cais, au oarrefour 5tra3bourg-St -Denis, Restaurant "Louie UV" 
a qui j'expriraais mon ddgOut des bagnes 5 et des aasassinats 

D - Connaissea-vous d' autres agents ou dfficiers de" Gestapo ou 
au S.D. qui aient en une responsabilite i^nbrtante dans 1« orga- 
nisation des oaraps et des executions. 

.R - Un certain QONTHER et son chef EICRT'AOT tous deux charges 
de l'aneantisaeuicnt de la race Juive. GUNTHER est le fils de 
l'dorivain radiate connu. 

Le Docteur G.UNDHACH, Hauptsturmfuhrer, originaire de Berlir 
s'eot llvrd a des Etudes m^dicalcs sur des 0tres vivants. 

Ln SS Sturmbiinrifuhrer HAULER de la Police de Bromberg, se 
trouv^it vers la fin dea hostility a Degginglen, se serait 
oocu[jf» tout pa ticuliercment de la fusillade les cnfantB Juifs 

Le Dr Sturmbannfuhrer GROSS, deiiieurant a Berlin, s'est 
livr*5 sur des Otres vivanto, h vies c5tudeo pftur le cancer 

Lc Dr ClUtflTZ jul travuillait h Berlin, lie* a l«eBt de 1 'El- 
be (Pommern) Chef de la Croix-Rou^o allemande mais eiumGme^tejppr 
SS, ^epfiruppenfuhrer, reeponsable de la direction ,dVe £>*&[&&. 



- 4 - 

Q «• Quole ecmt loa noma dc:i ohcfa do Gamps que vouo uvea comma 1 

R - A Q i *^ w£g , lo 'JturmbimnfChror KEIflDRl, un pva^iaei, ronr.on- 
sable de no'nbrouoen ;Urocit6s. II est atitrlehien ou bavurois 

D - ConnaiSnez-vous oneore d'autrcw crininele de guerre ? 
fe - Out, le S3 Gruj-penfOhrcr, Dr % Inn JUMHUIR, 'originairo do 
Berlin, Chef de l'amement, re3pon«able de traltcnenta dea.dft"- 
portcs onploycs |vo»ir travaillor sous torre 

le :.:; StruBrabawifOhrcr KICK qui a In ropponBabilit'5 de 
l f at tuque contre Ion institutions religieuaes do Sennhelm (Air. .ee 

Le 55 :;tur~.b:mnffihrer Tomoi'F, en^ro* lanD Ion r><> donulo 
lour formation. 

lo SS UnterBturrrfOhror, Dr. Wolfgang STICHEL, ohargrf de la 
repression rtes ;inti-naziB; a flclcrtpit* *a nrofer.seur de l'unlve- 
aito do Berlin - origin. lire *> Berlin 



lecture fuite. persinte et Kigne 




killings of the insane at Hadamar and Grafeneck. My sister-in-law, 
Bertha EBLENING, was among the victims. It was then that I took the 
decision to enter the Wqffen SS. 

IV - Activity in the National Socialist Services. 
Q Did you join the Waff en SS in order to spy and serve religious 
ideals? 

A Yes, to conduct an active struggle and to know the National- 
Socialist objectives and their secrets better. 

Q How were you able to join this organisation after having been 
yourself arrested several times by the Gestapo? 

A I did nothing but accept the suggestion that the subalterns of the 
Gestapo had made me, at the time of my second arrest. 

Q At what date were you tatooed with the distinctive sign of the 
Wajfen SS? 

A In May 1941, 1 was tatooed with the mark AB corresponding to 
the 4th. blood category. 

Q What training did your chiefs in the SS give you? 
A I followed the special courses for doctors at Hamburg, Langen- 
hoorn, and at Oranienburg; on 9 November 1941, I was graded 
sublieutenant SS, hygiene service. One year after, having improved 
the sanitary installations of the prisoners' camps and concentration 
camps, I was graded lieutenant SS. 

Q What have been your activities since February 1942 until 21 
April 1945, on which date you surrendered as a prisoner of the French 
army? 

A On 8 June 1942, the SS Sturmbannfuhrer GUNTHER of RSHA 
gives me the order to transport 260 kgs of cyanide of potassium to 
Kollinnear Prague. The SS Sturmbannfuhrer Professor-Doctor PFAN- 
NENSTTEL . . . 

Q Do you know the adress of the Dr in Germany? 
A Yes, Marburg (Lahn) Rottenberg 1. 

... I knew the project for utilisation of cyanide and was determined 
1. to try and do away with it, 2. to make known to the workers who 
manufactured it that this product was intended to kill human beings. 
At Lublin, I was received by the SS Gruppenfuhrer GLOBOCNEK, 
Wqffen SS General (made prisoner by the Americans at Trieste). He 
briefed me as to the organization. 

1: At Belcec, between Lublin and Lemberg daily executions: 
15,000. 

2: Sobibor near Lublin in Poland (20,000 per day). 
3: Treblinca in Poland (25,000 per day). 
These three installations were functioning respectively from the 
months of April, June, and May 1942. 

4: Mai'danneck, near Lublin, still in preparation. 

98 



Q To your knowledge, what were the nationalities and races of the 
victims? 

A For the majority, Jews, Poles, and Czechs. 

• • • the victims were asphyxiated by means of a diesel engine with 
toxic exhausts (oxide and carbonic gas) in the four installations 
previously mentioned. 

Q How long did you stay in these camps and did you visit others? 

A Only three days, then I was driven to Lublin, where the SS 
Hauptsturmfuhrer OBERMEYER (native of Pirmasens) had me in- 
spect the installation. I am present at the arrival of a convoy: 45 
wagons containing 6,700 persons of which 1,450 dead in the course 
of the journey. The victims are completely stripped of their things. 
Their hair is cut and retrieved in jute sacks. Two or three hours 
afterwards, they are all executed. 

Q Were you called on to take an indirect part in these massacres? 
Were the SS satisfied to make a simple spectator of you? 

A I have not one human life on my conscience, my work consisted 
exclusively in the sanitary installations with a view to avoiding 
epidemics against diseases (sic). I was responsible also for making the 
water drinkable and I was responsible for this to the SS and to the 
Police. 

Q Have you had contacts with the German resistance organizations 
or others? 

A Yes, I was head of the protestant resistance, in liaison with the 
Dutch resistance, and with the legations of Sweden and of Switzer- 
land. 

Q Can you prove that, and with which persons you were in contact? 

A For the protestant resistance, I received instructions from Pastor 
NIEMOLLER (detained at Dachau since 1937) through his family 
and some nuns. 

With the Dutchresistance,throughUBBINKnativeofDOESBURG 
(Engineer - proprietor of a foundry). 

With the Swedish resistance, via the Legation of Sweden in Berlin, 
the Baron von OTTER. 

With the Swiss resistance, via the Swiss legation in Berlin, Doctor 
HOCHSTRASSER. 

In 1942, 1 made the acquaintance of a French restaurant owner, at 
the crossroads Strasbourg-St.-Denis, Restaurant "Louis XIV" to 
whom I expressed my disgust with the prisons and the killings. 

Q Do you know of other agents or officers of the Gestapo or the 
S.D. who may have had an important responsibility in the organization 
of the camps and the executions? 

A A certain GUNTHER and his boss EICHMANN both charged 
with the annihilation of the Jewish race. GUNTHER is the son of the 

99 



known racialist writer. 

Doctor GUNDNACH, Hauptsturmfuhrer, native of Berlin, de- 
voted himself to medical studies on living beings. 

The SS Sturmbannfuhrer HALLER of the Bromberg Police, was at 
Degginglen towards the end of hostilities; he practically made a 
specialty of the shooting of Jewish children. 

The SS Sturmbannfuhrer GROSS , living in Berlin, occupied himself 
with living beings, to the studies for cancer. 

Dr. GRAWITZ who worked at Berlin, born on the eastern side of 
the Elbe (Pomerania) Chief of the German Red Cross but at the same 
time SS, Obergruppenfuhrer, responsible for the administration of 
prisons. 

Q What are the names of the heads of the camps whom you have 
known? 

A At Oranienburg, the Sturmbannfuhrer KEINDEL, a pure Nazi, 
responsible for numerous atrocities. He is Austrian or Bavarian. 

Q Do you know of yet other war criminals? 

A Yes, the SS Gruppenfiihrer, Dr. Eng. KAMMLER, native of 
Berlin, head of supplies, responsible for the treatment of the deportees 
employed underground. 

The SS Sturmbannfuhrer FICK who has the responsibility for the 
attack on the religious institutions of Sennheim (Alsace). 

The SS Sturmbannfuhrer TONDORF, engaged in the SS since their 
formation. 

The SS Untersturmfuhrer, Dr. Wolfgang STICHEL, charged with 
the suppression of the anti-Nazis; decapitated a professor of the 
university of Berlin - a native of Berlin. 

Read over, maintained and signed (signed) Kurt Gerstein (signed) 
Beckhardt 

2 Interrogation of 19 July 1945 : Interrogating Officer: Comman- 
dant of Military Justice Mathieu Matt6i, Military Examining Magis- 
trate. 

The Original is handwritten on paper of very large format and in 
very bad condition. 

We present the photocopy of the publication made by the magazine 
Le Monde Juif I The Jewish World (January/March 1980, pages 
27-34); naturally we have verified it and have remarked only one 
error: On page 34, 1st. line, it should read "d peine dix" (hardly ten) 
instead of "d peine deux" hardly two). 

Translation into English of interrogation referred to in 2 above, as 
follows: 

PERMANENT MILITARY TRIBUNAL 

2nd. PERMANENT MILITARY TRIBUNAL OF PARIS 

100 



Sitting at 53 Rue de la Faisanderie 53 

XlVe. arr. 

RECORD OF INTERROGATION OR OF CONFIRMATION 

THE YEAR, One thousand nine hundred and forty-five, the nine- 
teenth July at ten hours. 

After having been brought from the military prison of Cherche- 
Midi 

Before us, Commandant of Military Justice Mathieu MATTEI, 
Military examining Magistrate, assisted by COUDROY, sergeant, and 
by (in the margin: M. Malkov Boris, 45 years, Lieutenant, interpreter 
of the German language, who has sworn the oath prescribed by article 
332 of the Code of criminal instruction) has been brought to our 
chambers, the named GERSTEIN whose first appearance is estab- 
lished by the record of 13 July 1945. 

Let the record show that Maitre LEHMANN, duly called by our 
registered letter dispatched 16 July 1945 of which the postal receipt is 
attached and advised by the same letter of the file of proceedings being 
put at his disposal the day before the present day. 

Counsel for the defense being present, we have interrogated the 
accused as follows. 

Let the record show that we are giving to him a complete reading 
of his interrogation by the Organization for the Investigation of war 
crimes, at Paris, on 26 June 1945. 

S.I.R? 4 — I confirm my previous statements. I wish to correct three 
points, of which one seems to me of extreme importance, that is to say: 

In regard to my joining (in the margin: Waff en SS) it is not so much 
the advice and suggestions of the noncommissioned officers that 
pushed me to join as my personal wish to inform myself on what they 
were doing, these people, a thing impossible to anyone who did not 
wear their uniform. 

— In regard to the indications given on page 2 of my interrogation, 
towards the end, on the subject of the "three installations are function- 
ing respectively..."; this actually means three extermination camps. 

— I rectify the last sentence of my interrogation. The Doctor 
Wolfgang STICHEL denounced the Professor Ordinarius of Zoology 
at Berlin who as a consequence was beheaded following a sentence of 
a people's court. 

Q Please inform us in chronological order what were your assign- 
ments, transfers, occupations since France was at war with Germany. 

A At the declaration of war I was a civilian, mining engineer in the 
service of the limited company WINTERSHALL at MERKERS 
(Thuringia). 

On 15 August 1940, 1 stopped my work in this company to join the 
factory belonging to my grandfather at DUSSELDORF in the position 

101 



From the journal Le Monde /w//(Jan.-March 1980), pp. 27-34 



TRIBUNAL MILITA1RE PERMANENT 
2- TRIHUNAL M1LITA1RE PERMANENT 
:>K PARIS 

Si-ani a 5\ Rue de la Faisandcric 53 
XVI' arr. 

PROCES VERBAL D-INTERROC.ATOIRE OV PE CONFRONTATION 
I.'AN .nil neuf ;cni quaranlc cinq, le dix ncuf juillct a dix hcurcs 
Apics avoir etc cxtrait dc la prison militnirc du Chcrche-Midi 
IVvani nous. Commandant de Justice Militaire Malhicu MATTEL Jupc d'instruc- 
immi iMUiiairc, anisic tic COUDROY, serpent, ci dc (on marge : M. Malkov Boris. 
'45 nns. Lieu tf run, 1. inicrprcte dc langue nllcmandc, Icquel a pret<5 le scrment 
prrMrit par I'artiilc 332 du Code destruction criminellc) a i ; lc" anient 1 a 

notrc cabinet, lc nomme GERSTEIN dont la premiere comparulinn csl consla- 
lee par procos-vcrbal du treize juillct 1945. 

Meritionnons que M # LEIIMANN, duinent appclc par noire lcllrc recoirimaiuk'e 
cxpediec lc 16 juillct 1945 dont lc recepisse postal est annexe el aviso par 
la meme leltrc de la misc a sa disposition de la procedure la vcillc du present 
jour. 

Le deienscur clam present, nous avon.s interiope comme il suit I'inciilpc. 
Menlionnuns que nous donnons a lui lecture iniopralc de son intinopaioiie 
par rOrgani.suiion dc la Recherche des crimes de pucrrc, a Paris, le 2ft juin 1945. 
S.T.R. — Je continue mes declarations anioricuros. Jo tions a 1* .nlu-r itois 
points dont im mc parait d'unc imporlancv extreme, :• Navoir : 

En cc qui concernc mon entree aux (en marpc : Walfcn SS). ce n'est pas 
autani les conseils el les suppestiuns des sous-ol'ficioi.s qui me pou.ssercni a v 
cntrer que mon desir personnel dc me documentor sur ce epic fuisaicn; con 
yens, chose impossible a qui nc porlail pa& leur tcnue : 

— on ec qui concernc les indications ponces a la page 2 c\c mon inicrro- 
gatoirc, paragraphe 3 in fine, au sujet des « irois inslallaiions fonclionnciii 
rcspectivement... » ; il s'apit bien dc trois camps d'extcrminaiion ; 

— Jo recline la dcrnicre phrase de mon interropatoirc : lc Docteur Wolf pans 
ST1CHEL aurait Uenonce lc Professcur ordinaire de X.oolopic a Heilin qui par 
la suite a etc docapile a la suite d'unc execution du Tribunal du pcuple. 

D. — Veuillcz nous 1'aire connaiire quclles out etc dans 1'ordre chrow/.o- 
pique yo& affectations, mutations, occupations depuis que la France ctait cu 
pucrrc avee rAllemapnc. 

R. — A la declaration de la guerre j'etais civil, inpenieur des mines an 
sen-ice de la Societe anonyme WINTERSHALL a MERKERS (Thurinpc). 

Le 15 aout 1940 ic ccssai mon travail dans cette societe pour cntrer a 1'usine 
appanenant a mon prand-pero a DUSSELDORF cl ce en qualitc d'associc 
apponaiu mes connaissanccs techniques. 

J'avais d'ailleurs des imercts dans la ditc sociele depuis 1930. Cette societe 
fabriquail des pompes a huile pour les locomotives el avail pour raison socialc 
DE LIMON, FLUHME cl Co. 

Jusqu'au ^5 mars 1941, je restai done civil a eclte sock'le. 

Auparavanl. e'est-a-dire en decern bre 1940, j'avais adrcssc une demande 
ecritc pour ctre admis a servir en qualitc dc Walfen SS ; la ditc demande ayant 
die accepted, je fus incorpore dans cette formation le 10 mars 1941. 

On m'affcci.a a Berlin, sanlitatsdicnst (service sanitairc) ; Direction generate 
des Waffon SS. J'etais alors simple soldat — et ai suivi pendant trois inois 
1'inslruclion ordinaiie des simples soldats en diverses localitos. 

A Tissue dc cette instruction, on ni'allccta a 1'iiistilui d'hypicne de Berlin SS. 

— ' Au debut je n'y avais aucun emplui dclini. Mais plus tard je demandai a 
m'occupcr plus specialement des appareils de disinfection cl des question', 
d'e.iu potable. 



En gros. jc rcmplis ccs functions jusqu'au mois d'avril 1945 avcc en principe 
residence a Berlin ct remptissant dc temps a autrcs quelqucs missions aupres 
des firmes qui fabriquaicnt Ics differents appareils utilises dans le service. 

En novembre 1941 j'ai obtcnu 1c grade dc sous-lieu tenant SS, spdcialistc 
(UNTERSTURMFUHRER F.). 

D. — Faitcs-nous connaitre exactement la nature des missions que vous 
avez rcmplies, notamment cellos m cf reduces dans diffeYents camps que vous 
avcz vous-memc cnumercs dans rinterrogatoire que vous avez subi. 

R. — Je me mi is rendu en mission : 

deux fois au camp dc ORANIENBURG 

deux fois a celiii dc DROEGEN 

une fois a eclui dc RAVENSBRUCK 

unc fois a un camp d'israclitcs pros de (un mot illisible) 

une fois aux camps dVxtcrmination dc : 

BELCEC (orthographc phonctiquc), TREBLINKA et MAIDANECK 

deux fois enlin au camp dc HEINKELWERK. pres dc ORANIENBURG. 

Dans les camps autrcs que les trois camps d'extermination. le but des 
differentes missions accomplice par mot etait d'examiner et controler les 
installations sanitaircs (disinfection, eau potable, etc.), mon role dtait purement 
technique. 

En juin 1942 je fus charge dc Iran porter ultericurcment deux cent soixante 
kilogrammes dc cyanurc dc potassium au camp de BELCEC. Lorsqu'on me 
chargca de cc transport, on mc precisa qu'il s'agissait d'un secret d'Etnt. 

J'avais recu commc consignc dc prendre livraison a KOLLIN pres de Prague 
dc cc poison ct dc le transporter au camp sus-indique\ 

Jc remplis ma mission au mois d'aout 1942. e'est-a-dire que je transportai 
bien le cyanurc mais le cyanurc n'arriva pas a destination. Au depart, le cyanurc 
etait place en quarante cinq boukilles d'acier. En cours de route Tune d'elles 
ful video par mes soins avcc toutcs Ics precautions voulucs car e'e^tait dangcrcux. 

Les quarante quatrc boutcilles qui rcstaieni n'ont pas ite* amends au camp 
dc BELCEC mais fit rent dissimulees par 1c chauffeur et moi-meme a douze cents 
metres environ du camp. 

D. — Pourqimi avezvous etc. si Ton vous croit, personncllcrhcnl choisi pour, 
alors que vous vous trouviez a Berlin, e/fectucr !e transport de cyanure d'un 
point a un autre du tcrritoirc polonais ? 

r. — Ccci est, a mon sens, du au hasard d'une designation provenant d'un 
chef quclconquc. Mon nom a etc mis en avant par un des officiers du service 
dc chimic auqucl I'autorite, e'est-a-dire GUNTHER, s'etait au d£but adressde. 

D. — Pourquoi I'autorite a-t-elle cprouvc lc besoin d'envoyer dc Berlin a 
KOLLIN (Tctocoslovaquic) un officicr pour simplemcnt y prendre livraison de 
cyanure ct transporter eclui-ci a BELCEC en Polognc alors qu'il an rait du lui 
apparaittc plus simple dc detacher a cc travail de transport un officler se 
trouvant deja soit en Tchecoslovaquic, soit en Pologne ? 



R. — Parce qu'on me considerait commc un spccialistc dc l'utilisatinn du 
cyanure pour la disinfection. 

D. — Avcz-vous rcc,u un ordre dc mission, ccrit ou verbal, ct quels en elaient 
les tcrmes ? 

i 

R. — Je recus un ordre do mission... verbal, conffcnne quarante-huil heu.res 
apres par eterit. Cet dcrit disait npproximativement ccci : je vous donnc lordre 
dc vous procurer deux cent soixantc kilogrammes tie cyanurc de potassium et 
de les transporter a un lieu qui vous sera desi^ue par Je. condnclcur du vclikule 
N # X... affects a la mission. 

C'cst moi-meme qui ai choisi KOLL1N car je savais que i'on y fabriquait du 
cyanure, comme on en fabriquait c£galcmcnt a DESSAU. 

S.I. — Le cyanure m'a &t6 livre par la fabrique a KOLLIN au vu de mon 
ordre de mission et d'un bon de requisition deliviv par le service ceniral de 
seeuiiie a Berlin (Reichssicherheitshaupinmt). L'ordre de mission porlait un 
timbre avec mention « Secret d'Etat v. 

D. — A qui avcz-vous rendu compte de lVwecution dc voire mission ? 

R. — A mon retour a Berlin d'un voyage qui a dun*. environ deux scinaines, 
je n'ai rendu compte a quiconque dc 1 'execution de ma mission. IVrsonnc no 
m'a Jcmande* quoi que ce soit. 

S.I.R. — Avant le voyage, je ric connaissais pas le chauffeur qui devait mc 
conduire. Le dit chauffeur apparlcnait au service central de securite, je 1'ai 
perdu c!e vuc par la suite. 

D. — Comment, puisque vous nc connaissicz pas auparavant le chauffeur, 
pouviey.-vous avoir confiance en celui-ci et ne pas remplir tres exact ement la 
mission qui vous avait etc confine ct dont eclui-ci etait incontesiablemont au 
courant ? Et ce alors surtout que le chauffeur apparlenait au service de 
securite. N'avcz-vous pas craint une denunciation qui aurait cntrainc* puv.v vous 
des consequences d'une gravitc* certaine ? 

R. — Le chauffeur a eu pcur en cours de route et alors que nous avions 
charge le poison. II n'a pas micux demandc que de me voir debarrasser la 
voiturc de ce qui pour lui constituait un danger. Je n'ai pas cu pcur de la 
d^nonciation du chauffeur car j'c"tais en mesurc de me justifier aupres des 
autoritt's de Berlin. D'autre part les autorites de BELCEC .ne lenaieni pas du 
tout a recevoir du cyanure, ayant deja unc autre methodc d 'extermination, a 
savoir un moteur Diesel a <5chappcment toxique. 

Vu I'hcure tardive nous suspendons le present inlerrogatoire qui sera repris 
a 15 heures ce jour. 

Lecture faite, l'inculpe* persiste ct signc avec nous, le greffier ct interprete, 
approuvant la rature de dix-sept mots rayes nuls et de huit lignes rayecs nulles. 

Signatures ; M. Mattei, B. Malkov, Kurt Gerstcin, A. Coudroy. 



L'an mil ncuf cent qttaramc cinq, lc dix-ncuf juillct a 15 heures, assiste 
com me precedemment. memos greffier ot intcrprcte, avons continue l'intcrro- 
gntoirc ci-dcssus suspcnclu en raison do l'heurc tardive. Mentionnons que 
M* Lchmann s'etait excuse, nous avons passe outre et procede a l'interrogatoire 
com me ii suit : 

D. — A votrc depart de Berlin, pour rcmplir la mission dont nous avons 
parle ce matin, vous a-t-on donno d'autrcs instructions que celles conccrnant le 
transport proprement dit du cyanurc ? 

R. — Parfaitcment. L'ofTicicr dc SS GUNTHER m'avait charge* de prendre 
toutes dispositions utiles pour.'une fois arrive au camp de BELCEC, rcmplacer 
com me moyen d'ex terminal ion, le motcur Dicse! a Ichappement toxique par 
1'emploi du cyanurc. II m'etait laisso a mot lc soin d'examiner les po'ssibilitcs. 
techniques* de ce rcmplaccmcn't. 

0. — Qui avail fixe la quanttte do cyanure a emporter? 

R. — Cost moi-memc qui 1'avait fixce et cela compte tenu de la capacite 
de transport de la voiture. 

D. — Vous savicz done au depart de Berlin que le cyanurc etait destine a 
rcxtcrmination d'etrcs humains ? 

R. — Jc le savais. Jo pnSsumais qu'il s'agissait de Juifs et probablcmcnt 
dc Polonais. 

D. — Ccst probablement aussi pour cela que vous avez pris unc aussi 
grnndc quantitc dc poison? 

R. — Jc n'ai pris pareillc quantity que pour utiliser a fond la capacite* de 
transport de la voiture. 

D. — Comment devait ctrc tcchniquement employe 1 le cyanure pour redeter- 
mination ? 

R. — GUNTER a Berlin n'en avait la moindre idee. II supposait que je devais 
en avoir unc. Mais en rcalite* je n'en avais pas car je n'ai jamais utilise* le 
cyanure que pour la disinfection. 

V. — Voulez-vous nous indiqucr comment vous employiez le cyanure pour 
la disinfection. 

R. — Deux moyens : 

Le premier qui consistait a rendre <Stanche 1'endroit a d<5sinfectcr (baraque, 
caserne, etc.) ct a introduire dans les* licux des recipients contcnant lc poison, et 
a faire ouvrir de l'cxtdricur, ct a l'aide d'un dispositif, les dits recipients de 
manicrc a ce que le liquidc so rendit volatile. 

Le deuxiemc moyen ctait employe* a la disinfection des vetements. 

£>. — A quelle dose employiez-vous le cyanure pour la disinfection ? 

R. — Approximativcmcnt 5 kg (sic I) pour 540 m3 (cinq cent quarante 
metres cubes). 



S.I.R. — Je ne sais exactemcnt quelle quantitc dc cyanure il faut pour tucr 
un hommc, c'ost la unc question ihcoriquc, mais je nense qu'il f;iut environ un 
gramme. 

S.I.R. — Je persist c a affirmcr que je n'ai procede a aucune experience 
ni a aucune utilisation du cyanure. 

D. — Comment avcz-vous cxplique voire arrivee ati camp de DELCEC puisque 
vous y e*tiez envoy**, d'aprcs cc que vous ditcs vous-meme, pour remplaccr par 
le cyanurc le mode U'ex termination qui y dtaii employe et ce alors que vous 
arriviez sans la moindre parcellc de c>'anure ? 

R. — Jc suis arrive* avec le cyanure au camp ct j'ai raconic au commandant 
du camp ce qui m'eialt arrive en cours de route au sujel dc la bouteille dont 
la fermeture n 'a vail pas etc bicn assuree. J'ai indique au commandant du camp 
le danger que prcscntait I'cmploi du cyanure en lui faisant connaitre que jc 
ne pouvais prendre sur ma rcsponsabiliic I'emploi du cyanure que j'avais apporle. 
Cc commandant 6x211 un hommc peu oil live* et s'est content e de ines explications, 
disant par ailleurs eirc salisfail du sysicme d'ex termination en usag*.*. 

D. — Ce matin vous noiis avez declare* que quarantc quatrc bouteillcs dc 
cyanurc — votre enticr chargement. une des bouteillcs ayant etc videc — n'ciaient 
pas arrivecs au camp de BELCEC car clles avaient cte dissimulees par le chauf- 
feur et vous-meme a douze cents metres environ du camp; tout a Pheurc. vous 
venez de nous dire £trc arrive* au camp avec votre chargement. Quand dites-vous 
la ve'rite ? 

R. — Jc suis arrive" au camp sans lc cyanure mais le commandant du camp 
savait que j'en avals apporte dans la voiturc qui ctait res tee a douze cents 
metres du camp. 

D. — Pourquoi la voiturc cst-elle res tec si loin du camp oil le cyanurc devait 
etre apporte* et employe* d'apres les instructions que vous avez recucs ? 

R. — En raison du danger que ce cyanure presentait. 

D. — Puisque le commandant du camp connaissait le but dc voire mission 
ct lc fail que yous aviez apporte* du cyanurc, comment avez-vous pu dissimulcr 
eclut-ci car vous nous avez declare ce matin 1'avoir disstmulc? 

R. — Le commandant du camp avail grand peur du cyanure, il nc tenait 
pas du tout a ce qu'il soit employ*. D 'autre part j'avais moi-memc toutc 
latitude en cc qui conceme I'utilisotion ou la non-utilisation du poison. 

D. — Vous avez etc* charge' d'une mission. Vous nous ditcs nc point 1'avoir 
remplie. Vous nous ditcs cgalement que le commandant du camp ou vous devez 
rcmplir cette mission ne tenait pas du tout a ce que vous la rcmplissicz. Vous 
avez cc matin declare* qu'a votre retour a Berlin vous n'avicz rendu cornpte a 
quiconque du r^sulut de votre mission. Nous avons tout lieu de penser que 
des choses parcillcs n'ctaient pas preascment en usage dans 1'armce allcmande. 
Expliquez-vous a ce sujet. 

R„ — Le lendemain de mon arrived au camp de BELCEC est rcvenu le 
veritable commandant du camp — lc hauptmann polizei WIRTH, qui avait une 
grosse influence & Berlin et qui a liquid* cctte question sans que j'aic a imervenir. 



D. — A quclles nutrcs autoiites avez-vous cu affaire au cours dc voire mission 
a BELCEC ? 

r. — J'avais recu en cours dc route, par rintermddiairc du chauffeur, des 
instructions d'avoir a mc rendre a LUBLIN aupres du general major Gruppen 
Fiihrer SS GLOBOCNEC qui commandait les quatre camps d'extermination. 
Coriformemcnt a ccs instructions, j'ai etc* recu en audience par cct officicr general. 
An corns dc I'audicncc. il m'a indiquc avoir cu cjuclqucs jours auparavant la 
visitc de HITLER ct dc HIM&LER. l'un ct 1'autre d^sireux de voir pousser l'exter- 
mination des Juifs a une cadence plus rapide. 

Co genera! nc mo donna aucu'nc instruction d'ordre technique mais I'ordre de 
mc rendre a BELCEC, mc disant qu'il y irait lui-meme, en personne car nul ne 
pouvait etrc recu au camp sans etrc pre'scnte' par le gdneral en personne. 

O. — Avez-vous au cours de ccttc mission visitc d'aulrcs camps que celui 
dc BELCEC? 

R. — Out. ccux dc MAIDANECK • TREBLINCA. Dans ccs deux camp*, j'ai 
etc amend par 1c hauptmann WIRTH et 1c professeur Doctcur PFANNENST1EL 
pour que j'examinc sur place les possibility's de rcmplacer lc systcme d'extermi- 
nation employe (motcur dicscl a degagement toxique) par le cyanure. 

S.I.R. — Je nc pense pas que dans ccs deux camps et a BELCEC on ait 
utilise lc cyanure comme moyen d'extermination mais je n'en sais rien car jc 
n'y suis pas rctourne. 

D — Vows avcz done, dc voire proprc avcu, recu a Berlin une mission 
important ct cc en votrc qualite de tcchniden : cette mission ctait si importante 
que vous devicz I'accomplir comme un secret d'Etat ; vous avez visitc trots camps, 
vous avcz ele recu en audience par un general qui, ctnnl donnc lc but de voire 
mission, a cru devoir vous rapportcr les propos memes des deux grands chefs 
na/.is. Comment pouvez-vous persister a nous fairc croirc : 

1) que vous n'avez pas rempli lc but meme dc votre mission; 

2) que vous n'avez rendu eomntc a personne de cellc-ci ; 

3) que personne ne vous a non plus rien demande a cc sujet. 

R. - Le hatiplmarm WIRTH avait une teltc position personnel^ aupres de 
HITLER el dc HIMMLER qu'il a pu mc dire dc ne plus m'occuper de cctte affaire 
ct dans ccttc condition je lui ai obei. Voila ce que j'ai a repondrc. 

S.I.R. — Personne ne s'est intetcssc a cc qu'est devenu le cyanure (sic!). 

D. — Ouand etcs-vous venu en France pendant la durcc de la guerre ? Qu'y 
avez-vous fait ? 

R. — Premier voyage en octobre 1940, J'itais alors civil et en voyage d'affaires 
qui dura une semaine. 

Dcuxiemc voyage — a la Noel 1940 — voyage d'affaires a Paris, d'une durde 
de quatre \Jours. 

Courant 1941, je viens deux ou trois fois a Paris toujours pour affaires. Au 
cours d'un de ccs voyages jc fits en relation avee de WEND EL. 



En 1942, alors que j'ctais dcja SS jc rcviens a Pnris trois fois. en service, 
pour achat d'ouvrnges geograpliiqucs cl scicnlifiqucs ninsi que do materiel (auto- 
claves). 

En 1943 cl 1944 j'cffecluai d'autrcs voyages dans lc memo but. 

S.I.R. — J'ai en effet visite" les installations destinccs a l'cxtcrminaiion des 
Juifs dans les camps dcja nommes. 

Mention, lei l'inculpe* s'cxprimc en francais. 

Les installations etaient les plus primitives cl les plus cruellcs. II y avail 
dc pctitcs garcs de trois cents metres environ dans Icsquclles cnirairnt lc*; 
trains avee cinquantc wagons. Alors les Ukrainicns chassaicnt :\ 1 aide dc era- 
vaches les personnel transporters qui n 'etaient pas mortcs a leur arrivve. II v 
avait vingt pour cent de morts. Des hauls pari curs donnaicnt les ordres d'avoir 
a sc dcshabillcr completcmont, y compris les lunettes ct les appaieil*. dc piotluse 
(jambes artificicllcs, etc.). Les personnes qui debarquaient devaicnt at inciter 
ensemble leurs chaussures par paircs, remcttrc toutes les valcurs, argent ct 
objets. Les victimes devaicnt apportcr cllcs-memes en courant leurs cTfcts dans 
les wagons. On coupait les cheveux ras aux femmes, les cheveux etaient rccucillis 
dans des sacs a pommes de tcrre. Les victimes etaient amendes toutes nucs 
sans distinction de scxe dans un passage barbcle qui conduisait dans un 
ba'.iment special dc bain. 

L'inculpe reprend en allemand. 

Cc bailment couvert portait sur le toil ct par derision I'eloilc hcbiaYque 
II comportait six pieces a BELCEC ct huit a TREBLINCA. On cniassait ii laide 
dc coups dc cravache les arrivants dans les dites pieces ct ils y ciaicnt si 
serres qu'ils etaient obliges de se maintcnir un pied sur l'autre. Les enfant* 
a la mamellc ciaicnt au bras dc lour mere. L'cntasscment titait tel que, meme 
lorsquc les gaz avaient fait leur ceuvrc. les cadavres rcstaicnt tous dehorn, 
les uns soutenant les autrcs. 

Une fois tout lc mondc cntasse* dans chaquc piece, on faisait fcrmcr les pones 
ct tourner lc molcur a gaz, non sans avoir soumis pendant des heurc.s les 
victimes a cet cntasscment. Une fois j'ai comple* moi-meme que les victimes 
dtaient restecs ainsi entassecs pendant cxactcmcnt deux heures quarantc neuf 
minutes avant que les gaz ne parvienncnt dans la chambrc. 

Le gaz parvenait dans les dites chambres par des tuyaux a cc destines 
Les victimes etaient eoumiscs a 1'cffct des gaz pendant une durce d'env-inm 
trenle deux minutes. 

Des prisonniers juifs Etaient chargds de vider les chambres a gaz des 
victimes que cellcs-ci contcnaient ct qui dtatcnt couvcrtcs de leurs proprcs 
excrements. 

Des prisonhiers dgaJement juifs, dentistes de profession, dtaicnt charges 
d'examiner les cadavres ct de leur rctircr l'or qu'ils pouvaienl avoir dans la 
machoire. On fouillait egalemcnt les anus ct les parties sexuelles des femmes 
pour savoir s'ils ne rccelaient pas des maticres prdcieuscs. Les cadavres etaient 
niMiile ciiliiwes dans d'iinmenscs fosses communes ct reconverts da pcincfdc.jx ) 
centimetres dc sable. ^^ 

Les :m/.is etaient particuliercmcnt Hers de lenornie quantile d'objets et 
de vvtoments recupeics tie cctlc laenn. C'Jlait. di<aicnt-ils. d'un rcpport cinq 
fr."s phis clove" que ionics les collcclcs dc vclcmcnts orpanisccs en Allcmagnc. 
On fouillail dc meme les cadavres dc ceux qui etaient decodes ail cours du 
\(»v:i:'c <n citcmin de i'er. 

S.l.R. — bans les trois camps que j'ai visiles, il est niort le jour de ma 
visi:-.- environ trenle cinq null-.- Juifs. Jc prJcise que mes visitcs ont eu lieu 
les 17 rt IS :n>ur 1942. 

S.l.R. — Les trains duvnionl en principc arriver joumcllemcnt dans les 
camps. 

S.l.R. — Sans otic tris precis, je puis indiquer que lc systemc d'extcrmination 
a du commcnccr au mois d'avril 1942. 

S.l.R. — Je pense que ('extermination a dure toutc la guerre puisquc jc 
n'.ii jamais cnlendu dire qu'clle ail ccsse. 

D. — Comment s'appelait exactement le sen-ice. si Ton pcut dire, dont 
relevait cctlc extermination prcmcditcc cl executed pendant si longtemps ? 

R. — 11 .s'appelait F.INSAT7. REINHARDTZ. Cc service relevait lui-mome 
du R.S.H.A. (service central de sccuritc). 

Lecture lailc. l'inculpe persiste cl signc avee nous, lc grcflier ct J'inierprelc, 
.^pprouvant 1;« raturc dc neuf mots rayds nuls et de une ligne. rayee nullc. 

Signature : M. Mattel, B. Malkov, Kurt Gcrstcin. A. Coudroy. 



of a partner contributing my technical knowledge. 

I had moreover an interest in this company since 1930. This 
company manufactured oil pumps for locomotives and had as its 
registered name DE LIMON, FLUHME and Co. 

Until 5 March 1941, 1 thus stayed as a civilian in this company. 

Previously, that is to say in December 1940, 1 had sent a written 
request to be admitted to serve as a Waff en SS: this request having been 
accepted, I was incorporated into this formation on 10 March 1941. 

I was assigned at Berlin, sanitdtsdienst (sanitary service); General 
Direction of the Waffen SS. I was then a simple soldier — and had 
followed for three months the ordinary instruction of the private 
soldier in various places. 

At the end of this training I was assigned to the institute of hygiene 
of Berlin SS. 

At the beginning I did not have any specific job. But later I 
requested to work more specially on the appliances for disinfection 
and the questions of drinking water. 

In summary, I fulfilled these functions until the month of April 1945 
with, in principle, residence at Berlin and fulfilling at one time and 
another some missions to the firms who manufactured the different 
appliances used in the service. 

In November 1941 1 obtained the rank of sublieutenant SS, special- 
ist (UNTERSTURMFUHRER F.). 

Q Tell us exactly the nature of the missions that you fulfilled, 
notably those effected in the different camps which you have yourself 
enumerated in the interrogation you have undergone. 

A I have been on missions: Twice to the camp at ORANIENBURG. 
Twice to that of DROEGEN. Once to that of RAVENSBRUCK. Once 
to a camp of Israelites near (illegible word.) Once to the extermination 
camps of: BELCEC (phonetic spelling), TREBLINKA and MAID AN- 
ECK, finally twice to the camp of HEINKELWERK near ORANIEN- 
BURG. In the camps other than the three extermination camps, the 
purpose of the different missions accomplished by me was to examine 
and check the sanitary installations (disinfection, drinking water, 
etc.), my role was purely technical. 

Later in June 1942, 1 was charged with transporting two hundred 
and sixty kilograms of potassium cyanide to the camp of BELCEC. 
When I was charged with this transport, I was clearly told that it 
concerned a state secret. 

I had received orders to take delivery at KOLLIN near Prague of 
this poison and to transport it to the above-mentioned camp. 

I fiilfilled my mission in the month of August 1 942, that is to say that 
I duly transported the cyanide but the cyanide did not arrive at the 
destination. On leaving, the cyanide was put in forty-five steel bottles. 

102 



On the road one of them was emptied under my care with all the 
necessary precautions because it was dangerous. 

The forty-four bottles which remained were not taken to the camp 
of BELCEC but were concealed by the driver and myself at about 
twelve hundred meters from the camp. 

Q Since you were stationed in Berlin, why were you, if one believes 
you, personally chosen to effect the transport of the cyanide from one 
point to another on Polish territory? 

A This is, in my opinion, due to the chance designation of some 
chief or other. My name was put forward by one of the officers of the 
chemical service, that is to say GUNTHER, of whom the authority had 
first inquired. 

Q Why did the authority approve the need to send from Berlin to 
KOLLIN (Czechoslovakia) an officer simply to take delivery there of 
cyanide and to transport this to BELCEC in Poland since it must have 
seemed simpler to him to detach for this work of transportation an 
officer already stationed in Czechoslovakia, or Poland? 

A Because I was considered a specialist in the utilization of cyanide 
for disinfection. 

Q Did you receive an order for this assignment, written or verbal, 
and what were the terms of it? 

A I received a verbal order, confirmed forty-eight hours afterw&rds 
in writing. This written order said approximately thi§: Igive you the 
order to obtain two hundred and sixty kilograms of potassium cyanide 
and to transport them to a place which will be specified to you by the 
driver of the vehicle no X . . . attached to the mission. 

It is myself who chose KOLLIN because I knew that cyanide was 
manufactured there, as it was similarly made at DESSAU. 

S.I.R. The cyanide was delivered to me by the factory at KOLLIN 
in view of my detached service orders and of a requisition-voucher 
issued by the central service of security at Berlin (Rei$hssicher- 
heitshauptampi). The service orders carried a stamp with the words 
"State secret." 

Q To whom did you report the execution of your mission? 

A On my return to Berlin from a trip which lasted about two weeks, 
I did not report to anyone on the execution of my mission. No one 
asked me anything at all. 

S.I.R. Before the journey, I did not know the driver who was to 
drive me. This driver belonged to the central security service, I lost 
touch with him afterwards. 

Q How, since you did not know the driver previously, could you 
have confidence in him to carry out very exactly the mission with 
which you had been entrusted and about which he indisputably was 
informed? And this when above all the driver belonged to the security 

103 



service. Were you not frightened of a denunciation which would have 
entailed for you consequences of a certain gravity? 

A The driver was frightened during the course of the journey and 
since we had loaded the poison. He asked nothing better than to see me 
rid the car of what for him was a danger. I was not afraid of a denun- 
ciation by the driver because I was in a position to justify myself to the 
Berlin authorities. On the other hand the authorities of BELCEC did 
not agree at all with receiving the cyanide, having already another 
method of extermination, that is to say a diesel engine with a toxic 
exhaust. 

In view of the late hour we adjourn the present interrogation which 
will be reopened at 15 hours today. 

Read over, the accused continuing and signs with us, the court clerk 
and interpreter, witnessing the erasure of seventeen words crossed 
through invalid and eight lines crossed through invalid. 

Signatures: M. Mattei, B. Malkov, Kurt Gerstein, A. Coudroy. 

The year one thousand nine hundred and forty-five, the nineteenth 
of July at 15 hours, assisted as before, the same court clerk and 
interpreter, we have continued the interrogation adjourned above by 
reason of the late hour. Let the record show that Maitre Lehmann has 
excused himself, which we have passed over and have proceeded with 
the interrogation as follows: 

Q On your departure from Berlin, to fulfill the mission of which we 
spoke this morning, were you given instructions other than those 
concerning the transport properly so called of the cyanide? 

A Of course. The SS Officer GUNTHER had charged me to make 
all serviceable arrangements, once arrived at the camp of BELCEC, 
replace the diesel engine with toxic exhaust with cyanide as a means 
of extermination. It was left to me to examine the technical possibili- 
ties of this changeover. 

Q Who had decided the quantity of cyanide to take? 

A I myself decided it by taking into account the load capacity of the 
vehicle. 

Q You knew then on your departure from Berlin that the cyanide 
was intended for the extermination of human beings? 

A I knew it. I assumed that it related to Jews and probably Poles. 

Q It is probably also for that reason that you took such a large 
quantity of poison? 

A I took such a large quantity only to utilize to the maximum the 
load capacity of the vehicle. 

Q How was the cyanide to have been used technically for extermi- 
nation? 

A GUNTER at Berlin did not have the slightest idea about it. He 
supposed that I must have some idea. But in reality I did not because 

104 



I never used cyanide except for disinfection. 

Q Would you like to tell us how you employed cyanide for 
disinfection? 

A Two methods: The first consisted in making airtight the place to 
disinfect (hut, barracks, etc.) and introducing in these places recep- 
tacles containing the poison, and with the help of an apparatus, 
opening said receptacles from the outside in such a way that the liquid 
became volatile. The second method was employed for the disinfec- 
tion of clothes. 

Q In what proportions did you use cyanide for disinfection? 

A Approximately 5 kg (sic!) for 540 m 3 (five hundred and forty 
cubic meters). 

S.I.R. I do not know exactly what quantity of cyanide is necessary 
to kill a man, this is a theoretical question, but I think it needs about 
one gram. 

S.I.R. I persist in affirming that I did not make any experiment nor 
any utilization of cyanide. 

Q How did you explain your arrival at the camp of BELCEC since 
you were sent there, according to what you yourself say, to replace by 
cyanide the method of extermination which was used there and yet 
you arrived without the least quantity of cyanide? 

A I arrived with the cyanide at the camp and I told the commandant 
of the camp what had happened to me on the way concerning the bottle 
that had not been securely closed. I pointed out to the commandant of 
the camp the danger involved in the use of cyanide by informing him 
that I could not assume the responsibility for making use of the 
cyanide which I had brought. This commandant was satisfied with my 
explanations, saying besides that he was satisfied with the extermina- 
tion system in use. 

Q This morning you stated to us that forty-four bottles of cyanide 
— your entire consignment, one of the bottles having been emptied — 
did not arrive at the camp of BELCEC because they had been hidden 
by the driver and yourself at about twelve hundred meters from the 
camp; just now, you have been telling us you arrived at the camp with 
your consignment. When are you speaking the truth? 

A I arrived at the camp without the cyanide but the commandant of 
the camp knew that I had brought it in the vehicle which was left at 
twelve hundred meters from the camp. 

Q Why was the vehicle left so far from the camp where the cyanide 
was to be brought and employed according to the instructions which 
you received? 

A Because of the danger which the cyanide presented. 

Q Since the camp commandant knew of the purpose of your mis- 
sion and the fact that you had brought the cyanide, how were you able 

105 



to hide this for this morning you declared to us that you had hidden it? 

A The camp commandant had a great fear of cyanide, and he was 
not agreeable at all that it should be used. On the other hand, I myself 
had every latitude as to the utilization or non-utilization of the poison. 

Q You were charged with a mission. You tell us of not having 
fulfilled it at all. Likewise you tell us that the commandant of the camp 
where you have to complete this mission did not want you to complete 
it at all. You stated this morning that on your return to Berlin you did 
not report to anyone on the result of your mission. We have every 
reason to think that such things were not exactly customary in the 
German army. Explain yourself on this subject. 

A The morning after my arrival at the camp of BELCEC the real 
camp commandant returned — the hauptmann polizei WIRTH, who 
had great influence at Berlin and who liquidated this question without 
my having to intervene. 

Q With what other authorities did you have to deal in the course of 
your mission to BELCEC? 

A While on the way, I had received instruction via the driver, to 
reportto LUBLIN to major-general GruppenFuhrerSS GLOBOCNEC 
who commanded the four extermination camps. In conformity with 
these instructions, I was received in audience by this general officer. 
In the course of the audience, he mentioned to me having had some 
days previously a visit from HITLER and HIMMLER, and both the 
one and the other wishing to see the extermination of the Jews pushed 
at a faster rate. 

This general did not give me any instruction of a technical nature 
except the order to report to BELCEC, telling me that he would go 
there himself, in person because no one could be received at the camp 
without being introduced by the general in person. 

Q Did you in the course of this mission visit camps other than this 
one of BELCEC? 

AYes,thoseofMAIDANECK-TREBLINCA.Inthosetwocamps, 
I was taken by the hauptmann WIRTH and the professor Doctor 
PFANNENSTIEL so that I might examine on the spot the possibility 
of replacing the extermination system employed (diesel engine with 
toxic emission) by cyanide. 

S.I.R. I do not think that in these two camps and at BELCEC 
cyanide was used as an extermination method but I know nothing 
about it because I never returned there. 

Q You did then, by your own admission, receive at Berlin an impor- 
tant mission, and this in your capacity as a technician; this mission was 
so important that you had to accomplish it as a state secret; you visited 
three camps, you were received in audience by a general who, granted 
the purpose of your mission, believed himself bound to recount to you 

106 



even the intentions of the two great Nazi chiefs. 
How can you persist in making us believe: 

1 that you did not even accomplish the purpose of your mission; 

2 that you reported to no one on this; 

3 that no one moreover questioned you at all on this subject. 

A The hauptmann WIRTH had such a personal position in relation 
to HITLER and HIMMLER that he was able to tell me not to concern 
myself further with this matter and in the circumstances I obeyed him. 
That is what I have to reply. 

S.I.R. No one interested himself in what became of the cyanide 
(sic!). 

Q When did you come to France during the war? What did you do 
here? 

A First trip in October 1940, 1 was still a civilian and on a business 
trip which lasted a week. Second trip — at Christmas 1 940 — business 
trip to Paris of a length of four days. During 1941, 1 came two or three 
times to Paris, always on business. In the course of one of these trips 
I was in contact with de WENDEL. 

In 1942, when I was already SS I returned to Paris three times, on 
duty, for the purchase of geographic and scientific material as well as 
(steam-tight) material. 

In 1943 and 1944 1 made other trips for the same purpose. 

(Minute. Here the accused expresses himself in French.) 

S.I.R. The installations were the most primitive and the most cruel. 
There were little stations of about three hundred meters in which the 
trains entered with fifty cars. Then the Ukrainians chased with the help 
of horsewhips the persons transported who were not dead on their 
arrival. Twenty per cent were dead. Loudspeakers gave the orders to 
have to undress completely, including spectacles and the appliances of 
prosthesis (artificial legs, etc.). The persons who detrained had to tie 
together their shoes in pairs, hand in all the valuables, money, and 
objects. The victims themselves had to run and bring their things into 
the wagons. The women's hair was cut close, the hair was gathered 
into potato sacks. The victims were brought all naked without distinc- 
tion of sex into a barbed wire passage which led in to a special bath 
building. 

The accused resumes in German. 

This covered building carried on the roof and in derision the 
Hebrew star. It consisted of six rooms at BELCEC and eight at 
TREBLINCA. With the help of blows from horsewhips the arrivals 
were crowded into these rooms and they were so crushed there that 
they were obliged to hold themselves up one foot on the other. Babies 
at the breast were in their mothers' arms. The cramming was such that, 
even when the gases had done their work, the. corpses all stayed 

107 



standing, one supporting the other. 

Once everyone was crowded into each room, the doors were closed, 
and the gas engines started, not without the victims having submitted 
to this cramming for hours. Once I myself counted that the victims 
stayed crushed like that for exactly two hours forty-nine minutes 
before the gases reached the chamber. 

The gas arrived into the said chambers by pipes to its destination. 
The victims were subjected to the effect of the gases for a period of 
about thirty-two minutes. 

The Jewish prisoners were charged with emptying tlie gas cham- 
bers of the victims that they contained and who were covered with 
their own excrement. 

Prisoners who were also Jews, dentists by profession, were charged 
with examining the cadavers and to take out from them any gold which 
they might have in the jaw. The anus and the sexual parts of the women 
were also searched to see if they contained precious materials. The 
cadavers were then piled into immense common ditches and covered 
with hardly two (corrected = ten) centimeters of sand. 

The Nazis were especially proud of the enormous quantity of 
objects and of clothes retrieved in this way. It brought in a yield, they 
said, five times bigger than all the collections of clothing organized in 
Germany. In the same way, the bodies of those who had died during 
the railway journey were searched. 

S.I.R. In principle the trains were to arrive at the camps daily. 

S.LR, Without being very exact, I can indicate that the system of 
extermination must have begun in the month of April 1942. 

S.I.R. I think that the extermination lasted all the war since I never 
heard it said that it stopped. 

Q What was the precise name of the service, if one can call it that, 
which was responsible for this extermination that was premeditated, 
and executed over such a long period? 

A It was called EINS ATZ REINHARDTZ. This service itself was 
part of the R.H.S.A. (central security service). 

Read over, the accused continuing and signs with us, the court clerk 
and interpreter witnessing the erasure of nine words crossed through 
invalid and one line crossed through, invalid. 

Signatures: M. Matt6i, B. Malkov, Kurt Gerstein, A. Coudroy. 

Article in France-Soir, 4 July 1945 

This article is interesting above all for the facsimile of an extract of 
a "confession," reproduced on the first page of the newspaper. 

It is a short extract in the German language of Gerstein ' s biography 
in which we find the details common to all the texts. 

108 



i a Paris 



*m 



":T-:> 



|*i;-;iir ; fi:l 

■ •• i ;Vjf* -"I 



Iff? 



ant las locaux da 
<ur Rena Dalpicha. 

'hulvit/ Frauvftulr). 

WD 

irle 

al»! 



alt.uur. I'nt ttt «r< pre. 
irir/«"*rrn «fr rr»*r Jfl 
unlnfirn At Votdtr, ou'fi 
r A comhtittre par tftti* 
In Rt*\Atanrt. II tlrvtenl 
i<i/tr«r ouxlhatre d$ la 



I In ritlHlflr iff In Wihr- 
: )U IHJU tn their* t tt hurt 
ariMNd nor J f-«twr f'ifi*» 
tfrt-ient im d*i mcmOrM 
rnr.inraf v /or -id par <*« 
lKin<|rln0m. 4|««mf rrttttl 
ummrnt A qulltrr I'Allt* 
unit $< /flitr arrtter t>re» 
V A f.J.ilo. Ait '-Inlclll. 
nrr atnll rcJro*l-4« aa 



"JAI EXTERM1ME 
jusqu'a 11.000 

personnesparjour" 

.Du corraipondanf qa guerra " *; "■*■ '.,,,. 

t»dO &CL0CKJ u.anelauf i IfCJ -1910 i» Kiaetv •••tf.,^10 -1919 iaarbrO:k«« • 

8TUTTGART. ... Juln. - H« Btlberateat, l»?J-?3 ■•«n»pr»n k'l aorVia.eart 19» '.">.»»* ■■ 

Davant Diau at davant lot kttMB i»ti*ek«» yw« • i'.*.-»tudtt 04**4 • >♦») -mo f r»»t:«»a.. Arbei* 
homrnat, j« prandt U r«. lir-Btrt#1 i» i* b.<1 *ut etudiu* is i*rk«j. Uh».. a»oi«d on4 

pontabllltt dt met aveux. car *■ Mrrw ...,«» .... im^-,..? «.r 

Jal at* fun dot raraa M- »arUo.l»l »t>*o*na<: •■»«w«»rti. »«t» 1S2J .**».** tMt«-uc ••* 

melna occulalrat das plut •r*a4«)i*ch.o ***nd ,uabeaen<er» <i« r a.t.iu»,ia# an hoi-rts Ufer- 

grandt aaiatilnata hltll* ,«tjt*Jua.>al.tlealu B*%au»ntAt Uxt.»«r Anivas^r »oo »n..ni*4 ana 

rlana. Ja n'al rlan ratrancni | mHHU ,4)H 1955 •*nea* ear feat*;* »t 4 «» ai**tar«io4lir.r*r 

# . e . h x Q .jou J i:! ;e.v.s — »« - - «*■»••• r r ■. ! ^T , 'Sa:, -"T 

la varlU. Qua la elal m'ald.... »**ix«r.. >M».r. *ur«. » n ai:«r.i«r!i».8.M.»-a M ka.I «« — 

Ata.l pari. Kurl Oaraiala. In- |.. ».MMtru„ Or «t^.l»» .v^.U.br^,^^ « . 

■tnltur 8.8., prof«fi»aur dll»l6m* 4Ducj-n<«r Ttrf«l|ut4. A* >0.J*auw 1953 ••<»o fro\..t.« IU« fll* 

t Marburi. AU-la-Chaptlla et luffuhnu> . 4t , u,u»ari»»licwB Ituekca "Witt.kma* u awi — a tf 

de la pramlart armaa rran«ai*e. L» • v /*let> »trpr ,.•]• •tt. -i» .7. «»t*r ifT> 

Ct II enmmene* «a deposition nfi** 

SS Jc^^lj.'jffikL.^- «*acw«f«« j/ZlfW-dR 2* Bureau *e Io .." 'Jlm^ /raacatr... 
BbSinatlJnar.?^^ aotffr« B U d« Balto... a' con*io*6 iw.awu*.. 

t4a dont Oeraleln »e diarcaa. au 

'- --■ ' T... ^. no* eham»<r«i peuvenl rectvoir 

tS.MO kji d'ltrts humaina 

ehacunl. Avac u« peu d« bon. 

n« voiont* neui obtenoni un? 

honnlta -.noyanne d» #M par. 

■onnct pat < operation • ! 
• Lai portai furent foimae*.' 

Lot molcuri Oioscl mil nn 

meuvement. Neut rco* r 'l'ft , »* 

par det lucarnct. a I'mtarieur 

dei ehambrtft vioicmmem 

•clalr«*«. Lei motau< 1 forte- 

llonnaltnt .mal. Wlrth s'excu- 

»a do la nituvaUc march* dr 

I'optratlon. Vingt. trantt. qu*' 

rarttt mlnutet paiatrenl. Lo 

pr4pot4 au< moteurt Oietei. : 4 »» m. • ^ 1 

un S.&. nomml Mackrnhoit. . J #*/«#* eit reftC (IC€C 

• 'Impatlantalt. Enfin lea mo 



rump da Belclc. on quiuUa da 
char do* execution* aclantlMquea: 

— Un jour. I* aturnibannfu* 
hrer Ountier m'tnvoya d'uroan. 
ca a LubUn pour • una affair* 
d'Etai qua j* devala eira la on. 
Xleme parionna k connaltra. p.ir 
favaur apactal* du FJihrer. • A 
Lublin. J* fua racu par la ge- 
neral 8.S. Olobocnac* at ton 
adlolnt. I* colontl SS. Wlrth. 
qui m'apprirent qu'HItlar at 
Hlmmlar avalant vlaltd la valllt 
laa trolt ttallona axpdrlmant*. 
lo* d'aaphyila da Balelc. da So- 
bldor at da Trabllnca. HHior 
avalt at4 tr*» m4contant. • La 
proc4d4 d'aaphyxla par l«a gax 
d'4ehappamant da* motaura Dia- 
aol att trop lant. dlt.ll. II faut 
4Hmlnar plu* vita la mattrlal 
humaln blologiauamant aan* in. 
t4rlt. • Et e'aat mr.l quo I 'on 
avalt choial pour prdaldar a 
catta aeelUration. On m» con. 
dulalt la landemtln k Balelc. 
Un batlntant compoai dc cinq 
piece* 4tanchet, d* cinq mttra* 
»ur cinq. Deux Inscription* au 
fronton : a Fondatlon M*ck*n- 
holt ; Inhalation at Hydroth4* 
rapla >. 

!"»*» afpt hnirM, II y rm un 
4 ftrrlvair* » : un irnln «ln mnr« 
rliamllaeit ri^ « tvajeons. rl'nu 
Ikk S.S. »l Intra a idea ukrul- 
nler.a flrrni rlearfndre k rniip^ 
rlo cmvnrlie C.7«M) p*r#onn^» : 
limnmfa. f«ntm»» «»t rnfa>nia. L'n 
liauupMrifiir olnnialt : 

— D4po*az vo* vltamant* at 
objet* poreonnol*. 

l'n air do rianat ful dJffti*# : 

* h» ejul llena-tu irn'Jolla ycilx 
hnin«... > !«•>• f»mmo> r" talent 
cnaiilie ronduKfia chex le 
cnirfftiir tit*lNilA dana nnr- rwihi* 
haraqu* nonant I'lnacrlpllnn 

# k-arde>rolic ». Ft la rara\an* 
n^n^tra dun* 1a fnndatlon Mcc- 
konhnll. ./ 

— Entaaaos blan I srdonna 
la colonel Wlrth. 

7«K) 4 liM) peraonne* fur.ni 
pnuaa^Af dan* laa cinq plr-rc* 
Wlrlh m'oxpllqufttt la « ntanrru- 
vrn ». 

— La po>d* moyan da cha.' 
qua hommi 4tant da 66 kg*. 



minute* pa»*6rent encors. In* 
fin, ca fut fini i... 

» Do* equipe* d'Ukramlant 
aortent let eadavrr* tout ruli- 
eelanta da aueur et d'ordurat. 
II* anachont le* dent* en or, 
II* claaarnt lee chovtjx dea 
(amnio* d*«tin#« a 4tre utllt. 
*r» pntir la fah Ic.ition det 
4toffe* rl dan* certa'm in«tru« 
mtntt de pr4el*lon pour *eus> 
mirlns I Ouaod le d^blayaga 
fut f»nl. d'autre* Ukralnltni 
poutafrent unc nouvjlle four, 
not do condamnea dani l^a 
le* chambree d'aiphyxlt. 



teur* tournereni. 

» A I'int4n«ur det b^raauoi ] 
la* homme* 4talent toujour* | 
vlvant* I J* cnronomttral* la 
dur4* du tuppilce : enquante. 
aolaanta mlnwtea I L«t pre- 
mltra moru tomb*rant. Dl« ' 



mu conscience 

■ - }• rnmprrnili m« mtvlna, 
ajoute <irr*\r\n. On me 0>men4att 
de d^nnvrtr on mo)tn d» *aptra*- 

OEW3EX33B 



GROS SUCCES A LONDRES 
pour la Comedie-Frangaise 

Et plus vif succ^s encore pour la 
derniere fourn^e de Chur*cHII1 I! 

(Da notra envoy6 special permahant Jacquaj PECHERAL) 
LONDRES. 3 julllet (par telephone). — Dona la *all* du 
New Theater oh. la Comtdlr-FrancaUc. en vlaite a i,oudrc3, 
donnult hier *olr, en prt.nence. de noire (tmbaa.iruteur M. 4foa- 
*lpJI, ta premiere aver L'lmpromptu d«# Vr-roallleH et le Bar- 
bler df. Seville, um Anglmx, asai* n rott rf« 7:10!, Ja\nmt remar- 
tnter A en volatile francaine, que re n'ttnit /„/* u*ulement \tn 
mngnlflque epectaclo mnui, en mime /i*m;M. ,) en Juger par 
ia reaction de.i *pectatcur*. In preuve tie /'Immsnac propria 
fait pur lea BritannUttten tUin.. In comprehension tin I'etprit 
franftiia. 

. *> puhlir retail rti v ru+HC mn- 

~~~\ Jr>rU* atiolntn et lea nl„$ /| n aa 

I boutade*. let v , H m •pirliurU 



Les aveux d'un bourreau nazi 



O 



ilo* p!u* rnplde rl- plui rtttonrr 
qu* retle extermination d'un gen- 
re prlmltlf. Je propositi rullllxa- 
Hon d* cat Pin* tnxlqu**, rt nn- 
tJunmriU <tf crux que dCjjxtfe I'acI- 
d* prnxxlque. 
Et le min^mhli* rnnHut : 

— 4VHil« en rr«le aver nm 
conscience rur j'nbreirritU lex xmif* 
frxncea jTone ItiinmnKe « blnJnjJ- 
quemenl Inutile et vnure ft In de- 
traction *, rninme rfhalt Jlltlrr. 
Dfnlfnf max If nom de cnt**nrle 
3. re mnlerlel btimxln rnmpreMill 
dri Julf«, dcx Pnlnnxlx. d*x Rnx- 
•e». ile* Trhrqiim, dcx Utuxnlrn* 
ft df* HwiRrnlx. 

» 4o^qti';i mix* mllle exOtilltm* 
fitr*f)t aln*l «prrr>« rrrtnlnn Jmir*. 
Il-itnrntiit d'rnfnnl* fl(ifrnli*n| pur. 
mi lr« %lrflitie<i. D" tempt a mi- 
tre an prf»fr>««r!ir. fnUnlf mix nniM- 
met charge* Het exr-«jillf*iM le 

« knmmnndn de lrii\nl| » • un 
dltrnurx pour letir rxpHqtirr hitr 
grand* mlxulnn. Miller liihmtme, 
vUHxnt Rrlrlf nvnll Hit ! « Nonx 
enterrernnx lei de* plnqaex i|« 
brontr 4 fin que n«»x d^xrendnntx 
ronnxUxrnt not re rrmre d'n**iilnl«- 
p»mml hlftloflqiie d" In plnnete ». 
P»«ir /in defence. Oewtein expll- 



que qu'tn 1014 II tenti d'entrtr tn 
t:nmmunlcAtl*n xvtc It paeteur « r«- 
extant » Nleraftller et que, mtme, 
II *e prcp»n»n. n Berlin nu nnnre 
dii pipe i(U. d'Atiieur.* Pec'indul*". 
tl prttend avoir |n<»J«ur.i ete «nli« 
nxzl el n'ftvnir i^M* lex Urrlh>M 
Twit'tinn* d* bourrt.m que pour avoir 
!n pwixibllli' de |f«mnien. r er.ntre le 
nx*i«»ne, nu J'»ur dc i« dMilte nllc< 
mandt... 

Le piUf rfrince r'exl q«ie I* W» 
Hereteln r*pand a*x dAc.aratlnn* 
enmm* preuve de M revolt e 4 hr» 
min'tnlre » #1 fJ'»l **» encore er 
llber»*. cemme. a'll n'Avali xucun 
rrxponxxbllt* <\*n* foeuvre de mon 
' du fxmp dn Belelr... 



However, an attentive examination of this extract shows that, 
neither by composition nor by the typewriter lettering, is this extract 
identical to the comparable passage in the two texts in the German 
language (T III) and (T VI) known to us. On the other hand, the 
German text corresponds exactly to the French text of T Va; it seems 
therefore that T Va is the translation into French of this German text, 
whose existence we assume only thanks to the facsimile published in 
France-Soir. 

Translation as follows: 

"I have exterminated up to 11,000 people daily." 

(From War Correspondent Geo. Kelber Stuttgart,... June...) 

Before God and before men, I take the responsibility for my words, 
because I have been one of the rare eyewitnesses of the biggest 
Hitlerian killings. I have omitted nothing of the things I have seen; and 
I have added nothing. This is the truth. May heaven help me . . . 

Thus spoke Kurt Gerstein, SS engineer, qualified teacher at Mar- 
burg, Aix-la-Chapelle, and Berlin, to the investigating officer of the 
French First army. 

And he began his deposition which he wrote out carefully after- 
wards and signed. It is the account of abominations, of monstrosities 
of which Gerstein accused himself, at the camp of Belcic, in his 
capacity as chief of scientific executions. 

One day the sturmbannfuhrer Guntier sent me urgently to Lublin 
for "a matter of state which I would be the eleventh person to know, 
by special favor of the Fiihrer" At Lublin, I was received by the SS 
General Globocnec and his assistant, SS Colonel Wirth, who informed 
me that the day before Hitler and Himmler had visited the three 
experimental stations for asphyxia at Belcic, Sobidor, and Treblinca. 
Hitler had been very displeased. "The process of asphyxia by the 
exhaust gases of Diesel engines is too slow," he said. "It is necessary 
to eliminate more speedily the human material which is biologically 
without interest." And it is I who had been chosen to preside over this 
speed-up. I was driven the next day to Belcic. A building composed of 
five airtight rooms, each of five meters by five. Two inscriptions on the 
front: "Meckenholt Foundation; Inhalation and Hydrotherapy." 

At seven o'clock, there was an "arrival": a freight train of 43 cars, 
from which the SS and their Ukrainian helpers made 6,700 people 
descend with blows from their horsewhips; men, women, and chil- 
dren. A loudpeaker shouted: 

"Deposit your clothes, and personal effects." 

A dance tune was broadcast: "From whom do you get your pretty 
brown eyes?" Then the women were taken to the hairdresser installed 

109 



in a little hut carrying the sign "Cloak Room." And the procession 
entered into the Meckenholt Foundation. 

"Crowd them in well!" Colonel Wirth ordered. 

700 to 800 persons were pushed into the five rooms. Wirth ex- 
plained the "maneuver" to me. 

"The average weight of each man being 65 kgs., each of our 
chambers can receive 25,250 kgs. of human beings. With a little 
goodwill, we obtain a fair average of 750 persons per 'operation.' " 

The doors were closed. The diesel engines were started up. We 
looked through the dormer windows, into the interior of the chambers 
which were brightly lit. The engines were working badly. Wirth 
apologized for the faulty running of the operation. Twenty, thirty, forty 
minutes passed. The operator of the diesel engines, an SS man named 
Meckenholt, was getting impatient. Finally the engines started. 

In the interior of the huts the men were still living ! I timed the length 
of the agony: Fifty, sixty minutes! The first dead fell. Ten minutes 
passed again. Finally, it was over! . . . 

Ukrainian teams bring out the corpses all streaming with sweat and 
excrement. They pull out the gold teeth. They sort the women's hair, 
intended to be used for the manufacture of fabric and in certain 
precision instruments for submarines! When the clearing away was 
finished, other Ukrainians pushed a new batch of the condemned into 
the asphyxiation chambers. 

"I was at peace with my conscience" 

... I understood my mission, adds Gerstein. Iwas being asked to 
find a means of putting to death more rapid and more efficient than this 
primitive type of extermination. I proposed the use of the gases of 
higher toxicity and notably those given off by prussic acid. 

And the wretch concludes: 

"I was at peace with my conscience, for I shortened the sufferings 
of human beings 'biologically useless and doomed for destruction, ' as 
Hitler said. Classified under the name of Category 3, this human 
material comprised Jews, Poles, Russians, Czechs, Lithuanians and 
Hungarians. 

"Up to eleven thousand executions were thus effected some days. 
Many children were numbered among the victims. From time to time 
a professor made to the "labor commando," the men responsible for 
the executions, a speech explaining to them their great mission. Hitler 
himself, while visiting Belcic, had said "We shall emplace plaques of 
bronze here so that our descendents know our work of biological 
decontamination of our planet." In his defense, Gerstein explains that 
in 1 944 he tried to get in contact with the "resistance" pastor Niemoller 

110 



and that he even presented himself at Berlin to the papal nuncio who, 
however, showed him out. He pretends to have always been anti-Nazi 
and to have accepted the terrible duties of executioner only to have the 
chance of witnessing against Nazism on the day of Germany ' s defeat. 
The strangest thing is that this SS Gerstein pours out his declara- 
tions as proof of his "humanitarian" revolt, and that he is still at liberty, 
as though he had no responsibility at all in the work of death at the 
Belcic camp. 

Request for a Lawyer dated 15 July, 1945 

This document is preserved in the file of the French Military Justice 
Department. It consists of one sheet written front and reverse in capital 
letters. 

It will be noticed that Gerstein requested a Christian lawyer, 
conversant with religious questions. It is Maitre Pierre Lehmann who 
was assigned for his defense: he was present on 19 July 1945 during 
the morning interrogation, but absent from the afternoon interroga- 
tion. 

By letter dated 25 July 1945, addressed to the examining magis- 
trate, Maitre Lehmann let it be known that he would not be able to be 
present at the interrogation of the accused Gerstein scheduled for 26 
July, an "accused who, moreover, does not seem at all guilty." 

Gerstein was found dead in his cell 25 July 1945, at about 14 hours. 

Maitre Lehmann did not die until 1980. Inexplicably enough, 
Gerstein 's Paris lawyer was not questioned by Pierre Joffroy who, 
however, in the years 1966-1968, toured the whole of Europe in order 
to find persons who, in however small a way, had been close to the 
former SS officer. 

Maitre Lehmann was easily accessible; he lived in Paris, in the 
16th. arrondissement, at an address listed in the telephone directory. 

Translation of above, as follows: 

Gerstein, Kurt 

Requests Monsieur the Commandant of the Military Tribunal of 
Cherche Midi 

To permit him the choice of a Lawyer. Before yesterday, I did not 
know the name of such a lawyer. But I appeal to you to permit me either 
the confidential lawyer of the legation of the Holy Father at Paris or 
the confidential lawyer of His Highness the Bishop of Paris or that of 
the Congregation of the Society of Jesus of Paris. In my case are 
treated the affairs of the Christian Churches for which I beg you such 
a lawyer with interests and knowledge specifically Christian. 

Ill 



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Myself having on me only about 1000 mark of German money, I am 
sure that (they) will declare themselves responsible for the salary: 

1 The Bekenntniskirche of South Westphalia, Church of the Anti- 
Nazi Resistance, of which I was Presbyterian, represented by Messrs. 
the pastors Rehling and Keupper at Hagen Westphalia. 

2 The Bekenntniskirche of Sarrebruck, represented by Msgr. the 
Pastor Otto Wehr at Sarrebruck. 

3 The Manufacturer qualified engineer Ubbink of Doesburg-Hol- 
land, member of the Dutch anti-Nazi Resistance. The aforementioned 
persons know my case. — I beg Monsieur his Dignity the prison 
chaplain to obtain such a lawyer for me. 

15 July 1945 Kurt Gerstein (signed) 

Letter from Mattre Pierre Lehmann 

Pierre Lehmann 

Lawyer of the Appeal Court 

2 rue Edmond About 25 July 1945 

Paris 16 

(Phone) Passy 44-44 

GERSTEIN 

My Commandant, 

To my deep regret, it will not be possible for me to assist the accused 
GERSTEIN Thursday 26. 1 am most disappointed, not only in defer- 
ence to Justice and to yourself, but also because this affair seems to be 
extremely interesting. 

My worries are lessened by the thought that an impartiality that I 
learned to appreciate from the first session of the examination will 
fully safeguard the rights of the accused who, moreover, does not seem 
at all guilty. 

Please be good enough, Commandant, to have the kindness to 
excuse me and to accept the assurance of my deep respect. 

(Signed) Pierre Lehmann 

To Monsieur Commandant MATTEI 

Examining Magistrate 

Second Military Tribunal of Paris 

53 rue de la Faisanderie 53 

Paris 16 

Fragments of Documents Found after His Death 

In the report drawn up on 25 July 1945 by the superintendent of 

112 



PIERRE LF.HMANN 

AVOCAI A I A ' •.■•■•• f A»'P» . 

2 RUC F.OMONf) AiiOtJl 
PAPIS 16- 



:15 juillot 1945 



r > ■■ « <■ i n a B . T Jaisw HH'^H 



f?7RST^IN 



Mon noramandant, 



A mon vif rc.jxet,il tk ,,e n fr'i pas possil 
L'assistor l'iiiculpc GCSTCIM jr.udi 26. J T en suis n< 



sible 
a'asfiistor l'iiiculpc Ct3TClN jr.udi 26. J T en suis navre\ 
non seuleiiK nt: par deference four la ^u^tico & pour vous- 
meme,inais ."tutr.i parce que c- t*c affair* narait extreme- 
merit inter*".-:.: riant e. 



i.ter. .u: rubles r.ori* at termer. ?\ la ;ensee qu r 
une impartiality que, J ' ai an apur(M«ii r &es la premiere 
seance d* iiu traction .'j-mve^ard^r-a pie j netiK nt les droits 
d T un inculpA qui,. Mia v.i;rt-" 1 n.q,n^ 88Bble point coupable. 

Vi.:uillez,.'.:on '"orr-i/i- >ant f -v.: ir la bonte de 
m'excuocr & d T, » r-'f^ "• T v.^irrjio" -■< r.ia naute considera- 
tion. 



laud? * 



*SuiMa^UM 






A Monsieur le Comr.i-v.Aant MATT£l 
Jugc d r I nr, t ru c t. i o n 

Deuxieme Tribunal Mi: f t^ire da PARTS 
53 rue de la Faisanderie 53 

PAPI0.16e. 



police of the Notre Dame des Champs district of Paris one can read 
notably: 

"Gerstein has left several letters in which he has made known his 
intention to commit suicide. They were produced to us. They must be 
forwarded to Commandant MattSi, examining magistrate." 

The Commandant Mattei actually receives these documents; there 
are fourteen of them. The examining magistrate writes out the list of 
these documents numbered 1 to 14 and addresses them to the director 
of the Service for Judicial Identity; he requests that each of the 
documents be photographed in four copies. 

The Professor Ch. Sannie, director of Judicial Identity, composes 
a report on 9 October 1945; he confirms having completed the task 
assigned to him, except for document No. 12 which he has not 
received. 

On 10 October 1945, Commandant Matt6i appends to the file two 
officially sealed envelopes containing, in one the originals, in the other 
the photographs. 

On the order of the Minister of War, the whole file is dispatched to 
London, on 10 November 1945, for the attention of Professor Gros, to 
be forwarded to the Polish delegate at the United Nations Commission 
for War Crimes. 

For almost twenty-six years, a vain search is made to trace the 
Gerstein file. It is found, on the occasion of the reclassification of old 
files, on 3 August 1971, at the French Ministry of foreign affairs. Since 
that date, it has been returned to the Direction of Military Justice at 
Paris. But it is incomplete; the two officially-sealed envelopes have 
disappeared. 

Of these documents written by Gerstein in his prison, we can 
therefore only present the list, such as it appears in the report of 
Professor Sanni6. 

Of the majority of the fourteen documents one reads, in the best of 
cases, the first and the last words of each one. It is impossible to 
imagine what was contained in each document. Nevertheless, for 
document No. 12 (which disappeared during its transfer between the 
Military Tribunal and the Judicial Identity Service), we can make a 
hypothesis: 

The first words are: "Four Witnesses" and the last: "prison"; as 
there is no mention of writing on the reverse, one can assume that the 
document consisted of only one page. If we recall a passage of a 
"confession" of 6 May 1945 (T V) and a note in English composed by 
Gerstein, we can suppose that the Obersturmfuhrer wrote in this 
document No. 12 that only four witnesses, himself included, were 
present at the exterminations in the poison-gas chambers; at the end 
of this text, he was going to specify that, of the four witnesses, he alone 

113 



was anti-Nazi and that, paradoxically, it was he who found himself in 
prison. 

Report of M. Le Professor Ch. Sannie Paris the 9 October 
1945 

Affair (concerning) / GERNSTEIN (sic) Kurt accused of murder. 

(To) Monsieur the Commandant of Military Justice MATTEI 
Mathieu Military Examining Magistrate of Paris 

File ref: C. R. 14.178 Paris the 9 October 1945^ 

We, the undersigned, Docter Charles SANNIE, Professor at the 
Faculty of Medicine, Director of the Service of Judicial Identity of the 
Prefecture of Police, acting by virtue of an Instruction from Monsieur 
the Commandant of Justice, Military Examining Magistrate MATTEI 
Mathieu, worded as folk vs: 

We, MATTEI Mathieu, Military Examining Magistrate of Paris, 
We, Commandant of Military Justice, MATTEI Mathieu, Military 
Examining Magistrate of Paris, in view of the proceedings begun 
against the named GERNSTEIN (sic) Kurt charged with murders, 
considering that it is necessary to investigate and to avoid costs, in 
view of Article 52 of the Military Code of Justice and Articles 83 and 
85 of the Code of Criminal Instruction, We request and require in this 
need Monsieur the Director of Judicial Identity, to whom we address 
this present rogatory commission, to be good enough to requisition to 
be brought before him, for the purpose of photographing and after to 
address to me in four copies the attached documents: 

No. 1 beginning with these words: "For Monsieur the Colonel" and 
finishing with "the morning"; 

No. 2 beginning with the words "never, never," and ending with 
"Christian"; 

No. 2 bis beginning on the face with the words: "Messieurs you 
may have" and ending with "the hair" and, on the reverse, beginning 
with "Monsieur the Cure" and ending with "Jesus Christus" followed 
by a signature; 

No. 3 beginning with "GERNSTEIN" (sic) Kurt" on the face and 
ending on the reverse with "will of Gunther." 

No. 4 beginning with "To the second Bureau" and ending with 
"Bukhardt" (sic); 

No. 5 document in the German language written on one sheet with 
indelible pencil. 

No. 6 document in the German language written on one sheet with 
indelible pencil. 

No. 7 Letter-card written in pencil, in French, showing on the 
reverse the address of the Commandant of the Military Prison and the 

114 



c;r * n 

N" 14.116 ^J-J Paris, le 9 0cfc&o-, 



19*:?. 



2 



RAPPORT 

DE 

M. LE P&OFESSEUR CH. SANNl£ 



yJJfaire c/ u*wrc**i* Kurt 
inculpS d'assassinat 



nsiear le^ommandant do Justice Mill t aire 

Juge a Instruction 

militaire de PA8IS 



C. R. N° 14.17a Paris, le 2 Octobre 19 45 



Nous, soussigne, Docteur Charles SANNI&, 

Professeur a la Paculte de MSdecine, Directeur du 

Service de l'Identite Judiciaire de la Prefecture de 

Police, agissant en vertu d'une Ordonnance de 

Monsieur le CommandHnt de Justice, Juge d* Instruc- 

adilitaire MAi'Tji'I ilathieu 
tion, ainsi congue : 

Nous MATTE I tfathieu 
Juge d' Instruction snxx5zilma«ix(iftxiXx3ctta1t«»afltxte 
taxStetittflt, Militaire de Paris, 

Nous, Commandant ue Justice jriilitaire ilATTEI iiiathieu 
Juge d f Instruction aiilitaire do Paris 

Vu la procedure coraiu*nce> contre le nomine* GJJKNoTilN Ku; 
inculpe d'.'tsufissiiiHts. 

Attendu qu'il importe d'ini'ormer et dVviter les frais. 

Vu l'article 52 du Code de Justice ^ilitaire et les ar- 
ticles 8j et 85 du Code d» Instruction criminelle, 

prions et requrrons au besoin /.om-.ieur le Directeur de 
l'Identite Judiciaire, 

tttguel nous adressuns 1h pr- sent? co'imioisj^n ro^atoire, de voa 
luir bien citer a coiiiparaitre devant lui, 

h l'efiet de £h±ip photu&r.-«| nier et Oi«Hares>er ensaite en qua! 
exemplairey Ips pijuprf join Les: 



n° I cornmencant par ces raoi.s: "Pour Monsieur le Colonel" et 
finissant par "le ra;»tin"; 

n°2 commengant par les mot a "jamais, j-tnais" et se terminant 
par "Chretierme" ; 

n°c bis commengHnt na recto par lets mots: "ttessieurs a^ez la" 
et se terrainant par "le3 cheveax" et, a.i v°rso, cuui-.ienc.aht par 
"udunsieur le Carr'" el se lerminant par "Jt'sus Chri3tus" suivi 
d'une si&nnture; 

n ^ comraencant par "GAriNtfTEIN Kurt" au recto et se terminant 
au verau par "volenti de (iunther"; 

n°4 commengant par "Au deuxieme Bureau" el se terminant par 
"Bukriardt"; 

n°5 pi&ce en lan^ue alleinande ^crite sur une feuill" hj c.*h- 
yon encre ; 

n°6 pifcee en langue alleraande e*crite sur une feuille au cra- 
yon encre; 

n°7 carte lettre e*crite au crayon, en franca is portant au 
verso l'adresoe du Commandant de la Prison iniilitaire et le 'tim- 
bre de la Poste de tfroissy 24-7-45 Oise; 

n°8 commengant *u ^ecto par "Moi 3eulement" et se terrainant 
au verso, par "notre premier veu (?); 

n°9 cenmengant au recto, par "inform* cumme tous" e ■• se ter- 
minant au verso, par "je l*ai"; 

n° 10 coinmengant, au recto, par"un mot encore" et se terminan*, 
au verso, par "cette quantity"; 

n° II comraencant au recto, par "contre d'une visite" e l se 
terminant, au verso, par "encore rien" j 

n°I^ , coairaengant p.-»r "uatres temoins" et se terminant p.-»r 
"Prisun"; 

n° I j inscriptions au crayon portees sur le dos de 1p cuaver- 
ture d'un opuscule "Wermsacht Shrachfuhrer" ; 

n°I4 inscriptions ou crayon, en langue allemande, port*' es sur 
quatre pages de garde d'un livre reli^ieux en langue Hile»rinride . 

Prions, en outre, de nous renvoyer la pr^ente Com'uir- 
sion rogatoire avec 1?3 prucl«s-verbaux d' inform** tion £rp-3n> u er. 



consequence, ainsi que toutes les pieces qu'il y aurait lieu 
tie r<'di(r,er pour son execution, coniormi<ment -i la loi. 



k Paris, le six Aout IV4!> 
Le Juge <]' instruct ioii wilitaire - 



ijerraent prf'alHblern*nt pr*U' f avons rempli comnie suit, 
lft mission a nous coni'iee. 

Le .9 Aofit 194l> t en roSne lerors <me !• .rdmnance nous 
comroettant, Monsieur le Cooiuiii-\saire du u ive*-ripns«'nt pf«\>s le 
Tribunal Mlitnire tenn<-«nen!; de Paris n^u* le&ettait plusieurs 
documents a photo^ra pnier, rurucVrut. a de I a 14, nyant trait a 
un nomine" GJiiiNoTi'IK, Kurt, incalp* 5 a'r-'ssn^sinat. 

Ces documents vnt vtt repruduits ynu logr^phiquement 
recto et versu en vrr»ie grnndeu , en qua ire exeiuplwires et sent 
yointb au pre' sent rap^urt, 
■ \ Nous cerLifions que ceo r^pn-oui; i.i -ns sf»nt rigoureu.se- 

f ment conformes aux documents ori^inaux. 

Le document n IT, n'tHant pas jo+nt £ 1 f ordonnance , 
celui-ci n'a pu ?tre reprudui t • 

D 1 autre part, nous ^L^nalonts que lea documents du n°l4 , 
concernant le livre religi«mx. ri^r"n , u -r :•«*-• ./le ment sur les 
qifatre pages de gf'rde, ma is ^alp-nent ;.;ur vin^t feuillets, a 
l'intf-rieur du livre. Nous avuns done ju£>-' ut.ile de tous les re- 
produire. 



ys ,i y 



postmark of Froissy 24-7-45 Cise; 

No. 8 beginning on the front with "I only" and ending on the 
reverse with "our first (sight?)"; 

No. 9 beginning on the front with "informed like all" and ending on 
the reverse with "I have it"; 

No. 10 beginning on the front with "one word more" and ending on 
the reverse with "this quantity"; 

No. 11 beginning on the front with "against one visit" and ending 
on the reverse with "again nothing"; 

No. 12 beginning with "Four witnesses" and ending with "Prison"; 

No. 13 writings in pencil on the back of the cover of a pamphlet 
"Wermaacht ShrachfUhrer" ; 

No. 14 writings in pencil, in the German language, on four flyleaves 
of a religious book in German. 

We request, moreover, to return to us the present rogatory commis- 
sion with the information reports raised in consequence, together with 
all the documents which it may be necessary to draw up for its 
execution, in conformity with the law. 

At Paris, the six August 1945, the Military Examining Magistrate. 
Signed: M. MATTEI 

Oath previously sworn, we have fulfilled as follows the mission 
assigned to us. 

Chi 9 August 1945, at the same time as the instruction entrusted to 
us, Monsieur the Government Commissioner at the Permanent Mili- 
tary Tribunal of Paris sent us several documents to photograph, 
numbered 1 to 14, relating to one named GERNSTEIN (sic), Kurt, 
accused of murder. 

These documents have been copied photographically front and 
reverse in their true dimensions, in four copies, and are attached to the 
present report. 

We certify that these copies conform exactly with the original 
documents. 

The document No. 12, not being attached to the instruction, it has 
not been possible to copy it. 

On the other hand, we advise that the documents No 14, relating to 
the religious book, appear not only on the four flyleaves, but also on 
twenty leaves, at the inside of the book. Accordingly, we have judged 
it useful to copy them all. 

(Signature) 

Police Report 

Commissariat of Police of the Quarter Notre-Dame-des-Champs. 

115 



The year one thousand nine hundred and forty-five and the 25 July. 

Despatch to the Medico-Legal Institute: We, C. LeGall, continuing 
the information, sent the body of the named Gerstein to the Medico- 
Legal Institute for an autopsy. Commissaire of Police (signature) 

Declaration of Decease: Please note that the declaration of decease 
has been made by my orders to the Town Hall of the VI arrondisse- 
ment. Commissaire of Police (signature) 

Transmission: We are sending the present report to Monsieur the 
Public Prosecutor with the receipt of the Medico-Legal Institute. 
Commissaire of Police (signature and stamp) (date and other details 
repeated. 

Suicide by hanging — Gerstein Affair: We, C. LeGall, Commis- 
saire of Police of the Town of Paris, more specially responsible for the 
District of NOTRE-DAME-DES-CHAMPS, Officer of the Judicial 
Police, and auxiliary to Monsieur the Prosecutor of the Republic, are 
informed by the Commandant of the Military Prison, 36 rue du 
Cherche Midi, that today a prisoner named Gerstein (Kurt) has been 
found hanged in his cell. We proceed to the place — of the inquiry 
made by M. the Commandant of the prison as by — 

1 M. Gascard (Marcel), 45 years, Warrant Officer, military 
supervisor, 

2 M. Andreucci (Noel), military supervisor 

3 M. Entz (L6on), 41 years, Sergeant-Major, military supervisor. 
It appears that the named Gerstein, of German nationality, was 

detained in this prison since the 5th. instant, being charged with war 
crimes, murders, and complicity, M. the Commandant MATTEI, 
Military Examining Magistrate at the 2nd. Military Tribunal of Paris, 
being charged with the examination. 

Gerstein occupied cell No. 23, on the 2nd. floor of the detention 
building, on the (boulevard) Raspail side. He was alone. 

Today at 14 hours the supervisor Entz opened the cell to bring out 
Gerstein. He found the latter hanged. He immediately called his 
colleagues Gascard and Andreucci. The three took Gerstein down. 

The fire brigade (first aid) were also immediately called but the 
doctor was able only to confirm the death. 

Gerstein left several letters in which he made known his intention 
to commit suicide. They were produced to us. They must be forwarded 
to Commandant Mattei, examining magistrate. 

We went to cell 23 . This cell is narrow. It has only a fan light for light 
and ventilation. In the interior of the fan light there is a grilled shutter. 
This shutter is pulled down. There is at the edge, in the center, a ring. 
It is through this ring that Gerstein passed a small string made from the 
selvage of his bed-cover, which he tore up. The witnesses say that he 
was hanging with his face to the wall, his knees nearly touching the 

116 



MISSARIAT OE POLICE 

ItU gCAinitu 

iotra-Danie-des-Champs 







Van mil neuf cent quaranU 

nous, C. L2 CALL 

CoiitiiiuauL riiiTormatioa, 



r^t. 




/> (Jtminti 



sairc d& PoKc* 



<2r~ 



<^*< «. ^ » *■ H 



tzxU^ 



s^*A- 



— e^* - "* - ^ 



< 



*<S' 



~ ^*^- 



C* Cnmmisrnirc r/c Policy 



^ 





A 







/ ' ■ JU 



JUIL / 



• ! 245-o nj 



v/ILLE D£ PARIS 
VI* ArruudisMtineul 

,MMISSARIAT 0£ POLICE- \ 

ler NOTRE-DAMWes-CaAMPS 

h>i- . v v ■' 

•A 





L'on it»7 neu/ cent /guar ante -rzzzz. 



\p&-*±y£- 



NOUS, w " ^~ v-.-^.-^w 
• i 

Commissaire de Police de la Ville de Paris, plus specia' 
lement charge du Quartier NOTRE - DAME -DES -CHAMPS. 
Officier de Police Judiciaire, Auxiliaire de Monsieur le 
Procureur de la Republique. 







^"V- ^<^^^^^^^^^r 




Z- ^7. y^/v^3^^o c^/y^i^ 



^ 



^-£t <**La- <^L-, 



i * 




*--*L 



- yZ^'sZ&y* "■ <= <. 




sz '.. /? „ ^r. 



.^ 



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^^*-^-^A 



^r 




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Vo^aa 







floor of the cell. 

Gerstein's body was laid on a straw mattress. He was dressed in a 
shirt and trousers. On the forepart of the neck a deep violet-colored 
furrow is visible which corresponds with the small cord. His face 
seems calm. One notices on the body no other traces of violence. One 
notices no traces of a struggle in the cell. (Erasures) The body is still 
supple. The extremities are becoming cold. 

At the prison registry we note as follows the civilian status of the 
deceased - GERSTEIN (Kurt) born the 1 1 August 1905 at Munster 
(Westphalia) of Ludwig and of Clara Schemann, domiciled at Hagen 
(Westphalia), nationality German. (Signature and stamp) 

Document concerning attachment of photocopies to reports 

The year one thousand nine hundred and forty-five, the 10 October. 

We, Mathieu Matt6i, Commandant of Military Justice, Military Ex- 
amining Magistrate of the 2nd. Permanent Military Tribunal of Paris 

In view of the examination proceedings against GERSTEIN, Kurt, 
as principle in murders and complicity. 

In view of our rogatory commission dated 6 April 1945 25 requiring 
M. the Director of Judicial Identity to photograph the documents 
enumerated within. 

In view of the two reports of M. the Director of Judicial Identity 
dated 9 October 1 945, the documents returned, and their photographs. 

We join the file of information, in two envelopes carrying the stamp 
of the Military Examining Magistrate, 1 The original documents, 
2 their photographs, concerning all of which we draw up the present 
report which we sign with our Court Clerk. 

The Military Examining Magistrate (stamp and signature) 

The Clerk of the Court (stamp and signature) 

Comparative Tables Of the Principle Differences 
Between the "Confessions" 

We have extracted the passages which appeared to us significant in 
each of the six "confessions" and have placed them side by side in 
eight columns, making one column for each of the texts indicated in 
parentheses (T I, T II, T III, T IV, T VI) and three columns for T V, since 
this text appears in three versions (T Va, T Vb and T Vc). 

A ninth column is reserved for observations: one will find there in 
particular: 

Reflections arising from the phrases quoted; 

A statement of the errors and distortions of the texts published by 
certain authors; 

117 



TI 



"to the bottom of this sorcerers' 
pot" 

. . .1 had only one wish: to see, to see 
into all this* machinery and then: cry 
out to all the people! 



The recommendations of the Gestapo 
Supplied with two references from 
the two employees of the Gestapo 
having dealt with my case, it was not 
difficult to enter into the SS Army. 
(Gerstein is making allusion to the 
two arrests of which he was the ob- 
ject, theonein 1936 atSaarbruck, and 
the other in 1938 at Stuttgart, this 
latter having been followed by a stay 
of some weeks in a concentration 
camp.) 



Gerstein becomes an officer of the SS 
. . .Formy successes, I succeeded soon 
to lieutenant. 

(Gerstein is alluding to his contribu- 
tion to the work of his disinfection 
service in stemming, in 1941, a ty- 
phus epidemic in the camps.) 



Expulsion? Yes — Execution? No 
. . .the judge of the NSDAP who had 
sentenced my expulsion, made great 
efforts to hunt me... 



Prussic acid: 100 kgs or 265 kgs? 
. . .He (Guenther) gaveme the order to 
take 100 kgs of prussic acid. . . 



The rumor ofKollin (Bohemia-Mo- 
ravia) 

(Nothing) 



Table A 



Tn 



(Identical to T I) 



(Identical to T I) 



(Identical to T I) 



(Identical to T I) 



Till 



$ decided in any event to throw a 
glance in these ovens and these cham- 
bers in order to know what was going 
on. 

Gerstein seems to know, in advance, 
what he will see: ovens and cham- 
bers. 



Almost the same as T I and T n. 
One additional sentence: These gen- 
tlemen were of the opinion that my 
idealism, which they probably ad- 
mired, would notfail to serve the Nazi 
cause. 



By reason of my successes, I soon 
passed sub-lieutenant and lieutenant. 
The German text reads: "wurde ich 
bald Leutnant und Oberleutnant" 



. . .the tribunal which had ordered my 
expulsion from the party had knowl- 
edge of my entry into the SS to a 
positional of command. 



(Identical to T I) 



(Nothing) 



He (Gttnther) gave me the order to 
have brought immediately for an ul- 
tra-secret mission relating to the Reich 
100 kg of prussic acid. . . 



At the factory at Collin, I had purpos- 
esly thrown outhints that the acid was 
intended to kill human beings. 



TIV 



(Identical to T I and T II) 



(Almost the same as T W) 



TVa 



. . .1 had only one wish, to see right to 
the bottom of this sorcerer's pot and 
to communicate to the people what I 
see there, be it at the risk of my life. 



(Almost the same as T m and T IV.) 
One additional sentence: "It is thus 
that they themselves showed me the 
road to take." 



(Identical to T I and T IT) 



December 1941, the tribunal which 
had ordered my expulsion out of the 
NSDAP received knowledge of my 
entry into the SS army. 



Soon, I become sublieutenant, then 
lieutenant. 



. . .the party tribunal that had decided 
my execution, having learned that I 
was infiltrated into an E.M. of SS. 
(EM. = feat-Major = Staff Officer.) 
Let us remember T Va was written 
out by the French service of O.R.C.G. 



He (Gttnther) gave me the order to 
obtain at once 260 kg of prussic acid 
for an extremely secret purpose. . . 



At Collin I had given to understand 
that the acid was intended to kill 
people. 



"With many mysterious allusions, he 
(Gttnther) gives me the order to ob- 
tain forhim26"0 kgs of prussic acid. . ." 



"At Kollin, in the prussic acid fac- 
tory, I made it clear to the personnel, 
by maladroit technical questions, that 
the prussic acid was intended to kill 
human beings. I did the same thing 
each time, this being the best way to 
start rumors among the people." 



TVb 



(Identical to TVa) 



(Identical to TVa) 



(Identical to TVa) 



TVc 



(Identical to T Va and T Vb) 



(Identical to T Va and T Vb) 



TVI 



. . .1 had only one wish: 
yourself to see into this 
dron and make known I 
what is happening, even 
your life. 



ou must go 

leviTscaul- 

the people 

at the risk of 



(Almost the same as T V 
TVc) 



a,TVband 



(Identical to T Va and T Vb) 



(Identical to TVa) 



(Identical to TVa) 



(Identical to T Va and T Vb) 
In conformity with its original, that is 
T Vb, the English translation reads: 

- my execution 

— E.M. of the S.S. (The initials EM. 
are meaningless in English.) 



That is why I very quickly became 
sublieutenant and then lieutenant The 
German text reads: "ich jwurde daher 
se/irtaWLeutaantundOberleutnant" 



Observations 



The words "in diese Ofen und Karnmem" which mean "into 
these ovens and these chambers," have been translated by 
Leon Poliakov and Josef Wulf by "in these places" (Ille R. et 
J., page 109). 

It is surprising that a German Protestant should write in the 
same tone of the crematorium ovens, widely used in Germany 
at that period, and the poison gas chambers. Such an attitude 
would surprise less coming from a Catholic, hostile — at least 
at that time — to the incineration of cadavers. 



Interrogation of 26 June 1945 by Commandant Beckhardt of 

OA.C.G.: 

Question: How were you able to join this organization after 

having been yourself arrested several times by the Gestapo? 

Answer: I did nothing but accept the suggestion that the 

subalterns of the Gestapo had made me, at the time of my 

second arrest 



(Almost the same as T EI) 



(Identical to T Va and T Vb) 



(Almost the same is T HI) 



(Identical to T Va) 



(Identical to T Va and T Vb) 



The ranks "Leutnant" and "Oberleutnant" existed in the 
Wehrmacht, but not in the SS. In reality, Gerstein became 
soon (bald) or very soon (sehr bald) UntersturmfOhrer (pro- 
moted 1st November 1941); on the other hand, it was neces- 
sary for him to await the 20th April 1943, that is eightmonths 
after his visit to the camps of Belzec and Treblinka, in order 
to be promoted Obersturrnftihrer. 

In the texts composed in French, Gerstein gives the equivalent 
French rank. It is difficult to understand why the incorrect 
ranks should be given in the texts composed in German. 



In text V: Execution, in place of Expulsion. This is an example 
of the poor quality of this text, which was not composed by 
Gerstein. The writers of this report of the interrogation have 
misread the writing or misunderstood the answers of the 
accused, who did not, moreover, put his signature to the 
various pages of the interrogation. 



100 kgs or 260 kgs? The difference is unexplained. To 
Commandant Mattei, examining magistrate at the Military 
Tribunal of Paris who interrogated him the 19 July 1945, 
Gerstein replied thathehad himself fixed the quantity accord- 
ing to the load capacity of the vehicle with which he travelled. 
This is a contradiction with the whole of the "confessions" 
where Gerstein speaks of having received an order. 



At Kollin, I had given tcj understand, 
by purposely maladroit technical 
questions to the Czech personnel of 
the factory, that the hydr ocy anic acid 
was intended to kill nun ian beings. 
(ThecontinuationisidenicaltoT Va) 



If Gerstein really acted as he say s he did, one can think that the 
Czech wOTkeretookhirnforaprovocateur.Ishenotfrightened 
of possible informers? In other passages, he professes himself 
tobeverypmdentbecauseofmerisksofrerwisalsagair^thim 

and his family. 



Table B 



TI 



The SS General Globocnik is too 
trusting. 

Having still a place in the car, I had taken with 
methe SSObersturmbannfuhrer Professor Dr. 
PfannenstieL Globocnic says to us: This thing 
is one of the most secret that there is. Anyone 
who speaks of it will be shot immediately. 
Yesterday, two talkers died. 



Til 



(Very close to T I) 

It is specified: this thing., 
and even the most secret. 



Till 



With us, rather by chance, was Professor Pfan- 
nenstieL.. 

(Follows very closely T II) 



TIV 



(Almost the same as T ID) 



TVa 



A place being free in the car in 
question, I am accompanied by the 
SS ObersturmbannfQhrer Professor 
Doctor PfannenstieL . . j 

— Follows T HI very closely 



TVb 



(Identical to TVa) 



TVc 



(Identical to T Va and T Vb) 



TVI 



(Almost the same as T V) 



Observations 



Charged with an ultra-secret mission, he says, Gerstein takes in 
his car a passenger whom he does not know. The General 
Globocnik who, it seems, has never previously met either 
Gerstein or Pfannenstiel does not hesitate, from the first contact, 
to speak openly to them of the "biggest secret of the State." 
A disarming candor from all concerned, if there really were 
ultrasecret matters. 



Did Gerstein visit. Maidanek? Did he 
visit Sobibor? 

1 Belzec (seen!) 

2 Sobibor (not seen!) 

3 Treblinca (seen) 

4 Maidanneck ... (seen in preparation) 

What have the Danish people got to do 
here? ". . .ten or twenty times the result 
of the Spinnstoff-Sammlung (textiles 
collection), which was done only to 
conceal the origin of clothing . . . '* 

Gerstein gives details of the disinfec- 
tion of the clothing. 

(nothing) 



(Identical to T I) 



(Identical to T I) 



(nothing) 



1 Belzec 

2 Sobibor 

3 Treblinka 

4 Maidanek 

Belcec, Treblinka and Maidanek I personally 
inspected, accompanied by. . . 

The collection of textiles has in fact been done 
only in order to explain the origin of the 
clothes for the workers in the East, etc. . . .and 
present them as the outcome of the sacrifice 
accepted by the German people. 

I afterwards discussed with firms capable of this work 
the possibility of disinfecting such quantities of tex- 
tiles — which related to a stock alone of about 40,000 
tons — 60 full trains of merchandise — in the existing 
laundries and disinfection establishments. But it was 
completely impossible to place such large orders. I put 
to profit all these negotiations to make known or let 
cleverly be understood the fact of the murder of the 
Jews. Globocnek then expressed himself satisfied that 
all this heap should be sprayed with detenoline so that 
it would have the smell of disinfection — which was 
then done. 

The ministerial counsellor, Dr. Herbert Lind- 
ner who accompanied him 1 . . . 
1. Hitler. 



1 Belcec 

2 Sobibor not seen! 

3 Treblinka seen! 

4 Maidanek seen in preparation. 



1 Belcec 2 Sobibor. 

3 Treblinka 4 Maidaneck 

Accompanied by the head of all trJese death 
factories, the captain of police Wirth, I 
thoroughly inspected all these pieces with 
the exception of Maidanneck. 



1 Belcec... 

3 Treblinka 



2 Sobibor .... 
4 Maidanek. 



(Identical to TVa) 



(Almost the same as T Va and T Vb) 
In the English text, one reads: "Ex- 
cept the last, I visited. . .'* 



I have visited ite/cec, TreblinkaandMa'idan- 
eck accompanied by the Head of all these 
installations for putting to death, the Cap- 
tain of Police Wirth, in a thorough manner 
and while functioning. 



Maidanek (seen in 5 out of 6 texts), Sobibor (seen in 1 text out of 6>. the 
contradiction is unexplained. It has escaped Leon Poliakov who writes 
(M J. 1964, page 7) in juxtaposing extracts from two confessions: 

"1 Belcec (seen!) 3 Treblinka seen 

2 Sobibor not seen 4 Maidaneck ..seen in preparation ; 

With the exception of this last, I have inspected in detail all the camps..." 
Saul Friedlander has recopied Leon Pdiakov (K.G. page 99). 



All this collection is only made to 
conceal the origin of Jewish cloth- 
es, Polish, Czech, etc. Truly, the 
result of our installations is 10-20 
times that of all these collections! 



If every year wecollectclothes among 
thcDanishpeople, that is only done to 
camouflage... 



(nothing) 



(nothing) 



(Identical to T Va) 



(Almost the same as T Va and T Vb) 
In this accurate English translation, 
one reads: "...clothes among the 
Danes" 



All these collections are only made 
for the essential purpose of making 
plausible in some way for the foreign 
workers and the German people the 
origin... 



Danishpeople, instead of German people: this is a new example 
of the poor quality of T V. Perhaps a careless transcriber read in 
a handwritten German text "danisch" (Danish) instead of 
"deutsch" (German)? 



(nothing) 



(nothing) 



(nothing) 



This passage only existsmTin.Itismmeformofahandwritten 
half pagecarrying, at the top on the left, themention"zu7."This 
half page is inserted between the half page numbered 7 and the 
half page numbered 8. 

This insertion in T IE of a rather technical handwritten text 
which has no equivalent in the other "confessions" gives rise to 
the reflections which we shall develop in our chapter: Authen- 
ticity of the "confessions." 



Lindner or Linden? 
Then the Ministerialdirektor Dr. Lind- 
ner of Innenministerium. . . 



(Identical to T I) 



(nothing) 



He (Hitler) was accompanied by the 
ministerial counsellor, Dr. Herbert 
Linden... 



"In his company 1 there was also the 
ministerial Counsellor Dr. Herbert 
Linden of the Ministry of the Reich." 



(Identical to T Va) 



(Identical to T Va and T Vb) 



The ministerial counsellor was named Linden and not Lindner. In all the 
texts, it is written that Dr. Linden accompanied Hitler on his visit of 15 
August 1942 (the day before yesterday, as Gerstein visits Belcec on 17 
August Leon Poliakov, for a reason unknown to us, writes: "The Dr. 
Herbert Lindner who was with us yesterday [that is to say 16 August, the 
day after the pretended visit of Hitler] (Breviare de la Haine, 1951, 221; 
1960, 221; 1974, 292; 1979, 221; Monde Jup, 1954, 7.) 
Hans Rothfels has Aiytoricfl/ZyestoblishedthatHiaerdidnotleavehisGHQ 
of the Eastern Front on 15 August 1942. 



Dimensions of the garages 
After having mounted a small stairway, 
to the right and the left, three and three 
rooms like garages, 4x5m, 1.90inheighL 



(Identical to T I) 



... a small stairway and afterwards to right and 
to left respectively three rooms of 5x5 meters, 
1 .90 m high, with doors of wood like garages. 
(Note the simple doors of wood.) 



(nothing) 



...only the gas chambers coning to 
the right of thecorridor situate*! in the 
"bathhouse." To right and to left, 
three rooms like garages 5x5m and 
1.90 high. 



(Identical to TVa) 



(Identical to T Va and T Vb) 



In the bathroom itself, set one side 
and theotrjer of a corridor, threerooms 
on each side, almost like garages, of 
5x5 meters in area and 1 .90m in height 



Brass or wrought iron? 

On the roof, the star of David in brass. 



(Identical to T I) 



On thereof, by way of a "subtle joke," the star 
of David! 



(nothing) 



We then find ourselves in frant of a 
building like a bath-institute with a 
little stairway of wrought iron. 
(No star of David.) 



(Identical to T Va) 



(Identical to T Va and T Vb) 



sroojf.i 



In the "confessions" after T I, Gerstein speaks of a gas chamber 
of 25 m 2 . Thus the dimensions of 5mx5m are more plausible than 
those of 4mx5m. The height is lm90, which gives a volume of 
47.5m 3 . Further on, the engineer speaks of 45m 3 . Pleasenote that 
Gerstein does not qualify his various dimensions with the adverb 
about. Leon Poliakov suppresses this passage without notifying 
his readers (op. cit.) 



On the roof, in the guise of a weather- 
vane, the jstar of David in wrought 
iron. (The} star of David has here a 
utilitarian bole; it is a weathervane.) 



Itisaminor detail of the "confessions." But we shall i never know 
whether the star of David was in brass or wrought iron. In T V, 
there is no star of David; it is the stairway which is in wrought 
iron. 



Table C 



TI 


Til 


Till 


TIV 


TVa 


TVb 


TVc 


TVI 


Observations 


The submarines will stop prowling 
in the sea. 

(Nothing) 


(Nothing) 


(Nothing) 


(Nothing) 


At this moment already, I predict to everybody 
that soon the submarines will stop prowling the 
sea, for the most efficient army must lose its 
fighting spirit if it has been stained with rivers of 
innocent blood. In fact, events proved me right a 
little time afterwards. 


(Identical to T Va) 


(Identical to T Va and T Vb) 


I foretold even then to many people that these 
submarines would soon navigate no longer, be- 
cause this weapon so ingenious would become 
blunted if it were staintd with floods of innocent 
blood. God would arrange things in such a way 
that they would not work any more. And, in fact, 
a little time later, events proved me right! 


These verbal imprudences of "God's spy," so-called by Pierre 
Joffroy , recall the rumor of Kollin, which we have previously 
mentioned. How can we fail to notice the messianic tone of 
these passages? 


Gerstein joins in with the prayers 
of the victims. 

A great many say their prayers. 


(Identical to T I) 


Many pray . Ipray with them. I squeeze 
my self into a corner and I cry in a loud 
voice to my god and to theirs. How I 
would have loved to go intothecham- 
bers with them, how I would have 
loved to die their death. They would 
then have found an SS officer in uni- 
form in their chambers. They would 
have interpreted and treated the affair 
as an accident and it would have been 
quietly shelved. ButI still do not have 
the right, I must first reveal what I see 
here! 


(Nothing) 


Some turn towards me: "Oh, Mister, help us, 
help us! " Many pray. I cannot yet give them help. 
I pray with them, I press myself into a corner and 
I cry to their God and to my God in a loud voice. 
I can permit myself this; there is enough noise 
around me. With what joy would I not have gone 
toward them into this chamber, with what joy 
would I not have died their death. On finding an 
.SS officer in uniform in their chamber, the mur- 
derers would never have supposed that that could 
be a protest on my part. They would have consid- 
ered it an accident and my epitaph would have 
been: 'Dead for his beloved Ftthrer, in execution 
of his important duty for the Ftthrer.' No, that 
won't do. I do not yet have the right to yield to the 
temptation to die with these people. I know 
enough about it. Wirth has told me: "There are 
not ten persons who have seen what I have seen 
and who will see it: the auxiliary foreign person- 
nel will be executed at the end." I am one of the 
five men who have seen all these installations. 
There is certainlynotoneof them, apart fromme, 
who sees this as an adversary, as an enemy of this 
gang of murderers; so, I must still live to cry out 
what I have seen here. Truly, this must be much 
more difficiult, I must live and make it known. 


(Identical to T Va) 


(Identical to T Va and T Vb) 


Some address themselves to me: Oh, Mister, 
help us, but help us! Many pray. But I cannot help 
them, I pray with them, I squeeze myself into a 
corner and cry in a loiid voice to my God and to 
theirs. There is enough noise around me, I can 
allow myself to cry in a loud voice to my God. 
How I would have wished to enter the death 
chambers with them; how I would have wished 
to share their death. They would then haveJound 
an SS officer in uniform in their chambers; they 
would not have protested for that; they would 
have considered the thing an accident; one would 
have announced in reference to me: "Died in 
service for his beloved Ftthrer faithfully served 
in the execution of an important task for the 
Reichsftthrer. . ." No, ^hat won't do. I cannot yet 
yield to the temptation to die with these people. 
I know it well: there are not 10 persons who see 
whatl see and what I have seen, who have a view 
of the whole here, on all the installations and 
their organization. Certainly, not one apart from 
me sees this as an adversary, as an enemy of this 
gang of murderers. Soil must live and first of all 
make known what I see here. To be sure, this is 
the most difficult service, very difficult!" 

i 


The brevity of the texts of 26 April contrasts with the lyricism 
of the texts of 6 May. Text HI, text of 4 May presents a 
"reasonable" digest of the rather delirious passages of 6 May. 

In a handwritten note in English given by Gerstein to the 
Allied investigators on 5 May 1945, one reads notably: "I have 
seen, no more than 5 others have seen, and these were nazies." 
In a document found after Gerstein's death, numbered 12 by 
the military Examining Magistrate and "mislaid" between the 
Military Justice department and the Judicial Identity Service, 
where it should have been photographed, the first words have 
been preserved: "Four witnesses" and the last word: "prison." 
Gerstein was going to express, in this document, the same idea 
as in the note in English. 

Leon Poliakov has quoted a passage of T V in the review Le 
Monde Juif(1964, January/March, page 8) which he repro- 
duces very approximately. In fact, he has suppressed the 
following phrases, without informing his readers: 

1. "Icanpermitmyself this; there is enough noise around me." 

2. "...the murderers would never have supposed that that 
could be a protest on my part." 

3. "...and my epitaph would have been: 'dead for his well- 
loved Fuehrer, in execution of his important duty for the 
Fuehrer.'" 

In addition, instead of "I am one of the five men who have 
seen. . ." Leon Poliakov writes ". . .1 am one of the rare men 
who have seen..." 


Almost 150 persons per freight car. 

Truly after some minutes, the first 
train arrived from Lemberg. 45 cars, 
containing 6,700 persons, 1,450 al- 
ready dead on their arrival... 200 
Ukrainians. . .wrench open the doors 
and with leather horsewhips, they 
chase the people out of the cars. 


(Identical to T I) 


(Almost the same as T I and T U) 


(Nothing) 


(Almost the same as the preceding texts) 


(Identical to T Va) 


(Identical to T Va and T Vb) 


(Almost the same as T V) 

i 


1. 6,700 persons in 45 freight cars, this is a constant in five 
texts out of six. Leon Poliakov writes: "45 cars, containing 
more than 6,000 persons (Breviaire de la Haine, 1951, 222; 
1960, 222; 1974, 293; 1979, 222. Le Monde Juif, 1964, 8). 

2. The Ukrainians chase the people: 

— in the German texts: Leute; — in the English text: people. 
Leon Poliakov writes: ". . .they chased the Jews. . ." (op. cit.) 

3. Leon Poliakov has suppressed the phrase: "1,450 already 
dead on their arrival." (Breviaire de la Haine, same biblio- 
graphical references as above.) 



Table D 



TI 



Til 



Till 



TIV 



TVa 



TVb 



TVc 



TVI 



Observations 



The little boy and his lengths of string 

(In the background, a pile of shoes of 
varying height) 

...With small string, given by a little 
Jewish boy of 3-4 years, to join together 
the shoes... 



(Almost the same as T I) 



"Carefully tie up the shoes (for the 

clothing collection), because, in the 

pile more than25 meters high, no one 

would have been able to retrieve the 

pairs. 

(No little boy.) 



(Nothing) 



A little Jewish boy of three years receives an 
armful of strings which he distributes thought- 
fully to the others; it is intended to tie the shoes 
together, for never could anyone retrieve the 
assorted pairs in a pile 35 to 40 meters high. 



(Identical to T Va) 



Identical to T Va and T Vb, 
except the last phrase which in 
the English text reads: "in a 
heap of boots of several me- 
ters." 



Under the arm of a little Jewish boyi someone 
presses a handful of strings, which the child of 
three years, distraught, distributes to people: to 
tie the shoes together! For, in the pile < >f 35 or 40 
meters high, no one could have afterwards re- 
trieved the matching shoes. 



The little boy of 3 years "distraught" (T VI), distributes the strings I4 thoughtfully" 
(T V). Is he alone in this distribution to 5,250 living deportees who just descended from 
die train? Gerstein speaks only of him. In August 1 942, Gerstein was himself father of 
alimeboyof2V 2 years.§ThepUeofshoeswas35to40m(TVandTVI)or25m(TIII)? 
In the one case as in the other, it is difficult to imagine that one could place a pair of 
shoes at aheightbetween7 and 12 stories. § Leon Poliakov has suppressed the sentence 
concerning the little boy (op. cit., 1951, 1960, 1979, page 222; 1974, page 293). 



Thirty persons standing on lm 2 

. . .The naked men are standing on each 
other's feet, 700-800 to 25 m 2 , 45 m 3 ! 
The doors close. 

... the men in the four chambers already 
filled live, live, 4 times 750 persons to 4 
times 45m 3 !" 



(Identical to T I) 



The people are so squeezed together 
that they are trampling on each other's 
feet, 700-800 on25 square meters, in 
45 cubic meters. The SS men press 
them physically one against the other 
as much as they can. The doors close. 

. . .the people remain alive in these 4 
chambers, 4 times 750 persons in 4 
times 45 cubic meters. 



(Nothing) 



They are stepping on one another's feet. From 
700 to 800 human beings on 25m 2 , on 45m 3 . 1 
recapitulate, more than half are children, aver- 
age weight maximum 30 kgs, specific weight 
1 , thus 25250 kgs of men per chamber. Wirth 
is right; with the help of die SS, 750 persons 
can be stowed in 45m 3 and the SS help with 
their whips and put in the oven as much as 
physically possible. The doors close. 
[Please note the average unit weight of 50kgs 
and the total weight stated of 25,250 kgs. But 
25,250 is not divisible by 30.] 



(Identical to TVa) 



(Identical to T Va and T Vb) 



The people are stepping on each other s feet, 700 
to 800 persons on 25 meters square in 45 cubic 
meters. I make an estimate: average weight at the 
most 35 kg, more than half are children, specific 
weight 1, thus 25,250 kg of human beings per 
chamber. Wirth is right, if the SS men push a 
little, one can make750persons enter in45 cubic 
meters! And the SS men push them,! with their 
horsewhips and compel them to enter, as much as 
is physically possible. The doors close. 
[Note the average unit weight of 35 kg. this time 
(not 30) and the precise total weightjof 25,250 
kg. But 25,250 isn't divisible by 35 either.] 



700 to 800 persons standing on 25m 2 , in 45m 3 , is a constant of the "confessions." There 
are many non-revisionist authors whohavechanged either the surface area, or the num- 
ber of persons, and suppressed the cubic volume. The following list is not exhaustive: 

Leon Poliakov replaces the 25m 2 by 93m 2 and eliminates on two occasions the 45m3 (op. cit. 1951, 
1960, 1979, page 223; 1974, page 294; MJ. 1964, page 9); he does not say they are standing. 

Saul Friedlander (op. cit., page 106) and Francois Delpech (Hist, et Geo. 1979, page 630) have 
recopied L6on Poliakov. 

Gideon Hausner realistically rounds off at 100m 2 the surface area given by Leon Poliakov (Just 
Jems. French translation, page 228). 

Lucy S. Dawidowicz writes that each Jew had "one square foot,** which would given 675m2 for 
750 persons (War against the Jews, page 148). The French translation of the book suggests 30cm 2 (I) 
per person (op. cit. page 240). 

Robert Neumann respects the m 2 and the m 3 ; but he brings down the number of victims from 700/ 
800 to 170/180, repeating the discrepancy some lines further on by writing "the people are 
living... four times 175 persons in four times 45m 3 QUHer/Aufot. u. Unterg. page 192). 



Gerstein records the times carefully 

...Heckenholt [operator of the Diesel 
motor] endeavors to get the Diesel going. 
BuUtdoesnotwork! Hauptmann Wirth 
arrives. One sees, he is frightened, be- 
cause me, I see the disaster. Yes, I see 
and wait My 'stop' watch has timed 
everything — 50 minutes, 70 minutes 
— the Diesel does not work! The men 
are waiting in their chamber. . . .After 2 
hours 49 minutes — the "stop" watch 
has recorded everything — the Diesel 
starts. ... Again 25 minutes pass: a great 
many, it is true, are dead. One sees by 
the little window through which the 
electric light allows one to see, for amo- 
ment, the interior of the chamber. After 
28 minutes still a few who survive, after 
32, finally, all are dead! 



(Almost the same as T I) 



. . .Heckenholt is the operator of the 
diesel engine... But the diesel does 
not work! Captain Wirth arrives. One 
sees that he is annoyed that it should 
have to happen today just when I am 
here. Yes, I see everything and I wait. 
My stopwatch has cleverly recorded 
everything. 50 minutes, 70 minutes, 
the Diesel does not start. The people 
wait in their gas chambers... At the 
end of 2 hours 49 minutes — the 
stopwatch has recorded everything 
— the Diesel starts. . . .Once more, 25 
minutes pass . . . many are now dead, 
one sees it through the small window 
in which the electric light illuminates 
the chamber for an instant. At the end 
of 28 minutes on ly some still live, at 
the end of 32 minutes everyone is 
dead. 



(Nothing) 



. . .Hockelchoc 1 is the operator of the diesel. . . 
But the diesel machine does not work. I am 
told this is quite rare. Wirth arrives. One sees 
that it is painful to him that the should happen 
just today when I am there. Yes, I see every- 
thing and I hear everything; my watch has 
recorded everything well, 50 minutes, 70 
minutes, the diesel does not start; humanity is 
waiting in these chambers in vain. One hears 
them weep and sob "like in the synagogue" 
remarks Professor Pfannenstiel who has glued 
his ear against the wooden door. Captain Wirth 
beats with a whip the Ukrainian who should 
help Hockelchoc in the start-up of the diesel. 
After 2 hours and 49 minutes, my stopwatch 
has recorded it, the diesel starts. . . . Another 25 
minutes pass. It is true that many are dead; one 
sees through the little window illuminating the 
chamber for an instant with electric light. 
Wirth has interviewed me in detail in order to 
know whether I consider it preferable to let 
these people die in a dark room or a lighted 
one. He asks this in the same tone that one 
asks: 'Do you prefer to sleep with or without a 
cushion? Do you like your coffee with or with- 
out milk?' 2 

28 minutes later, rare are those who still live. 
Finally, after 32 minutes, all aredead; I am told 
that this is the normal time in order to kill. 

1 . Hockelchoc on three occasions in the text instead of 
Heckenholt: one example among others of the poor 
quality of T Va, a text drawn up by the O.R.C.G. 

2. Astonishing reflections by Gerstein regarding a 
hardly credible question from Wirth. 



(Identical to T Va with one small 
exception: One reads: 26 min- 
utes instead of 28; one can think 
that this is a typing error.) 



(Identical to T Vb) 
One finds again here the 26 
minutes, which is normal since 
T Vc is the English translation 
of TVb. 



Heckenholt is the operator of the diesel... But 
the diesel was not working. This happened rela- 
tively seldom, I am told. Captain Whin arrives. 
One can see that it is unpleasant to him that this 
happens just today, when I am here, but, yes, I 
see everything! And I wait. My stopwatch has 
quietly recorded everything. 50 minutes, 70 
minutes, the diesel does not start! The people are 
waiting in their gas chambers. . . At the end of 2 
hours 49 minutes — the stopwatch has recorded 
everything — the diesel starts. . . Again 25 min- 
utes pass. It is accurate, many are dead now. One 
sees it through the little spy-window, through 
which the electric light illuminates the chamber 
for an instant Wirth had questioned me minutely 
to know whether I found it better to make people 
die in a lighted room or without light He asked 
this in the tone in which one asks whether one 
sleeps better with or without a bolster. At the end 
of 28 minutes, only somesurvived. Finally, atthe 
end of 32 minutes, all are dead. 



Gerstein was charged by an SS General to proceed with the disinfection large 
quantities of textiles; he stays only one day at Belzec. But he seems to have had the time 
to stay inactive for 3 hours 21 minutes (2.49 + 32 minutes), his eye fixed either on his 
stopwatch, or on the spy- window where he follows the progress of death in the gas 
chambers. He is impassive, when just a little while before he was praying with the 
victims and was wishing to experience the same death as them. His precise timing with 
the stopwatch is hardly reconcilable with the supposed "errors" in the surface area and 
volume of the gas chamber, which presumably were due to a very profound emotion. 

Leon Poliakov has deleted one of the data of the timekeeping, namely, the following 
phrase: ". . .after 28 minutes, yet few who survive" (Brev. de la H., 1951, 1960, 1979, 
page 223; 1974, page 294.) 

Joe J. Heydecker and Johannes Leeb have replaced the 2 hours 40 minutes, length 
of the breakdown of the diesel, by "nach etwa 49 Minuten" (after about 49 minutes); 
the form of words is surprising enough, for 49 minutes denote a precise length of time; 
as for the adverb "about," it eliminates any possibility of a typographical error (Nurnb. 
Proz., page 460). 



TI 



Is this the work of a dentist? 

...Two dozen workers busy them- 
selves checking the mouths, which 
they open by means of iron hooks. 



Conditions favorable for the devel- 
opment of an epidemic. 

...Then the naked cadavers were 
thrown into large pits of 100x20x 12 
meters, situated near the death cham- 
bers After some days, the bodies 
swelled and the whole rose 2-3 me- 
ters by means of the gas which formed 
in the cadavers. After some days, the 
swelling finished, the bodies fell to- 
gether. Next day, the pits were filled 
again and covered with 10 cm of sand. 

Some time later — / heard — grills 
were made of railway lines and the 
cadavers were burned by means of 
diesel oil and petrol, to make the 
cadavers disappear." 
["Some time later, I heard." Thus, this 
is not eyewitness evidence; more- 
over, Gerstein stayed only one day at 
Belzec.] 



Til 



(Identical to T I) 



(Identical to T I) 



Table E 



Till 



...Two dozen dentists busy them- 
selves checking the mouths with 
hooks. . . 



...The naked cadavers were hauled 
on wooden barrows 1 nearby into pits 
of 100by20by 12 meters. After a few 
days the bodies swelled, but a little 
later they settled so that it was pos- 
sible to throwon another layer. Then 
they were covered with 10 cm of sand 
from which some heads and arms 
emerged. 
1. In the German text: "Holztragen." 

...Later another decison was taken. 
The cadavers were burned with the 
aid of gasoline and diesel oil on big 
improvised grills made with railway 
rails. 



TIV 



(Nothing) 



(Nothing) 



TVa 



Two dozen dentists open the mouths 
with hooks and look for gold. 



...The naked cadavers were thrown 
some meters further away, into pits of 
100 x 1 2 x 20meters. Somedays later, 
these cadavers swell and afterwards 
collapse heavily, which permits re- 
covering them with anew layer, about 
10 cm of sand is thrown on top; there 
are only a few arms and a few heads 
sticking out" 

Even the cadavers already buried were 
burned on grills made with rails with 
the aid of petrol and heavy oils. 



TVb 



(Identical to T Va) 



(Identical to T Va) 



TVc 



(Identical to T Va and T Vb) 



(Identical to T Va and T Vb) 



TVI 



(Identical t> T Va, T Vb, and T Vc) 



The naked qorpses, on wooden carts 1 , 
were thrown into 1 00 x 1 2 x 20 meter 
pits a distance of only a few meters 
away. Afteil some days, fermentation 
made the cadavers swell, then they 
collapsed heavily a short time after- 
wards, so that a new layer could be 
thrown on top, then about 10 cm of 
sand was spread on top, with the 
result that only a few isolated heads 
and arms stuck out. 
1. In the German text: "Hdzwagen." 

. . .Thecadayers were then burned with 
the help of petrol and diesel oil on gi- 
gantic grills improvised with railway 
rails. 



Observations 



Professor Hans Rothfels (V.j.H. page 191 note 47) has ex- 
pressed doubts on the qualifications as dentists of these 
members of the working parties. Reproducing T HI, which 
was composed in German, he writes: "Workers, that seems 
more credible, in the French text" 

How to explain that in his mother tongue Gerstein uses a 
less suitable word than in the French language, with which he 
was not familiar? 



At the beginning of his "confessions," Gerstein told us that he 
was promoted to SS-officer in November 1941 , as areward for 
his successes in the struggle against the epidemics in the 
camps. Ten months later, he describes for us a situation in the 
camp at Belzec which would have favored the development of 
contagious diseases, from which the SS guards and their 
auxiliaries would not have been safe. 



Leon Poliakov deleted the following phrase: "Next day, the 
ditches were filled again and covered with 10cm of sand" (op. 
cit. 1951, 1960, 1979, page 224; 1974, page 295 /op.cit. 1964, 
page 9.) 

Joe J. Heydecker and Johannes Leeb made an addition of 
their own invention placed between brackets. One reads: "Die 
Leichen sind dann (bei Annaherung der Russen) wieder 
ausgegraben und auf groBen Rosten u.s.w.," which means, 
"The cadavers were then (as the Russians drew near) disin- 
terred and on large grills, etc." (op. cit. page 459). 

During the war, Germany reserved its motor fuel for mili- 
tary vehicles. Burning cadavers by the hundreds of thousands 
would have necessitated very large quantities of petrol and 
heavy oils. 

The historian Andr6 Brissaud writes, in connection with the 
incineration of the bodies of Hitler and Eva Braun in the 
garden of the Chancellery: "180 liters of petrol could not 
accomplish the incineration of the bones" (Hitl. et O JV. page 
393). 

Were any mountains of bones found at the Belzec camp 
after the war? 



TI 



The number of victims at Belzec and 
Treblinka 

At Belzec and at Treblinca, one did not 
give oneself the trouble to count in a 
fairly accurate manner the number of 
men killed. If one had found the pass- 
ports etc.... it would have related to a 
very small part of all the number dead. 
Most died nameless. 
[No estimate of the number of dead.] 



Captain Wirth does not wish any 
change 

Hauptmann Wirth begged me not to 
propose to Berlin any other method 
whatsoever and to leave all as it was. 



Til 



At Belcek and at Treblinca, no 
one took the trouble to count in a 
reasonably exact manner the 
number of men killed. The num- 
bers, made known by Britisch 
Broadcasting Co. Radio are not 
accurate, in truth it will be a 
matter altogether of approx. 
25,000,000 men! 



(Almost the same as T I) 



Tin 



Neither at Belzec nor at Treblinka <&4 
anyone take the trouble to record or 
count the dead. The numbers were 
calculated only approximately from 
the content of the cars. 
[No estimate of the number dead.] 



Captain Wirth begged me not to 
propose any modification whatsoever 
in his instillations which had proven 
themselves. 



TIV 



(Nothing) 



TVa 



Table F 



This "factory" [Belzec] has been working since 
1942 and "manufactures" about 11,000 dead per 
day. When the circle of my friends or myself heard 
the broadcast from London or the Voice of Amer- 
ica we were often surprised by the innoient angels 
who spokeof hundreds of thousands of deads when 
in reality there were already more than ten million. 
In the year 1943, the Dutch Resistance told me 
through Ubbink that I was requested not to supply 
invented atrocities, but to content myself with 
reproducing the exact truth; despite my pointing 
out these things, in August 1942, at the Swedish 
embassy in Berlin, people refused to believe these 
figures. Unfortunately, / reply to it under oath, 
these figures are exact 

According to my unquestionable documents, I 
estimate the number of defenseless human beings 
murdered by Adolf Hitler and Heinrich Himmlerat 
about 20 million. I 



TVb 



(Identical to T Va) 



TVc 



(Nothing) 



Wirth asksmenottoproposetoBerlinmodifications 
in the methods of death in the gas chambers em- 
ployed up to the present time for they proven them- 
selves. What is curious is that no one has asked me 
a single question in Berlin. 



TVI 



(Identical to T Va and T Vb) 



(Identical to T Va) 



This installation [Belzec] has been function- 
ing since April 19^2 and effects on average 
1,000 killings 1 per day. When I and my circle 
of friends listened to the radio of London or the 
voice of America, we were often astonished by 
these innocent angels who came up with figures 
of hundreds of thousands of dead, whereas 
there were already 1 tens of millions of them. 2 
The Dutch resistance movement had asked me 
in 1943 through Graduate Engineer Ubbink of 
Doesburg not to supply them with atrocities 
but the facts of the strictest authenticity. Al- 
though I transmitted these things in August 
1942 to the Swedish Legation in Berlin, 
apparently no one wanted to believe these 
figures at all. And nevertheless they are true, / 
attest to it under oath. I estimate the number of 
those who, defenseless and unarmed, have 
been murdered at the instigation of Adolf 
Hitler and Heinrich Himmler, drawn without 
any possibility of resistance into those mur- 
derous traps where they were put to death, as 
at least 20,000,000 human beings. 

1. l,000inTVIiiisteadQfll,000inTV.Perhapsthis 
is a typing error in T\ I? 

2. One reads in Gernjan "Zig Millionen" which is 
between 20 (zwanzig)and 90 (neunzig) million. 



Observations 



Number of victims at Belzec and Treblinka: 

— 25 million in T II 

— 20million in T V and T VI. 
These figures are unrealistic. 

Gerstein tells us himself that no one believed him in 1942, 
neither the Anglo-Saxon allies, nor the Dutch resistance, nor the 
Swedish diplomats. It seems that no one believed him after the 
war either , on this point at least , for the authors are rare who have 
reproduced all or part of this passage of the "confessions." The 
preference has been given to the corresponding passage of T in, 
which is conspicuous for its restraint 

Gerstein does not hesitate to testify under oath to figures 
which no one can believe to be correct, which, moreover, he 
hardly had any possibility of estimating. 



(Identical to T Va and T Vb) 



(Almost the same as T V) 



Let us recall what Gerstein told us of the 44 ultra-secret mission": 

— on 8 June 1942, Gtinther gives him the order to transport a 
substantial quantity (sometimes 100 kgs, sometimes 260 kgs, 
according to the texts) to Lublin, in Poland; 

— on 17 August 1942, General Globocnik says to Gerstein: "It 
is necessary to find a more toxic gas for our installations." 

— on 18 August 1942, that is to say the next day, Wirth, 
commandant of the Belzec camp but subordinate to General 
Globocnik, says to Gerstein: "Do not change anything in our 
installations which are working well." 

Gerstein finds it "curious" (in T V and T VI) that no one has 
asked a single question on his return to Berlin. We do, too. 
Gerstein, twice arrested for anti-state activities before the war, 
threatened in December 1941 with expulsion from the SS, is 
charged sixmonths later with an ultrasecretmission. Hedoesnot 
fulfill his mission and no one asks for a report. 

CommandantMattei, Military Examining Magistrate in Paris, 
could not accept this explanation of the accused Gerstein, whom 
he took for a Nazi anxious to dissemble the truth. 











Table G 










TI 


Til 


Tin 


TIV 


TVa 


TVb 


TVc 


TVI 


Observations 


What happened to the prussic acid? 

I lied that the prussic acid was already destroyed by the 
transport and very dangerous and to be forced to bury 
the acid which was done immediately. 


(Almost the same as T I) 


As for the prussic acid, / had it buried 
under my supervision while giving as a 
reason that it had begun to decompose. 


(Nothing) 


"I had the prussic acid which I had 
brought buried." 


t 

(Identical to T Va) 


(Identical to T Va and T Vb) 


! 
(Very close to TV) 1 

l 


To Commandant Mattel, who interrogates him in Paris 19.7.45, Gerstein 
replies: "...I duly transported the cyanide but the cyanide did not arrive at 
destination. On leaving, the cyanide was put in forty-five steel bottles. On the 
road one of them was emptied under my care with all the necessary precautions 
because it was dangerous. The forty-four bottles which remained were not taken 
to the camp of BELCEC but were concealed by the driver and myself at about 
twelve hundred meters from the camp.*' Further on, referring to the driver as 
"accomplice," Gerstein says: "Before the journey, I did not know the driver who 
was to (hive me. The driver belonged to the central security service, I lost touch 
with him afterwards.'* Let us note that Gerstein says to Commandant Mattel that 
he himself concealed (sic) the forty-four bottles of acid with the help of the 
driver, whereas one reads in his "confessions** that he had the acid buried, under 
his supervision. A heavy task to get rid of 44 bottles of acid. 

Continuing the subject of prussic acid or hydrocyanide, marketed under the 
brand name Zyklon B and utilized as a disinfectant by the German army since 
1917, Mattel asks Gerstein the following question: "How was the cyanide to 
have been used technically for extermination?'* Astonishing reply of Gerstein: 
"Gunther at Berlin did not have the slightest idea about it. He supposed that I 
must have some idea. But in reality I did not because I have never used cyanide 
except for disinfection.** 


Treblinka: a simple replica of Belzec? 

The setup at this place of death was almost the same as at Belzec, 
but yet bigger — 8 gas chambers and real mountains of clothes 
and underwear of 35-40 meters high. 

[Here, the pile of 35-40 meters, that is, 10-12 stories, consists 
of clothing and underwear and is located at Treblinka. 

Previously, it was a question of a pile of shoes of similar height 
located at Belzec, but neither T I nor T II made mention of it] 


(Identical to T I) 


The installation was almost the same, 
but much larger than at Belzec. Eight 
gas chambers and real mountains of 
suitcases, clothing, and underwear. 


(Nothing) 


(Almost the same as T IE) 


(Identical to T Va) 


(Identical to T Va and T Vb) 


(Very close to T HI) 

i 


Gaschambers at Treblinka? This was not the opinion of the Grand Tribunal of 
Nurnberg; according to that, the Jews were not gassed at Treblinka, but were 
plunged in boiling water (Document PS-331 1). 


The mysterious affair of von Otter 

After some weeks, I saw one more time the Legation 
Counsellor von Otter. He told me that he had made his 
report to the government (of) Sweden, a report which, 
according to his words, had great influence on the 
relations of Sweden and Germany.** 


After some weeks, I saw 
the Baron de Otter again 
two times. He told me that 
he had made his report. . . ** 
(Continuation identical to 
TI) 


I later met Herr von Otter two times in 1 
the Swedish legation. He had meantime 
made a report to Stockholm and in- 
formed me that this report had had a 
great influence on the relations between 
Sweden and Germany. 
1. One reads in the German text: in der 
schwedischen Gesandtschaft 


(Nothing) 


"I saw again Baron von Otter on two 
occasions at the Swedish legation. 
Meanwhile, he gave an account to 
Stockholm personally and he told me 
that his report had a considerable 
influence 1 on Swedish- German rela- 
tions.** 

1. Onpage9ofthesametextTVareadson: 
"...despite my pointing out these things in 
August 1942 at the Swedish embassy in 
Berlin, people refused to believe these 
figures." 


(Identical to T Va) 

i 


(Identical to T Va and T Vb) 


(Very close to T m) 




Did Gerstein see the Swedish diplomat again once (T I) or twice (T II, T HI, T 
V, and T VI)? In testifying on 29 May 1981 before the Tribunal of Paris, von 
Otter said that he remembered only one occasion and that his report to 
Stockholm had not had any influence on Swedish-German relations (C.R. 
stenogr. 1981, pages 11-12). 

Another very important question: did von Otter send a written report to 
Stockholm or did he only make a verbal report? For Pierre Joffroy {op. cit. page 
17) and for Saul Friedlander {pp. cit. t page 1 15) , the diplomat -wrote a report. 
But nothing has ever been made public. As for Walter Laqueur (Ter. Sec, pages 
48-50), he did not find a report in the archives of Foreign Affairs at Stockholm 
in February 1980. On 24 March 1983, during a televised program that Alain 
Decaux broadcast on Gerstein, Baron von Otter, to whom the question was put, 
replied that on the advice of his Ambassador, he did not make a written report. 
Shall we one day know the truth on this point? 

In Saul Friedlander's book (op. cit. page 153) we read some particularly 
significant phrases of von Otter: "He (Gerstein) sobbed and hid his face in his 
hands. I thought that he would not support these torments a very long time. . .** 
Some months later, the diplomat finds himself facing Gerstein near the Swedish 
Legation (and not inside the Legation) and he comments: ". . .he seemed com- 
pletely desperate and was hardly able to formulate a sentence. He was totally at 
the end of his nerves. . . *' 

These impressions of von Otter should be set beside the other impressions 
reported by Saul Friedlander (op. cit. pages 152-3, 177), giving an account of 
the "absent-mindednesss" (Ausf allserscheinungen), of the "deranged manner," 
of the "strange reactions of Gerstein in 1942 and 1943." 



TI 



Gerstein immediately evicted from 
the Nunciature in Berlin 

My attempt to refer all that to the head 
of the legation of the Holy Father did 
not have a great success. I was asked 
whether I was a soldier. Then I was 
refused all discussion. Thenjhavemade 
say all that to him by Msgr. Doctor 
Winter, secretary of the catholic episco- 
pate of Berlin. 



Til 



[Almost the same as T I except 
the last sentence.] 
Then I have made a detailed 
referat to the secretary of the 
episcopate of Berlin Msgr. Dr. 
Winter to refer all that to his 
bishop of Berlin and likewise to 
the legation of the Holy Father. 
[Referat = report, exposed Here, 
one can think that a verbal report 
is meant since Gerstein does not 
speak of remitting but of refer- 
ring to the bishop. 



The man pursued 

On going out of the Legation of the 
Holy Father at the RauchstraBe in Ber- 
lin, I saw myself followed by a police- 
man who, after some very unpleasant 
minutes, quit following me. 



(Almost the same as T I) 



Till 



I tried to inform the apostolic nuncio 
in Berlin as well. They asked me 
whether I was a soldier. After which 
talk was refused to have all further 
conversation with me and I was in- 
vited to leave the embassy of His 
Holiness... 

I have told that to hundreds of per- 
sons, among others to Dr. Winter, 
secretary of the Catholic bishop of 
Berlin.begging him to make itknown 
to the Pope. 

[Here, there is no doubt: Gerstein has 
recounted verbally.] 



On leaving the Embassy of the Holy 
See, I was followed by a policeman 
on a bicycle who approached me, got 
off his bike, but incomprehensibly let 
me continue on my way. 
[Here, the policeman is on a bicycle 
and gets off it very near Gerstein.] 



Table H 



TIV 



(Nothing) 



(Nothing) 



TVa 



Some days later to relieve my conscience, and in 
order to have done all that is in my power, I tried 
to give an account to the papal nui icio in Berlin; 
from my first words, I am asked v nether I am a 
soldier, thereupon, all conversation with me is 
refused and I am requested to leav e the legation 
of His Holiness immedately. I tel this only to 
prove how difficult it was, even ior a German, 
pitiless enemy of Nazism, to find a way to 
discredit a criminal government. 

In this situation where every da> ' tens and tens 
of thousands awaited killing, whore a delay of 
some hours seemed to me criminal, if, in this 
situation, I say, a qualified representative of 
Jesus on earth refuses all converation with me, 
what can one ask of an average citizen against 
Nazism? What must he do who jiardly knows 
these errors 1 , in general, except from hearsay? 
He who, like millions of foreigners (such as the 
Dutch resistance) hold these thing? to be terribly 
exaggerated, who does not have my abilitiy, 
who does not have perhaps any occasion as I do 
to listen to the foreign radio, what must he do 
against Nazism? If even therepresentativeof the 
Pope in Germany refuses to listen to information 
of this extraordinary importance <jm this unique 
violation against the basis of the jlaw of Jesus: 
"Thou must love thy neighbor as thyself.'" 

From that day, risking my life each hour, I 
have given an account of these atrocious deaths 
to hundreds of influential persoi s: to the Nie- 
mpller family, to the press attach I of the Swiss 
legation at Berlin, Dr. Hochstrat %r, to the sec- 
retary of the Catholic bishop of Barlin, Dr. Win- 
ter, requesting a transmittal to the Bishop and to 
the Pope, to Dr. Dibelius and to many others, as 
well as thousands 2 have been infc rmed by me. 

1. Errors: this word is inappropriate. J hould one read 
"horrors"? 

2. Thousands: instead of hundreds in t HI and T VL 



Hardly gone out, / am followed b^a policeman; 
some minutes later, a policeman on a bicycle 
also follows me. I passed minute J of immense 
despair and disappointment; I lif ed the safety 
catch of my revolver inmy pocket aid I mentally 
prepared myself for suicide. The ncomprehen- 
sible happened: the policeman bn shed by me at 
about 50cms, stopped an instant... and went 
away." 

[Here, two policemen, one of vfrhom is on a 
bicycle but does not dismount.] 



TVb 



(Identical to T Va) 



TVc 



(Identical to T Va and T Vb) 



TVI 



I tried in the same affair to make a 
report to the papal nuncio at Berlin. 
There, I was asked whether I was a 
soldier. Upon which, I was refused all 
further discussion. I was invited to 
leave the Embassy of His Holiness 
immediately. I say that here because 
that shows to what extent it was 
difficult forla German to find advice 
in his distress when he could not even 
find help and advice in such a dread- 
ful necessity from the representative 
of His Holiness, the Vicar of Christ on 
earth! . . . In risking my head daily, at 
the risk of begin tortured and hanged, 
I then reported all that to hundreds of 
influential personalities, among oth- 
ers to the secretary of the Catholic 
bishop of Berlin, Dr. Winter, in order 
thathe transr lititto H.E. Monseigneur 
the Bishop and to the Holy See. 



(Identical to T Va) 



(Identical to T Va and T Vb) 



Observations 



On leaving the Papal embassy, I was 
followed by a policeman on a bicycle. 
I had lifted tie safety-catch of my re- 
volver inmy pocket to blow my brains 
out when, in an incomprehensible 
way, this polfceman passed very close 
by me, then turned back. 



In the five texts where Gerstein relates his attempt to enter into 

contact with the Papal Nuncio in Berlin, one can isolate the 

following constants: 

— Gerstein had no conversation with anyone at the nunciature. 

He was immediately requested to leave the premises; 

— Gerstein tells of having made a report — and not of having 

sent a report — to Dr. Winter, and requesting him to inform the 

Catholic bishop of Berlin and, if possible, the Holy See. 

Starting from these fragile bases and not confirmed by a 
Catholic authority of any sort, the Protestant Rolf Hochhuth 
wrote a play for the theater, The Deputy, which caused a scandal 
at the beginning of the 60's; it constituted the key document in 
an undertaking intended to discredit the behavior of Pope Pius 
XII during the war (Le Vicaire, in particular pages 27, 28, 29, 30 
and 31.) 

Saul Friedlander has given a very personal interpretation to 
Gerstein's initiative. We read: 

"In August 1942, Gerstein, who had just witnessed extermina- 
tion operations by gases, tries to have himself received by the 
nuncio Orsenigo; he is shown out. It is then that he communi- 
cates a report to the juridical counsellor of Msgr. Preysing, 
archbishop of Berlin, requesting that it be transmitted to the 
Holy See. There is no reason to believe that the text was not sent 
to Rome. 

"The Gerstein report of 1942 [sic] was probably almost 
identical to that which he wrote on 4 May 1945, since he 
describes the same event; in fact, in 1942, theColonel [we know 
that Gerstein was a lieutenant] could recollect the facts with 
more precision than three years later. As for the veracity of 
Gerstein's statements, no historian puts them seriously in doubt 
[sic]. 

"It is useful to reproduce here a brief extract of the report of 
1945 for, taking into account that the Holy Seehasnot to this day 
denied having received the Gerstein report during the war, one 
has the right [sic] to assume that a text appreciably identical to 
that we are about to quote was transmitted to the Sovereign 
Pontiff by Msgr. Preysing at the end of 1942" (Pie XII et le Hie 
Reich, page 123.) 



The comparison of this passage in the different texts shows 
variations which are difficult to explain. 

Is Gerstein frightened to the point of seeing sometimes one 
policeman, sometimes two, sometimes on foot, sometimes on a 
bicycle? This mannow considering suicide because he no longer 
masters his fear is the same man who tells us of having spread 
rumors on the homicidal uses of the hydrocyanic acid among the 
Czech workers at Kollin, the sameman again who claims having 
buried 44 bottles of acid at the Belzec camp under the very eyes 
of Captain Wirth, with the complicity of the driver, who be- 
longed to the Central Security Service. 



TI 



Large quantities of hydrocyanic 
acid stocked at Auschwitz and 
Oranienburg 

I must yet add that SS-Sturmbann- 
fUhrer Gttnther, at the of beginning 
1944, asked me for large quantities of 
prussic acid for an obscure design. 
The acid was to be supplied to Ora- 
nienburg and Auschwitz, concentra- 
tion camps. I loyally had the acid sent 
as requested. But immediately after 
its arrival, I diverted it for disinfec- 
tion. This was a little dangerous for 
me, but if I had been asked where the 
acid was, I would have said: it was 
already in a state of dangerous de- 
composition, and because of that I 
had to use it up for disinfection. 



The services offered by Gerstein to 
the French Army of Occupation 

The 22 April 1945, 1 had awaited the 
taking of the town of Metzingen/ 
Wurttemberg. / had given the advice 
to the citizens and atthe Town Hall of 
Metzingen to give up the town to the 
French. ... I passed the French lines 
and I presented myself, of my own 
accord, voluntarily, to Monsieur le 
French Commandant of the town of 
Reutlingen. ... Having checked the 
papers, M. le Commandant of Reut- 
lingen gave me a paper with the fol- 
lowing text: "The bearer is not a real 
SS and must not be treated as such, 
but, on the contrary, with every con- 
sideration." It was M. le Commandant 
of Reutlingen who proposed, accord- 
ing to my wishes, that I should be 
presented to a place of service which 
would be interested in my knowledge 
of Nazism and which, perhaps, would 
make use of my anti-Nazism. 



Tn 



4 T must still add that the SS-Sturm- 
bannfuehrer Guenther of the RSHA 
at the beginning 1944 asked me for 
very big supplies of prussic acid for 
an obscure purpose. The acid had to 
be supplied at Berlin, Kurfuersten- 
strasse at his place of work. I suc- 
ceeded in making him believe that 
that was not possible due to the great 
dangers. It was a matter of several 
freight cars of toxic acid, enough to 
kill a lot of men, millions! He had said 
to me that he was not sure, if, when, 
for what group of persons, in what 
manner, where one would have need 
of this poison. I do not know exactly 
what the intention of RSHA and of 
the SD may have been. But I thought 
later of the words of Goebbels "to 
close the doors after them, if Nazism 
should never succeed." Perhaps they 
wanted to kill a great part of the Ger- 
man people, perhaps the foreign 
workers, perhaps the prisoners of war 
— I do not know! In any case, I 
diverted the acid immediately after its 
arrival for disinfection duties." 



(Nothing) 



Till 



I must still add that SS-Sturmbannfuhrer Gttnther of the 
Principal Office of Security of the Reich— I believe he 
is the son of the racialist Gttnther — demanded again 
from me at the beginning of 1944 very large quantities 
of prussic acid for a very obscure purpose. He showed 
me in the Kurfurstenstrafie, in Berlin, a shed in which 
he was thinking of stocking the prussic acid. I then de- 
clared to him that it was excluded that I should take the 
responsibility. It related to several wagons, enough to 
put to death millions of human beings. He says to me 
that he c(id not know yet whether the poison would be 
used, nor when, for whom, by what method, etc. But it 
had to be held available at all times. Afterwards I have 
not been able to stop myself from thinking often of 
Goebbel's words. I suppose that they wanted to kill a 
large part of the German people, including surely the 
clergy and the badly-regarded officers. This would 
have to have been done in places such as lecture halls 
or clubs, this at least is what I could deduce from the 
questions relating to execution techniques that Gttnther 
asked me. It is possible also that he had had to kill 
foreign workers or prisoners of war — I do not know. 
In any case I made arrangements so that the prussic acid 
would disappear for no matter what disinfection pur- 
poses as soon as it had arrived in the camps of Ora- 
nienburg and Auschwitz. This was dangerous for me, 
but I would simply have been able to say that the poison 
was already in a dangerous state of decomposition. 



(Nothing) 



TIV 



(Nothing) 



(Nothing) 



Table I 

TVa 



I must add that Guenther of the R.S.H. A. (I believe that 
he is the son of Guenther of the racial studies) asked me 
again, at the beginning of 1944, for large quantities of 
prussic acid. The poison was to be delivered to his office 
in the Kurfuerstenstrasse in Berlin and stored in a shed 
that he showed me. It concerned very large quantities, 
altogether several freight car* is, which were to be piled 
up little by little and held at his disposal. This was 
sufficient poison to kill several millions who in this way 
would have disappeared without a lot of noise. Guenther 
told me that he did not know yet where, when, how, for 
what purpose, for what group this poison was to be used. 
In any case, it was to be constantly available. I deduced 
from several technical questions put by Guenther that a 
part, at least, of this poison was to be used to put down 
a large number of men in the clubs and the lecture halls. 
According to these meagre indications, I supposed that 
it related to officers or priests, in any case educated 
people and the poison was to be employed in Berlin itself. 
Having looked over the premises in detail, I state to 
Guenther that I cannot take the responsibility to stock 
such quantities of poison at that spot, in the capital, since 
there was enough to kill twice the number of all the in- 
habitants. With many difficulties, I obtain the storage of 
this poison at Oranienburg and at Auschwitz, in the con- 
centration camps. Afterwards, I arrange things so as to 
use up the poison as soon as it arrives, supposedly for 
disinfection. 



TVb 



(Identical to TVa) 



(Nothing) 



(Nothing) 



TVi 



(Identical to TVa and 
TVb) 



(Nothing) 



TVI 



(Almost the same as T Va) 



Observations 



In this long passage, Gerstein gives free rein to his imagination. These are only hazardous 
suppoj itions and deductions. We shall keep in mind that Zyklon B, a traditional disinfectant 
used by the German army since 1917, has been forwarded to the concentration camps of 
Oranienburg and Auschwitz, to be stored there. 

On :> May 1945, at Rottweil, Gerstein met two Allied investigators; among other docu- 
ments, he gave them a sheaf of invoices of the Degesch company, made out in his name, for 
a total rf 2,370 kgs of Zyklon B (Hydrocyanic acid) to be forwarded one half to Auschwitz 
and th( other half to Oranienburg. 

Gentein declared to Commandant Mattel, Examining Magistrate of the 2nd Military 
Tribun d of Paris, on 19 July 1945, that he had been twice on a mission to Oranienburg (Le 
Monde\JuiffThe Jewish World, January-March 1980, page 28); on the other hand, he does not 
name / .uschwitz among the number of camps visited by him. How would Gerstein have been 
able to supervise the utilisation of the bottles of Zyklon B on arrival at a camp he never went 
to? In Addition, Oranienburg is located in the region of Berlin, that is to say within the 1937 
frontiers of the Reich, where we have known officially since 19 August 1960 (Keine 
Vergasung in Dachau/No Gassing in Dachau by Dr. Martin Broszat, DieZeit (newspaper), 19 
August 1960, page 16) that no camp included a poison gas chamber. The delivery of Zyklon 
B to Oranienburg thus presented nothing of a disturbing character. Why has an absolutely 
identical delivery to the camp at Auschwitz aroused, by contrast, such grave disquiet? 

Since Gerstein himself stated that he had never been to the camp at Auschwitz, and, 
moreoyer, no evidence of his going there has ever been discovered, we read with astonishment 
what Pikre Joffroy writes (UEspion deDieu/God's Spy) inregard to Gerstein and Auschwitz. 
We quote two extracts: 

The first is on page 199: "Gerstein goes and comes between Berlin and Auschwitz. A 
specialist, he is present at the visits by the high Nazi officials to this metropolis of what has 
no name — of what will have no name except from a distance in time: genocide." 

The iecond, on page 206: "At Auschwitz, the tall tormented figure of Gerstein gives rise 
among pie SS to clouds of perplexity." On page 207, Joffroy reports comments which were 
presumably made to him in 1968, according to which certain SS doctors thought that Gerstein 
had introduced himself into the camp at Auschwitz in order to blow it up (sic). 



(Nothing) 



This paisage is taken from a page which indisputably belongs to T I, although it is filed 
separately in the Archives of the Evangelical Church of Bielefeld/Westphalia. It will be 
noticed that there is nothing equivalent in the five other texts. Here, Gerstein appears in the 
very ordinary role of a deserter offering his services to the enemies of the day before. 

A draft also filed at Bielefeld shows a fairly comparable text. In this draft, Gerstein presents 
himself as "responsible head of the Christian youth". . ."launched as an agent of the resistant 
church, as personal friend of the Rev. Niemflller, in the SS Army." Gerstein says he is a 
persona] friend of Pastor NiemBUer? This is at least a subject worth considering. In a letter of 
24 May 1946, Pastor Niemflller writes to Frau Gerstein: "Personally, I can on this occasion 
do but vi ay little, because I have no recollection of your husband's activities since 1937." To 
be sure, Pastor NiemBller has passed several years in a concentration camp, but the restraint 
he expre sses is certainly not that of a "personal friend" of Gerstein's. This letter from Pastor 
Niemflll jt to Frau Gerstein is preserved in the Archives of the Evangelical Church of 
Bielefeld. 



TI 



Gassing in the open air in the moats of 
Maria-Theresienstadt 



(Nothing) 



A pad soaked in prussic acid held 
under the nose of children 



(Nothing) 



I have myself seen experiments per- 
formed at Ravensbriick, says Ger- 
stein 



(Nothing) 



How many homosexuals have disap- 
peared in the ovens at Oranienburg 
and in how many days? 

(Nothing) 



Til 



One other time, Guenther consulted 
meas to whether it was possible to kill 
large numbers of Jews in the open air 
in the fortification of Maria-There- 
sienstadt. To prevent this diabolical 
idea, I declared this method impos- 
sible. Some time later I heard that the 
SD supplied itself some other way 
with prussic acid to kill those poor 
men at Theresienstadt 



The method of killing children was to 
hold a pad of prussic acid under the 
nose. 



/ — myself — saw experiments con- 
tinued right up till death with living 
persons in the concentration camps. 
In this way , the SS-HauptsturmfUhrer 
Gundlach, Dr.med„ made such ex- 
periments in the concentration camps 
forwomenatRavensbrttcknearFuer- 
stenberg- Mecklenburg. 



Table J 



One day, at Oranienburg concentra- 
tion (camps), / saw all the prisoners 
who were there for being perverts 
(homosexuals) done away with in a 
single day. 



Till 



(Almost the same as T II) 

—It should be noted that Hans Rothfels 
has forborne copying this passage of 
T III in the review Vierteljahrsheftefur 
ZeitgeskhteNo. 2, April 1953. Hepoints 
out this cut in a note No. 52n on page 
193. 



At Auschwitz, it was customary to kill 
children by holdingpads soaked inprus- 
sic acid under the nose. 



Of the remainder, I have myself seen at 
the camp of Ravensbrttck, near Fuer- 
stenberg in the Mecklenburg, the con- 
centration camp for women, experi- 
ments made on the living. These were 
made on the initiative of SS-Grup- 
penfQhrer Dr. Gebhardt-Hohenlychen, 
by the SS-HauptsturmfOhrer Dr. Gund- 
lach. 



TIV 



I was astounded, at Oranienburg, to see 
all the homosexuals — several hun- 
dreds — disappear in a few days, and, 
actually, in the ovens. 



(Nothing) 



(Nothing) 



TVa 



me to 



at 
•ritf- 



plan, I 



Some time after, Guenther recalled 
the R.S.H. A. and asked me if it mi ght be 
possible to poison the Jews interned 
Maria-Theresienstadt by throwing p\ 
sic acid from the top of the fortifici itions. 
To prevent the execution of this 
declared this impracticable. 

I have learned later that he had obtained 
the prussic acid some other way 
he had all the same executed the 
who, supposedly, led such a good 
Maria-Theresienstadt; it involved 
fathers of sons killed or holders 
decorations and having rendered 
service. 



'aid 



;oF 



At Auschwitz alone, millions of children 
were killed by a pad of prussic acijl held 
under the nose. 



(Nothing) 



(Nothing) 



In the Ravensbrttck concentration camp, / 
was present at these tests on living b rings, 
performed by Dr. Gundlach, Haupts turm- 
fuehrer, on theorder of SS Gruppenfi tehrer 
Professor Dr. Gerhardt, Hohenlychen. 



that 

Jews 

life at 

Jews, 

high 

sbecial 



TVb 



(Identical to T Va) 



...at Auschwitz alone, millions of chil- 
dren were killed by a pad of prussic acid 
held under the nose, in the Ravensbruck 
concentration camp. 

[A typing error in the arrangement of the 
words make thephrase incomprehensible.] 



Another day, at Oranienburg, / saw thou- 
sands of pederasts disappear withput a 
trace into a furnace. 



TVc 



(Identical to T Va and T Vb) 



(Identical to TVa) 



TVI 



One other time Gttnther asked me if it 
waspossibleatMaria-Theresienstadt, in 
the moats of the fortress where the Jews 
who were interned there had the right to 
walk, to poison them by throwing cans 
of cyanide from the top. To make this 
terrible plan ineffectual, I stated that it 
was impossible. I have learned later that 
theSDhadhdweverobtained the hydro- 
cyanide acid by another way and that it 
had killed all the same the Jews who 
were, it seems, so comfortable at There- 
sienstadt. They were the fathers of sons 
fallen in battle, Jews of great merit, 
holders of high decorations. 



At Auschwitz alone, millionsof children 
werekilledb^holdingapadofhydrocy- 
anic acid undier the nose. 



I have been present at these tests on living 
humans performed by Dr. Gundlach, 
Hauptsturmfuehrer, on the order of SS 
Gruppenfuehrer, Professor Dr. Gebhardt 
Hohenlychen. 



(Identical to T Va) 



(Identical to TVa) 



(Identical to T Va and T Vb) 



At the concentration camp for women of 
Ravensbrttck near Fttrstenberg in 
Mecklenburg, / saw tests on living 
women performed by the Hauptsturm- 
ftthrer Dr jned. Grundlach on the order 
of SS Gruppenftthrer Professor Dr. 
Gebhardt-Hohenlychen. 



In addition, one day at Oranienburg / 
saw several hundreds and even several 
thousands ofi homosexuals disappear 
without a track in the ovens. 



Observations 



Gassing in the open air, by throwing prussic acid from the top of 
the fortifications! One understands that the chemical engineer 
Gerstein would havedeclared this impracticable, becausehydro- 
cyanic acid is highly volatile. However, it took place, he says. 
This passage of confessions is so improbable that one can 
understand the decision of Dr. Hans Rothfels not to publish it, 
imitated in this by Leon Poliakov and Josef Wulf (Dritt. R.uJ., 
page 110 and MR. etJ., page 118) and by Helmut Krausnick 
(Dok. z. M.V., page 15), only the last indicating the cut by a 
dotted line. 



TV andT VI mention theexecution of millionsof children. T HI 
gives the same method of execution, but deletes the improbable 
"millions" of victims. Dr. Hans Rothfels has not reproduced this 
sentence (VjJi. page 193); for him, it is something which 
Gersteinrepeats fromhearsay (H6f ensagen). Leon Poliakov and 
Josef Wulf, and Helmut Krausnick have imitated him this time 
also. 



Dr. Hans Rothfels also considered as "Horensagen" this 
affirmation of Gerstein. Nevertheless, one reads in T n, T IE, 
T V and T VI: "I have myself seen,. . .1 have been present," etc. 
Dr. Hans Rothfels therefore seems not to have believed com- 
pletely in the "confessions" of Gerstein. How else explain the 
cuts he has made in the texts? 



Hundreds? Thousands? Disappeared in one day? In some days? 
For Dr. Hans Rothfels, in spite of the "I have seen" of Gerstein, 
this is again "Hdrensagen." 











Table K 












TI 


I Til 


Till 


TIV 


TVa 1 


TVb 


TVc 


TV i 


Observations 


[The extracts of the "confessions" in this Table K come from the supplements 


[In T m the supplements are separately 


[In T IV, the supplements represent 


[LiTVandTVI.thecontentof the supplements with the variations is integrated 






We have chosen these extracts because Gerstein pretends, 


(Erganzungen). — T I and T II have no 


supplements.] 


typewritten: they are eight in number.] 


nine hand-written half-pages] 


into the text itself of the confession.] 








obviously, to make his statements as an eyewitness. 


Eye-witness evidence? 




At Belzec, / had the impression that 


At Belcec, / had the impression that 


At Belcec, / had the impression the day 








(Almost the same as T V) 


But Dr. Hans Rothfel has forborne taking the responsibility of 






all were really dead. . . 


all were dead. 


of my inspection, that after such a long 




(Identical to TVa) 


(Identical to TVa and TVb) 


i 


publishing the supplements to the German version of 4 May 


(Nothing) 


(Nothing) 


The day of my inspection at Belzec, it 


On the occasion of my visit to Belcec, 


wait in the chambers, everybody was 








1 


1945 (which we designate T IE) on the pretext mat they ore 






happened that a Jewess made some 


a Jewess had wounded with a razor 


truly dead... 








... Some touching scenes still passbe- 


certainly not based on eyewitness evidence QffZ. 1953, page 






cuts in the neck to some Jews of the 


some men of the working-party. 


At the time of my visit to Belcec, a Jewess 








foremyeyes. 


179, note 5). 






working-party with the aid of a razor 


. . J remember some gripping impres- 


had cut several of the Jewish workers, 










To our knowledge, these supplements have never been pub- 






that she had kept hidden on her. 


sions. 


with the help of a hidden razor. 










lished previously either in France or elsewhere. 






///tt^o/someimpressionsprofoundly 




...Some particularly gripping impres- 
















moving forme... 




sions do not leave me any more. 












How many Polish priests were shot? 




It concerned thousands of Polish ec- 


It concerned several thousands of 


". .. about 8,000 Polish clerics have been 




About 2,000 Polish clerks. . . 


(Identical to TVb) 


It concerned several thousands — 


8,000? 2,000? several thousand? In his handwritten text (TIV), 






clesiastics who had to dig the ditches 


Polish cures and priests, forced to dig 


obliged to dig ditches..." 








8,000 I believe — priests and mem- 


Gerstein writes "several thousand" 


(Nothing) 


(Nothing) 


themselves... 


the ditches themselves. . . 










bers of the Polish clergy. 




How many dying were killed off? 




While they weretakingmeasurements 


While busy with their work, all of a 


Thousands of cadavers in general typhus 










Some? a certain number? two men? 






for a conversion of the premises, two 


sudden they saw some who were 


have been stacked there; suddenly, they 




(Identical to TVa) 


(Identical to T Va and T Vb) 


(Almost the same as T V) 


Gerstein seems not to have remembered precisely what was 


(Nothing) 


(Nothing) 


men had suddenly moved. The SS 
Rottenfuhrer who was accompanying 
them had then asked: Where then? 
Then he had taken an iron bar which 
he found to hand and he had smashed 
the skulls of the two men. 


moving. The SS Rottenfuhrer of the 
service only asked: 'Where?' then he 
took an iron bar that was already at 
hand to break their skulls. 


have seen that some were still moving; 
the Rottenfuehrer, who carried the key, 
merely asked: 'Where is that?' then took 
a round iron hammer just nearby and has 
smashed in the skulls of the persons 
pointed out. 








1 


reported to him and he varies from one version to another. 


Was the little boy 'thrown" or <4 gen- 




I recall that a little boy of perhaps 


Or I remember a naked little girl of 5 


[The little boy] picks up [the coral neck- 










It is in the handwritten text (TIV) that Gerstein writes that the 


tly urged" into the gas chamber? 




three years bent down to pick it up, 
what pleasure it gave him, and that he 


years who, one meter from the death 
chamber, loses a little string of corals, 


lace], looks at it lovingly, happy with it 
and, the following moment is pushed, I 




(Identical to TVa) 


(Identical to TVa and TVb) 


(Almost the same as T V) 


little boy was "thrown into the chamber." 

The other textshavemamtamedmeanecdote,butinhumanizing 


(Nothing) 


(Nothing) 


was afterwards pushed, no, in that 
case he is gently urgedto make him go 
into the gaschamber. 


of the little boy who picks it up, who 
is very happy with it — and then, was 
thrown into the chamber. 


must say with gentleness, by a guard 
preserving a remnant of feeling, to the 
interior of the chamber. 








i 


it a little, if such an expression is permissible in such a context 


Two methods of killing 




But more than just a test was made. 


For example, men were killed by 


Tests were also made with the aid of 








j 


We have closed this comparative table with the above two 


— steam boilers 




For example, undoubtedly on a fairly 


means of compressed air in boilers, 


compressed air; people were put into old 




(Identical to TVa) 


(Identical to T Va and T Vb) 


(Almost the same as TV) 


scenes, worthy of Grand Guignol [horrific melodrama]. 


— chimneys of blast furnaces 




large number of people, death by com- 
pressed air in theold boilers into which 


making use of the ordinary compres- 
sors for road asphalt. 


boilers filled, by means of a compressor, 
with compressed air. 








1 


Did Gerstein the engineer really believe in the "Hoxensagen" 
(hearsay), touseoncemoremeexpressionofDr.HansRothfels? 


(Nothing) 


(Nothing) 


the air was introduced from compres- 
sors of the type ordinarily used to 
break up asphalt. 

A kind of death. . .consisted of making 
people climb the stairway which led 
to a blast-furnace, to finish them off 
once at the top, and to make them 
disappear afterwards in the blast-fur- 
nace. 


One way to kill men was to make 
them ascend the stairway of a blast 
furnace, to kill them there with a rifle 
shot and to have them disappear into 
the furnace. 


...Another way of killing people in 
Poland was to make them climb to the 
top of ladders of blast-furnaces and throw 
them insideafterhavingkilled them with 
a. pistol shot. 








i 


Executions by firing squad, machine-gunning, hanging, etc., 
weresuffidentlytragicforittobepomUesstoimaginemethods 
of execution as complicated as they are improbable. 



Annex to Table I 

MARTIN NIEMOLLER D.D J) ^ bQdingen / hessen 24. Mai 1946 

PFARRER SCHLO$$ *•!*• 



Frau 

Elfriede Qer3tein 

(14b J Tubingen 

Tropengenesungsheim 

Sehr verehrte 9 liebe Frau Gertie Jn ! 

In Tubingen erhielt ich Ihren Brief vom 17.5. und hatte 
auch zweimal eine kurze Besprechung mit mk* Ernst KUpper wegen der 
Angelegenheit Ihres Marines. Leider war es vb'llig unmdglich fUr 
mien vorbeizukommen 9 weil ich schon mit meinem Vortrag und dann 
sp&t in die Nacht mit Besprechungen besetzt war und am ndchsten 
Morgan in aller Fruhe weiterreisen musste 9 um mittags zur rechten 
Zeit zu einer Pfarrkonferenz in der Mdhe von Darmstadt zu sein. 
Leider bin ich nun durch das Oesprdch mit Herrn KUpperfr auch nicht 
recht weiter gekommen. Mir scheint das Entscheidende 9 dass man 
zundchst einmal festzustellen sucht § wo uberhaupt Ihr Mann sich 
jetzt befindet 9 damit dann eolahe Menschen 9 die Kurt personlich nahei 
gekannt haben und ein vollgUltiges Zgugnis fur ihn ausstellen 
ktinnen wie vielleicht Pastor Rehling in H Q gen und Dr. Shlers in 
Oldenburg 9 versuchen t der Entwicklung einen Stoss vorw&rts zu geben 
und sich fur seine Freilassung bezw. fUr seine Rehabilitierung 
' einzusetzen. Pers&nlich kann ich ja in dieser Angelegenheit des- 
halb sotfwenig machen 9 weil mir selbst jeder Eindruck uber die 
Entwicklung Ihres Marines seit 1937 fefrlt.den ich als meine person- 
liche Uberzeugung mit Aussicht auf Erfolg geltend machen kbnnte. 
tfohl aber kann ich.vie ich das Ja im Pall von Pfarrer Rehling 
wohl schon getan habe 9 bezeugen $ dass die Referenzen von Preunden _ 
und nahen Bakannten Ihres Mann e a als zuverldssig gel ten kdnnen, 
weil ich fUr diese P 8 rsonen (wie Pfarrer Rehling und Dr. EhlersJ 
in vollem Umfange bUrgen kann* Dazu bin ich in jedem Pall gem 
bereit. 

Dies wollte ich Sie wenigstens gleich wissen laaaen, 
und das umsomehr 9 als ich Sie nun personlich ja nicht habe sehen 
und sp re chen ko'nnen. 

Mit herzlichen Grussen und in der Hoffnung 9 dass die 
Zeit im Tropengene sung she im Ihnen gut tun mo'chte ,bin ich 

Ihr sehr ergebener 



tta*4<+t duu*0%4#. 



Translation of four lines marked by XX: 

Personally, I can do little in this affair, for I have no insight at all into your husband's 
development since 1937 which I could offer as my personal conviction with any 
chance of success. 



Certain answers made by Gerstein in the course of his interroga- 
tions at Paris, which sometimes clarify and sometimes contradict the 
statements made in his "confessions." 

We have not picked out systematically all the differences, because 
it seemed indispensable to us to have regard to the following factors: 

1 These texts have no quality of style; they are written in an often 
unskilled French which Gerstein has been able to try and improve 
from one text to another. 

2 Two texts (T III and T VI) are translated from the German; the 
notable differences between one or the other of these two texts and the 
other versions have naturally been pointed out; on the other hand, 
every minimal difference, often due to the interpretation of the 
translator, has been ignored. 

3 One of the texts (T V) was originally composed in French, but not 
by Gerstein; this is the copy of an interrogation conducted by the 
officers of the O.R.C.G. 

Additionally, it is easy enough to identify, if one so wishes, all the 
differences by reading the corresponding passages in the six "confes- 
sions," in the presentation of the texts which we have already made. 

Footnotes to Chapter I 

1. Obviously, the original documents of the thesis were in French. 

2. In the "confessions" of 26 April 1945 (TI and T II) Gerstein make a mistake as to 
the date of his marriage. Instead of 2 November 1937 (date of the religious 
ceremony) the text reads 2 May 1937. 

3. Known also as Sachsenhausen. 

4. Collection of clothes and textiles for the war effort. 

5. Not the light carriage-whip seen today. This horsewhip, in common use where 
motorized transport was not possible, was made with a heavy wooden butt about 
18 inches long — the size of a policeman's truncheon/night stick — and, with 
thongs, could easily reach 15 feet. It was used to control teams of 6 horses or oxen. 

6. "The Department Store of the West" 

7. "Kaiserliche und Konigliche" = Imperial and Royal. 

8. Throughout the Second World War, Pastor Martin Niemoller was regularly cited by 
the Allies' press, radio, etc., as the outstanding hero of German resistance to the 
Nazis. If Gerstein listened to the BBC and the Voice of America, he would have 
known this. 

During the First World War, Niem611er had been a submarine commander; after 
the war, he became a Pastor and, from 1924, an active Nazi supporter. In 1934 he 
published a biography Worn U-Boot zur Kanzel (from U-Boat to Altar) which was 
highly praised in the Nazi press and very widely read in Germany. He became the 
head of Germany's twenty-eight Protestant sects, the Bekenntniskirche (the 
"Confessional Church" mentioned by Gerstein in the "confessions") and on that 
occasion, 25 January 1934, he wrote to Chancellor Hitler: "We have no need to 
assure you how grateful we are to you for having uprooted the German people from 
internal and external disintegration and for having freed its spirit for a new 
flowering." 

His opposition to the policies of the Third Reich showed itself only in June 1937: 
Niemoller complained of the Nazi regime's interference in ecclesiastical affairs. 

118 



Arrested 1 July 1937, he was sent to the concentration camp of Dachau (near 
Munich, in Bavaria) as the "personal prisoner of the Fuhrer." He was released when 
the American army overran Dachau in the spring of 1945. 

At the start of the Second World War, in September 1939, he had asked the 
government to be allowed to serve as a volunteer in the German army but his request 
was refused. This fortunate occurrence stood him in good stead after the German 
capitulation in May 1945. 

In postwar Germany he became noted for his intransigence in demanding the 
purge of all those who had served the Nazi regime. In the early W s he was one of 
the most ardent inspirers of the Protestant writer Rolf Hochhut, whose play The 
Deputy caused deep offense for its unjustified accusation of Pope Pius XII. 
9. Date of the attempt on Hitler's life by an army conspiracy. 

10. A very large castle/fortifications complex near Prague, named for the Empress 
Maria-Theresa (1717-1780). 

11. Better-known today under its Russian name of Lvov. 

12. Translation of the word "richtig" Probable meaning: things are in order, as 
planned. 

13. Gerstein presumably meant Hans F. K. Giinther whose principle work Ras~ 
senkunde des deutschen Volkes, on the ethnic origins of the German peoples, was 
published in 1929. 

14. Military rank, in disuse since the first World War, equivalent to senior non-com- 
missioned officer. 

15. E.M. - Etat-major: headquarters staff. 

16. 0.K.W. - Oberkommando der Wehrmacht- German High Command. 

17. An old German saying, from a folk tale: "The goat who became the gardener and 
ate the garden." 

18. Julius Schreck formed the Schutzstaffel, as Hitler's bodyguard, in April 1925. 

19. The letters "a.D." after the title of Bergassessor mean ausser Dienst which 
translated mean: "out of service; not working." The letters were commonly used by 
retired professional people, such as doctors, to indicate that they were no longer 
practicing. 

Gerstein had been finally dismissed from government service in February 1937; 
thus, presumably, his rationale for using these letters. However, it seems an odd 
quirk of character: 

— to invite attention to the fact that he had been expelled from the mining service, 
or, 

— to give the impression that he was elderly and retired. 

20. The Werewolf movement (German Werwolf), much publicized at the time, was 
supposed to have been a "last-stand" German underground resistance movement; 
although, as events later showed, it seems to have existed in little more than name. 

Is it probable that a French army officer who, by the hazards of war, finds himself 
the Military governor of a small German town, would discuss sensitive intelligence 
matters with an SS prisoner? 

It appears significant that Gerstein did not repeat these alleged remarks of the 
French officer in the final version of T I and that they are not repeated elsewhere. 
In its final form T I was of course intended for perusal by senior French authorities 
who would have been startled, not to say indignantly surprised, at the future 
espionage career being planned forGerstein by a junior combat officer of the French 
army. 

21. Obviously an error: in German, "Wo" = "Where." To read, where . . ." 

22. Without tear-making effects. The invoice of 31 May 1944 is the same except that 
the dispatch was made on 26 May to Oranienburg. 

23. Quarantine /isolation hospital. 

24. S.I.R.— Sur interrogation rogatoire, i.e. in reply to a supplementary question. 

25. An error: the date was 6 August 1945. 



119 



Chapter II 



Authenticity of the Texts 

General Remarks 121 

1. Texts of Which Gerstein Is Indisputably the Author 122 

Text T 1 122 

Text T II 122 

Text T IV 124 

2. Text T V, the Composition of Which Is Due to the O.R.C.G. . 126 

Principal Characteristics of T Va 126 

Differences Noted between the Original (T Va) and the Variants 

(T Vb and T Vc) 127 

Utilization of T Vc by Leon Poliakov . 128 

3. Texts of Uncertain Origin 129 

Text T VI 129 

Text T EI 133 

Conclusion 137 

4. Supplements and Drafts 138 

5. Letter from Gerstein to His Wife Dated 26 May 1945 139 

6. Interrogations by the Military Justice Department 141 

7. Article Appearing in France-Soir Newspaper, 4 July 1945 .... 141 

8. Request for a Lawyer 141 

9. Fragments of Documents Found after Gerstein's Death 141 

General Remarks 

In this chapter, we shall of course examine only the essential 
authenticity of the texts; the veracity of the narratives will be studied 
in the following chapter. It is to be noted that some remarks have 
already been made on the veracity in the "Observations" column of 
the comparative tables. 

Regarding the essential authenticity of the six versions known to 
us, we shall present on the one hand the certainties and, on the other 
hand, hypotheses based on strong presumptions. 

Our studies lead us to classify these six texts into three distinct 
categories: 

1. Texts of which the origin is certain and of which Gerstein is 
indisputably the author; these are T I, T II, and T IV. 

2. One text of which the origin is certain and of which the compo- 
sition is not due to Gerstein but to the O.R.C.G.; this is the text TV, 
in itsthree versions T Va, T Vb, and T Vc. 

121 



3. The typewritten texts in German of which the origins are sus- 
pect and of which no evidence permits us to state that Gerstein might 
be wholly or partially the author; these are T III and T VI. Although 
T III has the date 4 May 1945 and T VI 6 May 1945, we shall deal 
with T III last for reasons which we shall show later. 

Texts of Which Gerstein Is Indisputably the Author 

Text T I 

This is the first "confession" composed by Gerstein, 26 April 
1945, some days after he had surrendered to the troops of the French 
1st Army. It is handwritten in French. Examination of the handwrit- 
ing and comparison with letters previously written by Gerstein prove 
that the former Obersturmfiihrer is indeed the author. 

Gerstein dated it from Rottweil, where he enjoyed the privileged 
status of a prisoner on parole and where he occupied a room in the 
hotel Mohren. He used paper, rare at the time but which he had 
available: headed notepaper, plain white paper of the same format, 
white squared paper of a smaller size, and even one sheet which he 
had begun to use almost five years previously, since we read at the 
top his name, his titles, his address in Hagen, and the date of 
14.8.1940. 

We have every reason to believe that the SS officer composed his 
"confession" spontaneously. One will immediately notice the irre- 
sistible need of the former activist of the Confessional Church to 
make "confessions" repetitively, seeing that the last two small sheets 
of T I repeat whole passages of the preceding pages. 

Text T II 

This French text is dated "Rottweil 26 April 1945," as is T I, but is 
typewritten. It is the only one of the six texts carrying Gerstein' s 
handwritten signature, which is found at the bottom of the sixth 
page. Of the six pages of the "confession" properly so-called, the 
first five are very similar to the first eight pages of T I; but neverthe- 
less there are differences, one of which is very important, as it 
concerns the number of victims at the camps of Belzec and Treblinka. 
There is no estimate in T I, but in T II Gerstein puts forward the 
figure of 25 million (sic). 

The sixth page of T II has no equivalent in T I: here Gerstein tells 
of the exterminations, the atrocities, and the experiments on living 
human beings which had taken place in camps other than Belzec and 

122 



Treblinka, even in camps which the former Obersturmfuhrer never 
visited, such as Auschwitz and Mauthausen. 

Similarly, the tenth page of T I (which he mistakenly numbered 9) 
has no equivalent in T II. Here Gerstein gives details of his surrender 
to the French troops, of the reception he received from the military 
authorities, and of his offers to put himself at their service. 

A hypothesis can be formulated: Gerstein has partly used T I as a 
draft to type T II but, since he was a prisoner, "suggestions" could 
have been made to him for the sixth and last page; for example, he 
could have been asked to recount atrocities of which he might have 
heard in order to fill out his narrative, which concerned only Belzec 
and Treblinka. By the same token, he could have been helped with 
his hesitant French to compose the wording in which he testifies 
under oath to the truthfulness of his statements. 

The seventh page, unsigned, titled "Kurt Gerstein — supplement" 
does not call for particular remark; the former SS officer here ex- 
plains that a circle of anti-Nazi friends, of whom he gives the names 
and addresses, used to meet at his Berlin apartment; he adds the 
details of some other persons domiciled elsewhere than at Berlin. 

T II is the best-known of Gerstein' s "confessions," especially in 
France. Paradoxically, it is in the files of the American Justice 
Department at the Nuremberg Tribunal that it was found in January 
1946. The explanation for this is simple: on 5 May 1945, Gerstein 
still had with him the seven typewritten pages, which seems to 
indicate that the French officers of Military Security did not attach 
exceptional importance to them; on that day, the prisoner on parole 
from Rottweil met two Allied investigators, the British Major Evans, 
and the American named Haught, in the Mohren Hotel lobby. For the 
first time, he saw Anglo-Saxon 1 officers in occupied Wurtemberg 
and he engaged in conversation with them. The Allied officers made 
a report of this encounter. Gerstein gave them the seven pages of his 
typewritten "confession" of 26 April 1945 together with certain 
documents as attachments, in particular a handwritten note of two 
pages in English and a sheaf of twelve invoices of the DEGESCH 
company relating to deliveries of Zyklon B. 

All of these papers were examined in Paris by the Documentation 
Division, the head of which was Major Robert Storey; this Division 
decided to admit these documents in the file series PS (Paris-Storey) 
under the number 1553. 

On 30 January 1946, the French Prosecutor-General, Charles 

Dubost, insisted in vain that the file PS-1553 should be retained by 

the Nuremberg Tribunal; the refusal of his request is important, but it 

does not put the material authenticity of the documents in question. 

We shall finish with a study of one last point. What machine did 

123 



Gerstein use in typing T II? We are reasonably sure that it was typed 
on a machine with a French keyboard. Actually, the e and the e are 
obviously typed with a single key, which is not possible on a German 
keyboard. One also notices many circumflex accents, which exist 
only on a French keyboard. 

One therefore has good reason to think that French Military 
Security put a typewriter at the disposal of its prisoner. 

The appearance of the typing itself could be that of an occasional 
typist, as Gerstein must have been. 

Text T IV 

This is the second handwritten "confession" of Gerstein com- 
posed, like the first, in French at the Mohren Hotel in Rottweil; it 
carries the date 6 May 1945. 

We have mentioned in the chapter "Establishment of the Texts" 
that it consists of nine half-pages for the principal "confession" and 
of nine other half-pages for the supplements. 

a. The principal "confession" 

It is very short and gives the reader of T I and T II the impression 
of being unfinished. It stops short at the moment when the SS 
General Globocnik gives instructions to the Untersturmfiihrer for the 
disinfection of large quantities of textiles at the Belzec camp. But 
there is no mention made of any gassings of the detainees in this 
"confession." This fact is surprising. 

Moreover, it does not seem that there are any pages missing, for 
the last half-page, numbered 9, is not even entirely filled. 

This brief "confession" repeats the corresponding passages of T I 
and T II. One notices, however, a very important difference from 
these two texts: Gerstein says that on 8 June 1942 he was given the 
order to deliver two kgs of hydrocyanic acid instead of the 100 kgs in 
the texts of 26 April 1945 (T I and T II). Over and above this 
difference, there are additions; these are his personal comments 
which we shall find again from time to time, with other elaborations, 
inTin,TIVandTVI. 

b. The supplements 

They are not dated, but LKA as well as Gerstein's widow believe 
that they complete T IV. They do not have an equivalent in T I and 
T II; on the other hand, they are found with variants in T III, T V, and 
T VI. However, in T V and T VI they are not separated as in T III and 
T IV but integrated into the actual text of the last part of the 
"confessions." 

The authenticity of T IV is indisputable, but one can ask oneself 
what was Gerstein's motive in composing it. We offer three 

124 



hypotheses: 
1st hypothesis 

The repeated composition of "confessions," which are the same in 
essentials although with differences, arose from a trait in Gerstein's 
character; once a clean sheet of paper was at his disposal, he could 
not resist his need to write, beginning with his biography and con- 
tinuing with an account of his experiences in the SS. 

2nd hypothesis 

Gerstein wanted to send a report to his wife: he writes to her 
moreover in his last letter dated 26 May 1945: "Geh mit dem 
Bericht, den ich anlege, zumMilitargouverneur" which means: "Go 
with the attached report to the Military Governor." 

It is this which would explain the new composition in French of a 
document which should, or so at least her husband hoped, have 
helped Elfriede to benefit from favorable treatment from the French 
military authorities. 

Why is this account so short? Did Gerstein have qualms about 
showing his wife, whose patriotism he knew, the essentials of the 
"confession," that it to say the revelation of a gassing of deportees in 
the camps at Belzec and Treblinka? Was he frightened of her skepti- 
cism, indeed, her incredulous indignation? 

3rd hypothesis 

The officers of French Military Security were disagreeably sur- 
prised to learn that on the previous day, 5 May, their prisoner had 
given to Allied investigators documents in the French language 
which were intended for the French authorities. Gerstein could have 
wished to make amends by composing a new "confession." 

When the French officers noticed that the former SS man was 
repeating the same things once more, perhaps they gave him an order 
to make fresh revelations. 

This last hypothesis could explain the abrupt interruption of the 
principal "confession" and the composing of fresh supplements. 

It is additionally possible that our three hypotheses each contain a 
part of the truth and that they are interconnected. 

To our knowledge, no one before us has published nor even made 
known the existence of T IV (principal "confession" and supple- 
ments). 



125 



2. Text T V of which the Composition is Due to the O.R.C.G. 

The origin of this text is certain, as we have stated in Chapter One. 

There is at the Direction of Military Justice a letter from the head 
of the O.R.C.G., dated 6 June 1945, of which we quote below the 
first lines: 

"Head of the O.R.C.G. 

"to 

"Monsieur the Professor Gros 

"Carlton Gardens 4 

"London. 

"I have the honor to send you herewith the copy of the interroga- 
tion by my office of the person concerned: GERSTEIN OF TUBIN- 
GEN. 

"This document will not fail, I believe, to interest you." 

The document mentioned in this letter constitutes the text T Va. 

Saul Friedlander reproduces a part of the letter of 6 June 1945 
(K.G., page 185), but he adds: "The text of the interrogation has not 
been found until now." The text has now been retrieved (it was 
returned to the Archives of the Direction of Military Justice on 3 
August 1971), and it can be consulted there. 

Principal characteristics of T Va 

— T Va is presented as the copy of an interrogation. We do not 
know where the original of this interrogation is to be found. 

— The title "Report of Dr. Gerstein of Tubingen" already con- 
tains an error: Gerstein was a Certificated Engineer, but was not a 
Doctor. 

— The style is sometimes incorrect; the text is sprinkled with 
spelling and grammatical errors but, manifestly, the writer had a 
good command of French, which was not the case with Gerstein. 

— T Va could have been composed, at least in part, from Gerstein' s 
answers to the questions put to him by the members of the O.R.C.G. 

One notices a great many errors in proper names which could 
arise from a faulty understanding of these names pronounced, proba- 
bly with a German accent, by the ex^SS officer. We give five 
examples of these mistakes: 

• in the names of towns: 
Marbrug instead of Marburg 
Aachem instead of Aachen 
Pirmasinz instead of Pirmasens 

• in the names of people: 
Hockelchoc instead of I Ieckcnholt 

126 



Kraatz instead of Krantz 

Then again, at the beginning of his other "confessions," Gerstein 
writes of his exclusion from the Nazi party; in T Va, one reads 
execution. Here, this might be faulty pronunciation or a mistake in 
reading. 

— In review, other errors encourage one rather to think that the 
writer of the O.R.C.G. used the handwritten texts composed by their 
prisoner. For example, there is in T Va a question of the collection of 
garments among the Danish people when evidently the German 
people is meant. Has danisch been read instead of deutscKl 

— Finally, the composition of T Va by the French is attested to by 
typical French expressions, such as bachot (baccalaureate examina- 
tion) to translate Abitur, and above all EM. (Etat-Major) to desig- 
nate the senior ranks of the SS. 

T Va has been utilized for two other versions which contain some 
differences from their original; these are: 

— T Vb, text in French, of which we have a photocopy from the 
National Archives in Washington; 

— T Vc, text in English, which carries at the center of its first page 
the word "Translation"; our photocopy of T Vc comes from the 
C.DJ.C. (the Center for Contemporary Jewish Documentation) in 
Paris, which obtained its copy of this document from the Israeli 
police. 

Differences noted between the model T Va and the vari- 
ants T Vb and T Vc 

l.TVb 

There are very few differences, since the mistakes in the proper 
names and even the grammatical errors have in general been faith- 
fully copied. However, we have remarked the three differences noted 
below: 

— T Va 2 reads: "28 minutes later, rare are those who still live," 
and in T Vb: "2<5 minutes." This is probably a typing error. 

— T Va reads: "about 8,000 Polish clerics have been forced to dig 
their graves," and in T Vb: "about 2,000." 

— On page 9, line 21 of T Vb, typing carelessness makes one 
sentence incomprehensible, because several lines of T Va have been 
omitted. 

2.TVc 

This translation in English of T Vb carries on the last page the 
same declassification endorsement by the National Archives in Wash- 
ington as its model T Vb, which is 01.0813. The transcription is 
faithful with the same errors in the spelling of proper names; the 

127 



same abbreviation E.M., which is meaningless in English; the same 
number of victims among the Polish clergy, 2,000 as in T Vb and not 
8,000 as in T Va. On the other hand, the translation has been touched 
up a little on two occations. 

— T Vb reads, page 3 lines 30-31: "Truly, the S.D. and its boss 
the R.S.H.A. really went to sleep in this case 3 and in exemplary 
fashion made a gardener of the goat"; whereas, in T Vc page 3, lines 
38-39, one simply reads: "Truly, the S.D. and their chief the R.S.H.A. 
did sleep in this case and took the very wrong man." This story of the 
gardener-goat is not clear either for a Frenchman or a Britisher; on 
the other hand, P. Joffroy (op. cit., p. 92, note 2) quotes a German 
saying: "einen Bock zum Gartner machen," which means "make a 
gardener of a goat." 

— In T Va and T Vb (page 6, line 4) one reads: "no one could ever 
retrieve the assorted pairs in the pile 35 to 40 meters high." Thirty-five 
to 40 meters represent a height of ten to twelve stories; the translator, 
probably alert to this unlikelihood, is satisfied to write in TVc: 
"otherwise it would have been impossible later to identify the pairs 
in a heap of boots of several meters." 

Utilization of T Vc by Lion Poliakov 

In 1964, L6on Poliakov published "The Kurt Gerstein File" (M.J. 
pages 4-20); in his presentation of Gerstein's account, he writes: 
"He [Gerstein] was interned by the French military authorities in a 
requisitioned hotel of the little town of Rottweil. There he composed 
his narration between 21 April and 5 May and he himself made a 
shortened translation in French, typewritten by him. On 5 May 1945, 
the Allied military investigators, Major D.C. Evans and M.J.W. 
Haught, met Gerstein at Rottweil, by chance as they state, interro- 
gated him, and translated into English the whole text of his narra- 
tion." 

This passage gives rise to the following comments: 

a — L6on Poliakov does not seem to be aware that T Vc (the 
English text) is only the translation of T Vb which is itself the more 
or less faithful transcription of T Va; thus, by the same token, he does 
not know that T Va is the work of the O.R.C.G. 

b — Did L6on Poliakov have before him the English text which 
indicates clearly "May <5, 1945," and not May 5? 

c — The English translation was not made by the two Allied 
officers but some weeks later; as mentioned, T Va must have been 
sent to Professor Gros in London in a letter dated 6 June 1945. 

In regard to Leon Poliakov's assertions, Pierre Vidal-Naquet was 
overconfident when he declared publicly in 1981 that T Vc was "the 

128 



interpretation given by the American and British investigators in 
their own report . . ." (C.R. stenogr. 1981). 

We have previously had occasion to state that Leon Poliakov had 
merely taken six excerpts from T Vc which he then inserted, after 
translation into French, into different places of T II. Of these six 
excerpts, there are only two which present a text conforming to the 
original text. 

REPUBLIC OF FRANCE 
Liberty • Equality • Fraternity 

Presidency of the French Government 

Paris, 6 June 1945 

General Directorate of Studies and Research, (references illeg- 
ible), Head of the Bureau for the Investigation of War Criminals 

to Monsieur le Professor Gros, CARLTON GARDENS 4, LONDON 

I have the honor to send you herewith the copy of the interroga- 
tion by my office of the person concerned: GERSTEIN OF TUBINGEN. 

This document will not fail, I believe, to interest you. 

In any event, I leave it in your care to decide whether it should be 
sent to the WAR CRIMES COMMISSION. 

I am satisfied with the first results obtained by the French teams 
for investigation of war criminals who are working in Germany, and 
I inform you that my services are at the present time in possession of 
41,000 record cards on war criminals. 

G.MANTOUT 

3. Texts of Uncertain Origin 

These are T HI and T VI, both in the German language and both 
typewritten; neither one is signed. 

— T in carries the date of 4 May 1945 but was only discovered, in 
circumstances which are not clear, in the spring of 1946; 

— T VI carries the date of 6 May 1 945; it was subjected to a "Staff 
Evidence Analysis" by the American authorities on 26 October 
1945, on the basis of a partial translation of the document made 13 
August 1945. 

We shall study each of these two "confessions" in turn but begin 
with T VI; as we shall give the reasons, which seem to us valid, for 
believing that T III was written last. 

Text T VI 

On the subject of T VI, Saul Friedlander writes (K.G., page 1 1): 
"A German text of the report dated Tubingen (actually Rottweil, 
Hotel Mohren), 6 May 1945 comes from a certain Stass who, him- 

129 



self, presumably received it from a police official of Hersfeld in the 
summer of 1945, when he returned from the camp of Buchenwald to 
Cologne." 

What is known of this person Stass? What is known of the 
policeman of Hersfeld of whom Friedlander himself writes in the 
conditional tense? To our knowledge, nothing is known of these two 
persons. Frau Gerstein, questioned by us, replied that she had never 
heard of them; she added that her husband had enough wealth of 
imagination (Einfallsreichtum) to find the means to have his evi- 
dence circulate during his captivity at Rottweil, where he enjoyed 
relative liberty. 

After an examination by the "Documentation Division" of Major 
Storey, T VI was put on file in the series PS with the number 2170. It 
was used at least once in the course of a trial: that of Dr. Peters of the 
DEGESCH company, which was held at Frankfurt. The DEGESCH 
company, in which Dr. Peters occupied an important position, sup- 
plied Zyklon B to the German army, in particular to the service 
responsible for the disinfection of the concentration camps. There- 
fore Dr. Peters had had fairly continuous relations with the SS Ober- 
sturmfiihrer Gerstein. 

Three "confessions" were examined simultaneously by the Frank- 
furt Tribunal: T H, T HI, and T VI; the Tribunal drew attention, 
without comment, to certain differences between the three texts, 
notably the quantity of hydrocyanic acid which Gerstein was ordered 
to transport to the Belzec camp, namely 100 kgs in T II and T in, 
compared to 260 kgs in T IV. 

Principal characteristics of T VI 

1. Physical aspect 

The typewriting is very expert; evidently, this is the work of a 
professional, who never failed, in particular, to type on the bottom 
right-hand corner of each page, underlined, the first word of the 
following page. This cannot be the work of Gerstein, who was only 
an occasional typist. 

The typewriter used had a German keyboard; one notices espe- 
cially the character B, which is specifically Germanic. 

2. Numerous errors in the proper names 

The errors in the proper names are surprising in a work so care- 
fully typed. We shall give some examples: 

— page 1: " ... in Tubingen, Hartenstrasse 24" instead of Gar- 
tenstrasse 24 (Gerstein's address); "Schemann" instead of Schme- 
mann (maiden name of Gerstein's mother); "Grafenesk" instead of 
Grafeneck; "Arnheim" instead of Arnhem. 

130 



— page 13: "Dorothea Schult" instead of Schulz; "Heinz Neben- 
thau" instead of Nebelthau. 

The above errors could possibly be explained by a mistaken 
understanding on the part of the typist, if the text had been dictated. 
But in regard to the error noticed on page 12, it is difficult to come up 
with a theory to explain it. Gerstein's Berlin address was actually 
fiw/tfvvstrasse 47, and one reads Liitzo wstrasse 47. 

3. Comparison between T V and T VI. 

On the whole, T VI takes up again, in the German language, the 
content of T V, which is a copy of the interrogation by the French 
services of the O.R.C.G. 

Previously we have seen that T V contains crude errors and 
passages composed in a very awkward manner, although the writer 
of it may not be Gerstein but either one or several persons whose 
native language is indisputably French. 

In T VI, the crude mistakes have been corrected. Thus, the execu- 
tion decided by the Tribunal of the NSDAP becomes the expulsion; 
the collection from the Danish people becomes the collection from 
the German people; Hockelchoc becomes Heckenholt, and so on. As 
for the awkward passages of T V, they have either been suppressed, 
shortened, or presented in a more correct form. 

4. Discrepancies noted in the German text 

We have previously said that Gerstein could not have typed T VI. 
Could he nevertheless have dictated the text of T VI to a typist? We 
have serious doubts on this question; for if such was the case, one 
could not understand how Gerstein, expressing himself in German, 
would commit the two errors we point out as follows: 

1st error — On page 2 of T VI one reads: "... ich wurde daher 
sehr baldLeutnant und Oberleutnant" meaning: "... I very quickly 
became second, then first lieutenant." 

In this phrase, one picks up a double error. Firstly, if Gerstein very 
quickly became sublieutenant he had then to wait until 20 April 1943 
to be promoted lieutenant. And then — which is more disconcert- 
ing — the ranks mentioned in T VI did not exist in the SS. Gerstein 
was never Leutnant and Oberleutnant but rather Untersturmfuhrer 
and Obersturmfuhrer. 

In the texts T I, T II, and T IV composed in French, Gerstein 
wrote: "I became lieutenant," for he thus gave the equivalent rank in 
the French army. He had no reason whatsoever to use incorrect terms 
in order to designate his successive ranks in his mother tongue. 
Moreover, when on 19 July 1945 in Paris he was interrogated by the 
Military Examining Magistrate, he replied in German, in the pres- 
ence of an interpreter: "I was named Untersturmfuhrer F" (F being 
the first letter of the word Fachfuhrer which means: responsible 

131 



specialist, or specially assigned to a post of responsibility). 

2nd error — On page 8 of T VI we read: "Ich trafdann Herrn von 
Otter noch 2 mal in der schwedischen Gesandtschaft," which means: 
"I met Mr. von Otter twice again, in the Swedish Legation." 

In the French texts T I and T II, Gerstein wrote that he had seen 
Baron von Otter again once (T I) or twice (T II) at the Swedish 
Legation. The German language is more precise than French in the 
use of prepositions. Thus, at (in French) the Swedish Legation can 
quite well mean: at the interior of the Swedish Legation or nearby or 
in front of the Swedish Legation. 

Where in fact was it that Gerstein saw von Otter again? We know 
the answer from the Swedish diplomat who, on several occasions, 
said that Gerstein popped up in front of him in a street near the 
Swedish Legation (Joffroy, op. cit. page 173 and Friedlander, K.G., 
page 115). 

If Gerstein had been the author of T VI, then he would have 
written in German: bei (or vor) der Schwedischen Gesandtschaft, but 
certainly not in, i.e., inside, since he did not enter the legation. 

We have also been intrigued by another passage in T VI. On page 
4, line 9 we read: "Sonderkommando Belcec der Waffen SS"; which 
is the inscription on a placard at the entrance to the Belzec camp. If 
this wording has been exactly reproduced in T VI, it is difficult to 
understand why Gerstein would have translated it in the French 
versions T I and T II by "Place of service of the SS Army." The Ober- 
sturmfuhrer has proved by all the texts he has written in our language 
that he knew French sufficiently to translate by "Special Comman- 
do" (or yet "Special Team") of Belzec of the Waffen SS." If Gerstein 
has written "place of service," one can believe that he has read on the 
placard "Dienststelle" and not "Sonderkommando." Is not the word 
"Sonderkommando" a fabrication by the writers of T VI? We know 
that the word "Sonder," which is never used on its own, is very 
current in Germany. For example, one speaks of "Sonderzug" (spe- 
cial train), of "Sondernummer" (special edition of a journal) etc. But 
after the Second World War, some people have tried to give this word 
"Sonder" a special meaning, quasi-diabolic. Thus "Sonderaktion" 
(special action) and/or "Sonderbehandlung" (special treatment) sig- 
nify for them, without their offering convincing proof to support 
such a meaning: an action or treatment having extermination as its 
goal, especially extermination in the gas chambers. 

In conclusion, the study we have just made of T VI encourages us 
to think that this document was "constructed" on the basis of the 
texts written in French, notably on the basis of T V. We may hypothe- 
size that if it was thought expedient to compose a text in German, it 
was because it seemed hardly plausible that the German Gerstein 

132 



should not have left any account of his visit to Belzec and Treblinka 
written in his native language. 

Text Till 

This text, typewritten in German, dated 4 May 1945, unsigned, 
was found belatedly and in very special circumstances. We noted 
previously that no explanation has been given for the origin of T VI; 
two intermediaries of whom we do not even know whether they 
existed are the only evidence adduced by Saul Friedlander. An 
explanation has also been given for the origin of T HI, but it seems 
hardly convincing to us. 

A document forgotten for almost one year 

In 1953, Hans Rothfels wrote the following lines on this subject: 
"Es ist daher als ein glticklicker Umstand zu betrachten, dass sich 
eine deutsche Parallelfassung zu demfranzosischen Hauptstiick von 
PS-1553 gefunden hat. Sie ist datiert: Rottweil, 4 Mai 1945, ist also 
am Tag vor der amerikanischen Vernehmung verfasst. Nach Angabe 
von Frau Ger stein hat ihr Mann diese Niederschriftfiir sie im Hotel 
Mohren in Rottweil deponiert, wo sie erst nach einem Jahr sie 
abholen lassen konnte, weil ihr die Tatsache der Hinterlegung 
vorher nicht bekannt war"(op.cit. page 179), which means: "It is to 
be considered a happy circumstance that a German copy, parallel to 
the key document in French PS-1553, should have been found. It is 
dated: Rottweil, 4 May 1945; so it was composed one day before the 
American interrogation. According to Frau Gerstein's statement, her 
husband left this document for her at the Hotel Mohren in Rottweil, 
where she could send for it, though not until a year later, because she 
did not previously know of its being left there." 

The above quotation from the historian Rothfels provokes several 
questions: 

a. Gerstein mentioned on the first page of T III his address at 
Tubingen. Rottweil is less than 150 kms distant from Tubingen. The 
German postal services, disrupted during the weeks following the 
capitulation of 8 May 1945, did not stay paralyzed a whole year. 
Why did not the managers of the Hotel Mohren inform Frau Gerstein 
that she had a letter awaiting her collection since 26 May 1945, the 
day Gerstein left Rottweil to follow the French officers of Military 
Security to Constance? 

b. Is it plausible that French Military Security would not have 
checked whether their prisoner left personal papers at the Hotel 
Mohren? 

c. It seems to us even less plausible that Gerstein, unbeknown to 

133 



the management of the hotel and unbeknown to the French officers, 
would have been able to conceal documents in his room or elsewhere 
in the hotel; documents which would not be retrieved until one year 
later. 

The role of the Pastor of Hagen/Westphalia 

Hans Rothfels took his information from Frau Gerstein (nach 
Angabe von Frau Gerstein); we also questioned the widow on this 
point through correspondence, written in German, and we obtained 
interesting details from her. We set out the essentials as follows: 

— Frau Gerstein learned at the end of January 1946 by a letter 
from Pastor Rehling 4 of Hagen/Westphalia that her husband had 
written a narration of his experience in the SS, while he was a 
prisoner of the French troops. 

— She succeeded in obtaining from Pastor Rehling the name of 
the place where the SS officer had been prisoner: Rottweil. 

— She did not go to Rottweil herself, but requested a student to ask 
at the Hotel Mohren whether her husband had left anything for her. 

— The student returned to Tubingen with the last letter written by 
the prisoner to his wife, on 26 May 1945; attached to this letter were 
two or perhaps three of Gerstein 's narrations, namely T IQ and T IV 
for certain; Frau Gerstein is not positive about T I. 

Who was this student who served as messenger? 

We wished to know more about this student who served as inter- 
mediary. Frau Gerstein replied to us with a certain reticence. She 
informed us, by her letter of 15 October 1982, that so far as she could 
recall he was a student who stayed only one or two semesters at 
Tubingen; she added that she had had no news of him for decades 
and that she did not know his address. On our insistence, she gave us 
by letter dated 21 March 1983 the name of this student: August Pott 
(and Frau Gerstein has moreover expressed reservations on the 
question of this name, which she quotes only from memory). 

One day we shall try again to find this student and clarify his r61e 
in the discovery of this document. It is the most important of the 
"confessions" written in German and the only one we know of to 
have been published, although with cuts, first in Germany and then 
in other countries, notably France. But those researches which we 
intend to make are outside the scope of our present thesis. 

How was the Pastor ofHagen informed? 

We have previously written that Pastor Rehling was the origin of 
the discovery of T III; here are the circumstances: on 27 January 
1946 the pastor wrote to Kurt Gerstein (whose death six months 

134 



3r66ore evangel. Outh.) 

<IrchengemeJnde Hagen Hagen, 

r « , 8i*m«n«.8tr. 30 2 7 • .1 • 4 6 

Pfarrer PCa7<&?X Rehling 
Rwf saooo 



1 Lieber 2J«IS.^er3-Sein! Durch ZnjTall bekaj) ich Vln TU^tt in^d 
ka-nd, das cm 6,5. datiert ist und Itix » Erlebnisee fim Dlenst. det 
Gesunciheitshauptamte* wiedergibt : D* Sie. mioh als Zeugen nenn' 
so wards ich gefragt, ob daa stimrae. So kam o.tn Lebenszeichen 
Ifanen in me Lne *Tnd. La die Srlebnisse, die geschild«rt werdea. 
aem Ubere ins tinmen, was Sie uns in vergangenen Zelten ersahlt i 
so war es mir eine frohe vewiJheit, df B Sie. zu den '"Oberlebendt 
dieser furchtbaren katas troche gehoren. "a Sie aolange kein Le« 
zeichen net ten durchgeben konnen, waren wir all© hier schon in 
ster Sorse.im Dezember war Mart An Niemoller bei'uns. Er hatte : 
Berlin versucnt, cinen Amerikaner ftlr Sie zu ihtere8sieren,da3 
versuchen mochte, Sie aualindig za machen. Danach hbrte ich vor 
Ihreia Bruuer, dafc zwar noch kein direkt-a" Lebenszeichen VorlSgr 
aber irgendwie eine Nachricht durch Ihre tfattin eingelaufen sec 
dafi oie nocft lebten. Inwwischen wird gewiu mehr durch Ihren Vat 
su eri'ahren sein, w^n iLan ihn nur erreichen kann.- Xlsbald i 
der Kinrichtung der Milit&r-Reg.Stellen hatte ich hier auf Sie 

aui'merksaa ^eaacht. Palls Si* ir P .^ 
ait Eichenlaub und Schw-rfm 7 • kenren », ,^ n « n 26jahr.Jte.ic 

i- *>» 6erlet ; w en rei; ^1";; prachtvolIen>inn ' d « » 0ch 

be, deaden die delate in,*.., ? «««i«r kennen gel ernt ha . 
*ah, too. lch wied " !*! ; ns * an ^«" so aus d,h Auge „ i euohten 

3oh SP i, n yeler ; r m ,: r r;i 6 T nune fur "-*>«-»•• — 

in Bog.n. HolTe.tHch £* , . ^L"" Tr Wir *^? la "«*"« 
na'oh Bag. a zu UonW VoT* + k e4Xlaal ^S^* ••*».*>«" 

i.* -h , ein ^;;I r/:^"; r^ 18 2 - »*•»»* O ber ha g en 



w^,» xai ucrreziniaiern -. ^-n- v «.- »_, ««.vocx 

«el.nar Prau Ihr /^7 ' SrUfl P^ ie h«rzli-ch auoh ia N«= 






^ GrttBere evangel. Quth.y 

». Klrchengemelnde Mage.n 

■4 ■ ■■ ■ ■ 

.nuf aaooo 



6J*m*ns-8tr. fio 

26.2.46.- 



fc 



k 




$ 




%L- Liebe ?rau Geratein! 



Ihr Bylef erf till t una mit groBer Trauer. Denn wir hatten 
bestimmt angehommen, daB Kurt bci Xhnen eel. MlrJLag ein Bt- 
richt ttber Kurt^Brlebnlejse _yor, dir dur^ den Bruder unsercr 
OrgaHstlnrdie ^ all er dings nicht mehr in Hagen wohnt, hierher 
von Sttddeutachland mitgebraohtl^^tiert wa* "er aua dem Mai vr 
gl^n^n 'jahrcs aus Vinm "HotVl Mohren" aue ^iM^^^mber- 
giachen Dorfchenl Barunter in Klammera die Tttbinger Anschrift 
L 5a^^lnhait "*ganz unzweideutig auf Kurt achliefien lies, bo 
hatte ioh nicht die kindest en Zweifel, daB Kurt nicht zuhaue 
sein kbnnte. Inzwiechen weifi ich, daBMartin Hiembller schon 
von Berlin aus veraucht aatte, einen Amerikaner auf K^rta 
Spur zu aetzen. Ferner tauchte hier kttrzlich ein Freund von 
Kurt auf, der wahrend des Kriegea mit ihm zusammen gewesen 
war. Er wuBte n*ch. zu berichten, daB K u rt Martin Kiem511ers 
Koffer aus Berlin heraua gebracht hatte und in Annaberg hat< 
8tehen laasen mttaaen.Dieae Nachricht iBt inzwischen an Martix 
Hiembller weitergegeben, afcch dies, daB Kurt aich dann weitei 
nach Ttibingen gewandt habe und dioht bei T. in franzSsische 
Gefangensohaft gef alien iat. Zweifelloe wird Martin Niemolle: 
ver8uoht haben, duroh franz.kirchl.Stellen mit K u rt Verbinduj 
zu bekommen. Martin NiemBller wohnt Budingen bei GieGen.Schr* 
ben Sie ihm ruhig.- Die Anfrage aua Dahl wird wohl auf flen gi 
Chen Bericht zurttckgehen, der mir vorlag.- Ich bin von kcine: 
alliterten Dienatatelle wegen Kurt ^efragt. Ich habe nur bei 
der hie8igen engliachen Dienst8telle vor 3/4 <Jahren einen B e 
richt eingereicht, daB, falls Kurt in ihre Hand gefallcn s ei: 
sollte, ich Jederzeit bezeugen k&nne, daB er gegen die SS Gr 
el allea Menschenmbgliche unternommen habe. Dann habe ich da: 
etliche Dinge auf gez Shit, die Kurt mir in diesen ^ahren erzsh: 
halte.- Nun wttasohe ich Ihnen von H.rzen baldige gute 11 

richt * Ihnen^ Ihren Kindern, I>,rem Manna din der Ferne- ein 
herzlichea " Gott befohlen!" Ihr 



before was unknown to him) at his address in Tubingen. His letter 
begins as follows: "Dear llcrr Gerstcin, By chance I have received a 
paper (Blatt) which is dated 6 May and relates your experiences in 
the Health Service of the SS. As you name me as witness, I am asked 
whether that is true . . ." 

The pastor received a letter from Frau Gerstein in which she 
informed him that her husband was not at Tubingen but a prisoner of 
the French, and that she had had no news at all of him since the end 
of the war. 

On 26 February 1946, the pastor replied to the questions that Frau 
Gerstein had asked him: "A report (Bericht) of the experiences of 
Kurt has been shown to me; this report was brought here from the 
south of Germany by the brother of the organist who, to tell the truth, 
no longer lives at Hagen. It was dated May of last year from a 'Hotel 
Mohren' of a village in Wurtemburg." 

This paper (Blatt) of which the pastor writes, extracted from a 
report (Bericht) dated 6 May 1945, seems to be page 13 of the 
"confession" in German of 6 May 1 945, marked PS-2170 (T VI). On 
lines 24 and 25 of this page 13 one reads: "Pfarrer Rehling, Hagen 
Lutherkirche,fuhrendes Mitglied der westf. Bekenntniskirche? which 
means: "Pastor Rehling, Lutheran Church of Hagen, leading mem- 
ber of the Confessional Church of Westphalia." 

In summary, the conditions of the "discovery" of T IH in the 
spring of 1946 seem to us a little confused. 

A study of the typewriting of T III 

We have already given some characteristics of T HI in our Chapter 
1, "Establishment of the texts." It will be recalled that this version is 
not signed. Twenty-four half-pages, numbered 1 to 24, and eight run 
over half-pages of supplements, numbered 1 to 8, are typewritten. 

1. The keyboard is German 

The typewriter used is obviously a machine with a German key- 
board; for example, the capital A's and O's are sometimes sur- 
mounted with the diaeresis, which is not possible with a French 
keyboard. All the same, it is curious to remark that the Germanic 
letter 6 was never used; it has always been replaced with two "s" 
characters, contrary to what we noted in T VI. 

It is clear to the naked eye that the three typewritten versions 
attributed to Gerstein's typewriting necessitated the use of three 
machines with different keyboards. Therefore we do not understand 
the assertion made by Saul Friedlander (op.cit. page 179): "It is on 
the machine [of Pastor Hecklinger of Rottweil] that [Gerstein] will 
first copy his report in French, and then write the reports in German 

135 



dated 4 and 6 May." If the three documents are compared side by 
side, what Saul Friedlander proposes as a certainty is immediately 
proved false. 

2. Irregularity of the spelling 

When Gerstein wrote the French handwritten versions, he system- 
atically replaced the "u" with "ue." One notices the same character- 
istic in the French typewritten version (which we designate T II), for 
which a French keyboard was used. 

But in the German version T III, there is no consistency in the 
spelling, sometimes for the same word. Here are some examples: 

— half -page 1, 1st line: Tubingen 

— half-page 1, 13th line: Tuebingen 

— half -page 2, 1st line: Miinster 

— half -page 2, 8th line: Bruening 

— half -page 8, 4th line: Fuehrer 

— half -page 8, 7th line: Fiihrer 

We have noticed another anomaly. This relates to the word "Nazi," 
curiously written with a final "e," which is scarcely German; thus 
one reads: 

— half-page 2, 1st line: Nazie-Statt 

— half-page 2, 19th line: staats (nazie) feindlicher 

— half -page 4, 5th line: NazieSache 

Finally, on line 9 of half-page 17 there is a serious spelling 
mistake; one reads "... in typisch himmler-schenAltdeutschen Stiel" 
instead of "Stil" intending to mean: "... in the typical Himmlerian 
old-German style." 

There is a word "Stiel" but it has a completely different meaning: 
it can be translated as "handle" (of a tool), rod (of a curtain), etc. 

It is not without interest to note that when Hans Rothfels repro- 
duced T in in 1953 (op.cit.) he corrected all the mistakes and anoma- 
lies. 

3. Discrepancies identical to those ofT VI 

One finds again in T III the two mistakes which would be difficult 
to explain if Gerstein were its author; namely, the incorrectness in 
the ranks of the SS and the use of the preposition "in" to convey that 
Gerstein had met von Otter near the Swedish Legation. The com- 
ments previously made on the subject of the inscription "Sonderkom- 
mando" are equally valid for T III. 

4. One half-page handwritten 

Between the typewritten half-page numbered 7 and the typewrit- 
ten half page numbered 8 there is inserted a handwritten half-page 
which carries at the top on the left the note "zu 7, am Schluss 
zusetzen" meaning "to 7, to go at the end." It is difficult to explain 
the presence of this handwritten half-page in the midst of twenty-four 

136 



typewritten half-pages. The more so, in that the text of this half-page 
is devoid of interest. Almost exclusively, it gives details of the 
difficulties Gerstein met in disinfecting large quantities of textiles. 
There is no corresponding text at all in the other "confessions." It 
does not connect either with the preceding half-page 7 or the half- 
page 8 which follows. It could easily be deleted, so much so that 
Hans Rothfels reproduced it between parentheses in 1953 (opxit. 
pages 188-189). 

For our part, as we have grave doubts as to the authenticity of T 
HI, we tend to believe that this half-page which was indisputably 
composed by Gerstein, was placed there to lend credence to the idea 
that the whole composition is authentic. 

5. The supplements 

We have said that eight typewritten half-pages, undated, represent 
the supplements (Ergdnzungen) to T in. 

The first supplement, which moreover does not carry a number, is 
almost illegible, so defective is the typing of it. It was copied on a 
separate sheet headed "Leseabschrift" which is to say "legible copy." 
This first supplement is nevertheless valuable because it ends with 
four words apparently handwritten by Gerstein. 

In regard to this supplement we make the same remark as for the 
handwritten half-page: the presence of the handwritten words en- 
courages the reader to silence his doubts on the authenticity of the 
whole "confession." 

Conclusion 

At the end of our study, we arrive at the same conclusion for T HI 
and for T VI. These two "confessions" in German seem to us to have 
been fabricated from disparate documents left by Gerstein; docu- 
ments which were not publishable in their original form. 

In our next chapter on "The veracity of the texts," we shall 
demonstrate that although all the confessions contain peculiarities 
and improbabilities, T III has fewer of them. One senses a desire in 
the author of T III to eliminate or tone down the flagrant improbabili- 
ties in order to make T III a little less incredible than the other 
versions. This reinforces our conviction that T III, "discovered" 
nearly one year after 4 May 1945 — the presumed date of its compo- 
sition — is in fact an account written several months after Gerstein 's 
death when the five other versions had already been known and 
analyzed. 



137 



Supplements and Drafts 

The authenticity of the supplements and drafts (as distinct from 
"Additions") is obvious; thus it does not call for study. 

Only one of these supplements requires comment: the typewritten 
page, in French, headed "post-scriptum" and carrying the number 
16. 

1. The keyboard of the machine is German 

We have examined the typing style of this text. The typewriter 
used had a German keyboard. To be certain of this, it suffices to look 
closely at the grave accents, the acute accents, and the circumflex 
accents; they have all been added, either by the machine or by hand. 

In addition, one typing mistake is significant. On the tenth line 
before the end of the page, one notices that the typist has struck a "2" 
instead of quotation marks. On German keyboard, the "2" and the 
quotation marks are on the same key, but this is not the case with a 
French keyboard, for example. 

2. The typewriter used for this supplement is not the one used for 

Tin 

We have made an enlargement of a short excerpt from the supple- 
ment in question and from T III. In both of these passages there are 
letters in common and even a common word: BERLIN. A close exa- 
mination shows that the word BERLIN is 4.3 cms in the excerpt from 
T HI and only 4. 1 cms in the excerpt from the supplement. A German 
typewriter has been used for both texts, but it is not the same 
typewriter. 5 

We suggest an hypothesis: the postscript numbered 16 could have 
been typed on a machine loaned by Pastor Hecklinger of Rottweil. 
One can believe that the first fifteen pages, which are not discover- 
able either at L.K. A. or elsewhere, were also typed on this machine. 

In 1961, the pastor supplied to the police of Israel, in connection 
with the Eichmann trial, an affidavit according to which Gerstein had 
used his typewriter about mid-May 1945. He states in this attestation 
that he owned two machines, one of them the machine on which he 
typed the affidavit itself. A brief examination of the type shows that 
if Gerstein did use a typewriter belonging to the pastor, it cannot be 
the one which the pastor used in 1961 (compare, for example, the 
style of the number 4). Use of the other machine, whose typing 
characteristics we do not know, remains a possibility; this is why we 
have suggested an hypothesis concerning the "post-scriptum'" docu- 
ment numbered 16. 

Thus we do not accuse Pastor Hecklinger of a falsehood, but the 
fact remains that none of the three complete typewritten "confes- 
sions" known to us — that is to say T II, T III, and T VI — seems to 

138 



Techntscho Hochschulc^i 



••••••> 



• BorlirH3harlo1rterrt>urg« 
en evangcliechon Ju?>en<: 

;;«.&. 3? ocht , chef de rayo 
t / Serlin i-Licht^rf elde , 
^tnriiifxicliror, It:.elioe Eo 

Jtruu — 



have been typed on the pastor's machine. 

Gerstein's Letter to His Wife Dated 26 May 1945 

There is no doubt whatsoever of the authenticity of the letter. In 
the preceding chapter we have discussed the importance we attach to 
the following phrase, which we translate "If you have difficulties of 
any sort, go with the report, which I attach, to the military governor." 
One will notice that Gerstein writes the "report" and not the "reports." 

We think that the document mentioned by Gerstein was written in 
French since the military governor of Tubingen, where Gerstein's 
family was living, was French. 

The Obersturmfuhrer had acquired the habit since 26 April 1945 
of writing out his "confessions" directly in French for the benefit of 
the French officers whose prisoner he was. However, Frau Gerstein 
received two reports attached to the letter of 26 May 1945, one in 
French and one in German. Let us recall that her receipt of this letter 
and the documents attached did not occur until the spring of 1946. 

Since we have the conviction, in default of certitude, that T HI is 
not authentic, we formulate a hypothesis: 

The phrase written by Gerstein in his last letter of 26 May 1945 
was sufficiently imprecise to allow a substitution of the documents 
attached. If Gerstein had written to his wife "go to the military 
governor with the report handwritten in French which is attached," 
there would have been no ambiguity. But Gerstein did not specify the 
language used in composing the document. We suspect manipulators 
of haying attached T III to the letter of 26 May 1945. This manceuver 
would be the origin of what Hans Rothfels calls "the happy circum- 
stance of the discovery of a German copy of the Gerstein document." 

These manipulators did not however destroy the text handwritten 
in French (T IV); so that the widow received a letter accompanied by 
two reports; the one in French (T IV) and the other in German (T III). 

The total silence observed by writers with respect to T IV might 
thus be explained by the fact that there it concerned a document 
which was superfluous, not to say troublesome, having no reason to 
exist. According to the official story, in the spring of 1946, Elfriede 
Gerstein had received a letter from her husband dated 26 May 1945, 
accompanied by only one document, written in German (T III). 

Frau Gerstein's declaration concerning T IV 

We have found at Bielefeld (LKA) information which confirms 
our hypothesis; it is contained in a document which carries the file 
classification Bestand 5, 2 No 14, Fasc 1. It relates to questions 
asked of Frau Gerstein and her replies; the text is written on white 

139 



/ANQ. PFARRAMT . „ „ Kl _, 

.rot.twe:la.n. E212L? 15.fbr.1961. 



F»m»preA«r t6t 



Bcschtinl gun?; . 
"Hie'durch bescfesinise ich, daB Herr Gerstein etwa 
Mitte Mai 19^5 nuf meiner Schreibmaschine einen Be- 
richt fiber seine Tatigkeit els opitzol innerhalb 
der 66 und seinen Yerkehr roit auslfindischen Stellec 
nieder^eschrieben hat. Er hielt sioh darnels in Bott- 
xveil unter Cranzttsischem "re^ahrsara auf , bis er auf 
ur>sekl«rte -Yeise verschleppt rmrde. Die Schreibma- 
schine war wahrsche'inlich diese3.be, mi t der diese 
Zeilen geschrieben wurden - "Merfce Mercedes .c'riroa, 
etwa aus dora Jahr 1935 stammend. JEs iconnte aber auch 
meine alte Schreibnaschine Orga 'Privet aus dem Jahr 
1925 gewesen sein, die ich in jener unriihi.3011. Zeit 
\rieder hervorholte, frber heute nicht rcehr vcrhanden 
ist. Leider kann ich nicht nehr rait Bestimmthei t sa- 
gen, seiche Schreibnaschine ich damals Lr. bentttzung 
fcatte; sber daB Herr Sersteiti bei nir und auf msiner 

Schreibniaschine mindestens den grttBten Teii seines 
BerichtBS niedergeschrieben hat, k*nn ich mit Be- 
otimrathoit ^exsicharn. 

Z.B.: Pfarrer/f/^vt-U tx^i 





Translations of the last six lines of the affidavit: 

Unfortunately, I can no longer say with certainty which typewriter I was then using; 
but that Mr. Gerstein typed at least the larger part of his report at my home and on my 
typewriter, I can affirm with certainty. 



it 



Zu l.),; Y/as ist Frau Gerstein Uber des Zustandekomraen deo franz63i3cheni 
(Rottweil, 26. April 1945) und des englischen Teil« (5.5.45! ! I, 
nicht 43) bekannt? 



Kein Mann hat-be sich am 22. April 1945 freiwillig auf der franzbsi.schon 
Komnandantur in Reutlingen gemeldet und war liber Tubingen nach Rottweil 
gebracht worden. (In Ttibingen hat er seine Farailie nicht an/:otroffen, da 
v/ir kurz vorher die Y/ohnung hatten raumen mtissen.) Es dflrfto ihm sehr 
bald klar geworden sein, da/3 er nicht bei jedem westlichen Alliierten 
die Kenritnis der deufschen Sprache und die Bereitwilligkeit, sich ihrer 
zu bedienen, voraussetzen konnte, und daS es angebracht sei, seir.en Be- 
richt wahrend der Rottweiler V/arteznit in franzosischer Sprache zu Papie.i 
zu bringen. Inn auch in englischer Sprache HxarxuixniBa: niederzule/ren, 
war ihm nicht moglich, da er die enj'lische Sprache nicht in der-Schule 
gelernt, sondern sich nur selbst ini Laufe der Jahre einige Worte angeeif:„ 
net hatte. 

Ob er noch Gelcgenheit finden wiirde, miindlich zu berichten, dUrfte fur :h 
in dem ersten Nachkriegs-Chaos auflerdem recht ungewifl gewennn sein. K§ 
konnte manch e.inem daran gelegen sein, ihn zum Schweigen zu bringen, unci 
eo will mir scheinen, dafl sein Tod In dieser Richtung noch (toheimniase 
J>irct. 

Dem letzten Brief meines Marines an mien (handschriftlich) , HeA ich 
au3zug3weise folgen las3e, lag auch ein handschriftlicher frfinsoni'.cher 
3ericht - oiine Unterschrift - bei, mit dem er mir vermutlich die ttber- 
setzung. «H-ig seines deutschen Berichtes zwecks Vorla.*e bei der franzSsi- 
schen Militarregierung erleichtern wollte; er trrigt das Datum des 6.5.45. 



paper without either heading or signature: it is therefore impossible 
to identify the person who asked the questions. 

We requested clarification on this point from the Obersturmfiihrer 's 
widow. By letter dated 30 June 1982, she replied to us that she had 
been interrogated by the Tribunal of Tubingen on 16 February 1961, 
at the request of the State of Israel, within the framework of the 
Eichmann trial. 

Here is one of the questions to which the widow had to reply: 
"What does Frau Gerstein know about the French text (Rottweil 26 
April 1945)...?" The reply, translated, of Frau Gerstein: "To the last 
letter from my husband (handwritten), an extract of which I shall 
hereafter give, was attached a handwritten report in French — with- 
out signature — with which he probably wanted to help me in the 
translation of his report written in German, to serve as a model for 
the French Military Governor; it has the date 6.5.45." 

This sentence of Frau Gerstein's is not very clear in German; our 
translation, which we wished to make as faithfully as possible, is not 
clear either. This lack of clarity reflects the perplexity of the widow. 
She was asked a question on the subject of the French text dated 26 
April 1945, but Frau Gerstein did not know this text. At the end of 
the interrogation moreover she asked that a copy be sent to her (that 
isthePS-1553 — Til). 

The widow had in hand only one French text and it is dated 6 May 
1945. She found attached to the last letter from her husband a 
document in German, made up of 24 half pages plus eight half pages 
of supplementary material. She was persuaded — and an effort was 
certainly made to reinforce her conviction — that this very full ac- 
count in German was the report mentioned in the letter from her 
husband. Confronted, in addition, with a very much shorter French 
text, she assumed that it was the beginning of the translation of the 
German text. The interruption of the translation could be explained 
by a lack of time on the part of the Obersturmfiihrer; and as a matter 
of fact, this same 26 May he had to leave Rottweil abruptly to be 
transferred near Lake Constance. 

It is appropriate to mention that Frau Gerstein, having learned 
French in the course of her studies, would have been able — and her 
husband was aware of this — to finish the translation for the purpose 
of the French Military Governor of Tubingen. 

Nevertheless, the supposition of Frau Gerstein does not provide a 
valid explanation, because the two texts are too greatly different for 
one to be mistaken for the beginning of the translation of the other. 
For Frau Gerstein, the presence of T IV next to T III as documents 
attached to the last letter from her husband seemed inexplicable. For 
us, on the contrary, it is the presence of T III together with T IV 

140 



which intrigues us. It reinforces our suspicion that T HI is not authen- 
tic and that its pretended discovery in the spring of 1946 is a fraud. 

Interrogations by the Military Justice Department 

There are no grounds for questioning their authority. They were 
conducted according to the customary rules: each page is initialled 
and the signatures of the persons present at the interrogations appear 
at the bottom of the last page. 

Article Appearing in "France-Soir" 4 July 1945 

We lack any means to study the authenticity of a document of 
which we are given a facsimile. On the other hand, it seems 
superfluous to analyze the content of the article. How could we 
distinguish, on the one hand, what Gerstein actually wrote in this 
new unknown text of his "confessions" and, on the other, what the 
journalist interpreted? 

Request for a Lawyer 

The authenticity of this text, handwritten and signed, is hardly in 
doubt. At the most, one could be surprised at the use of capital letters. 
Gerstein 's handwriting was difficult to decipher. He perhaps wished 
to be more legible. 

Fragments of Documents Found After Gerstein 's Death 

These fragments of documents having disappeared, it would be 
pointless to discuss their authenticity. 

Photocopy of letter dated 27.1.46 to Kurt Gerstein from Pastor 
Rehling. 

Photocopy of letter dated 26.2.46 to Frau Gerstein from Pastor 
Rehling. 

Photocopy of lettering samples of the two typewriters. 

Photocopy of affidavit dated 15 February 1961 signed by Pastor 
Rehling — referred to on page 138. 

Translation of the 6 last lines of the affidavit: 

"Unfortunately, I can no longer say with certainty what machine I 
then had in use; that Herr Gerstein typed in my house and on my 
typewriter at least the greater part of his report I can confirm with 
certainty." 

Photocopy of extract of Frau Gerstein's interrogation of 26 Febru- 
ary 1961. (The English translation of the last five lines is given.) 

141 



Footnotes to Chapter Two 

1. A French expression comprising all the English-speaking peoples. — R.V.P. 

2. For T Va, we do not specify on what line the differences are found. A photocopy of 

T.Va is not included in this thesis, as we were not permitted by the Direction of 
Military Justice to make one. 

3. Gerstein is alluding to his assignment to the SS Institute of Hygiene in spite of his 

past, which was known to the police; the "gardener-goat" corresponds more or 
less to our "chien dans un jeu de quilles" [dog in a game of ninepins]. 

4. Further on, we shall explain how the Pastor was informed. 

5. We have made a further verification which confirms the foregoing: on a line of 

16.8 cms we have counted 62 typewriting spaces in the text T HI, as against 65 in 
the supplement written in French. 



142 



Chapter III 

Veracity of the Texts 

General remarks 143 

What does Gerstein say in his "confessions"? 144 

Summary of the "confessions" 144 

Is there agreement between all the writers on a common text of 

reference for the "confessions"? 146 

Statement of the improbabilities and oddities in the "confessions" of 

Gerstein 147 

Do there exist degrees of improbability between one version and 
another of the "confessions" of Gerstein? 153 

General Remarks 

For the confessions of Gerstein to present some interest, it would 
be necessary to demonstrate that they are probable. Thus, one under- 
stands the extreme importance of the chapter we devote to their 
veracity. 

Ghapter I established the rigorous exactitude of the texts. It was 
necessary for this work to be done because, on many occasions, very 
unfaithful reproductions of these texts have been published; in these 
circumstances it became more and more difficult, and even impos- 
sible, to distinguish between those reproductions which were faithful 
and those which were not. 

Chapter II aimed at determining the authenticity of each of the 
versions of the "confessions." 

Thus chapters I and II have prepared the ground for chapter HI. 

The "confessions" of the former SS officer constitute one of the 
keystones, perhaps even the principal keystone, of the edifice con- 
structed by writers who affirm as unquestionable the existence of 
homicidal gas chambers in the Nazi concentration camps. Such a 
keystone should have the quality, acknowledged by all, of an historic 
document. Do the "confessions" of Gerstein have this indisputable 
quality? Such is the question to which historians and researchers 
cannot avoid an answer. 

We have, in the course of this thesis, and especially in the column 
of "Observations" in the comparative tables, expressed our doubts 
and called attention toparticular improbabilities. 

We should now like to treat the question as a whole. Perhaps it is 
advisable to recall the principal points of the "confessions" as they 
occur, in spite of some variants in each of the "confessions." Conse- 

143 



quently we exclude the supplements, which do not exist in T I or T II. 
What Does Gerstein Say in His "Confessions?" 

Our choice: 

Among the six known versions of the "confessions," we select the 
typewritten text in French dated 26 April 1945, designated by the 
reference PS-1553, that is to say, the text which we name T II. 

Our reasons: 

— T II is the most complete of the three texts of which the 
material authenticity is the least doubtful; on the bottom of page 6 is 
Gerstein 's handwritten signature. 

— On the other hand, T II is not the most complete text of the six 
versions; it does not have any supplements (Erganzungen); but the 
supplementary material represent for us, as for Hans Rothfels, Horen- 
sagen (hearsay) to which it seems superfluous to refer. 

— Furthermore, T II is the text best known in France. Although it 
was rejected by the Grand Tribunal of Nurnberg 20 January 1946, it 
was later utilized on the occasion of other trials in Germany, as well 
as in Jerusalem during the Eichmann trial. 

We have made the same cuts as in our typewritten transcription 
and for the same reasons (please see page 19). 

Summary of the "Confessions" Properly So-Called 

1. Gerstein voluntarily joins the SS in March 1941 to see what is 
going on and to reveal it later to the whole world. 

2. Assigned to the Health and Hygiene Service, he makes im- 
provements in the disinfection of the camps and is thereby instru- 
mental in stemming epidemics; his successes earn him promotion to 
UntersturmfiihrerF (second lieutenant specialist) in November 1941. 

3. In spite of the efforts of those who, knowing of his prewar 
activities against the state, want his expulsion from the SS, in Janu- 
ary 1942 he becomes the head of the Technical Disinfection Service. 

4. On 8 June, 1942, he receives the order to supply a camp in 
Poland with prussic acid, of which camp only the driver of the lorry 
knows the geographical location. 

5. At Lublin, he is received by the SS Gruppenfuhrer Globocnik 
who tells him: there are three camps functioning and one in prepara- 
tion. What is happening in these camps is a state secret. You, Ger- 
stein, will have two tasks to fulfill: 

— disinfect very large quantities of clothing; 

— improve our gas-chamber installation by replacing the exhaust 
gasses of our old diesel engine with prussic acid. 

144 



6. He has visited the camps of Belzec, Treblinka and Majdanek, 
but not that of Sobibor. He specifies that the three camps which are 
working (Belzec, Sobibor, and Treblinka) can exterminate altogether 
60,000 persons per day. 

7. The next day, 18 August 1942, he visits the camp at Belzec 
and sees the whole of the installations. 

8. On 19 August 1942 he is present at the arrival of a train of 
deportees; at their disrobing; at the handing-in of objects of value, at 
the hair-cutting of the women; at the cramming of about 750 persons 
standing upright into a chamber of 25 m 2 in area and 45 m 3 in 
volume; at their death throes, when the Diesel starts working, after 2 
hours 49 minutes. Through a little window he observes all the details 
of this agony, which lasts 32 minutes, stopwatch in hand. He sees the 
cadavers brought out by the Jews of the working-party, who salvage 
gold teeth and precious objects hidden in certain parts of the body. 

9. He sees the cadavers piled into large ditches near the gas 
chambers; then he says that, later on, the cadavers were burned on 
railway rails in the open air. 

10. He estimates the number of victims at Belzec and Treblinka at 
25 million. 

11. He is begged by Wirth, the camp commandant, to propose 
nothing to Berlin for changing the installations, which are giving 
him satisfaction. 

12. He says that he. has had the prussic acid buried, under the 
pretext that it had become unuseable during transportation. 

13. On 20 August 1942, he visits the camp at Treblinka, a simple 
replica of Belzec but much bigger; he participates at a banquet, at the 
end of which there are speeches praising the humanitarian role of the 
concentration camps. 

14. In the Warsaw-Berlin train he meets a Swedish diplomat, 
Baron von Otter, to whom he reveals what he has seen at Belzec. 

15. He tries unsuccessfully to meet the Papal Nuncio in Berlin; he 
sees von Otter again in the street; he makes a verbal report to Dr. 
Winter, the secretary of the Catholic bishop of Berlin. 

16. At the beginning of 1944, he receives the order to purchase 
large quantities of prussic acid; he sends it to Auschwitz and Ora- 
nienburg, but sees to it that it is used for disinfection; he has the 
invoices written in his name in order to be more at liberty in the 
utilization of the product; he specifies that he has on him the invoices 
for 2,175 kgs. 

17. He reports the events which have presumably taken place in 
the various concentration camps that he has not himself visited. 

18. He thinks that it is at Auschwitz and at Mauthausen that there 
have been the most atrocities. 

145 



19. He declares under oath that his statements were true. 

Is There Agreement Between All the Writers on a 
Common Text of Reference for the "Confessions"? 

Although it is fundamental, it it difficult to reply to this question. 
Other than the Revisionist historians, there is only Pierre Joffroy 
who could give unreserved assent; in his book (op.cit. pages 283-290) 
he copies exactly the version PS-1553 (T II). 

The other non-Revisionist writers have only presented extracts, 
sometimes correct, but more often distorted, of the original text. One 
could say that they are in agreement on the broad lines of the texts of 
the "confessions" but do not stop to analyze what they call details. 
For us, it is not so much a matter of details as the very numerous facts 
which themselves constitute the fabric of the account. 

Thus, Leon Poliakov tells us of the cramming of 700 to 800 
persons into a gas chamber but he arbitrarily changes the 25 m 2 to 93 
m 2 and on two occasions eliminates the 45 m 3 . The German writer 
Robert Neumann respects the 25 m 2 and the 45 m 3 but reduces the 
number of victims to 170/180 from 700/800. 

These are two extreme cases. 

The historian Hans Rothfels has not distorted the German text of 4 
May 1945 (T HI). He has, however made cuts, but he has always 
drawn attention to these by explanatory notes. For example, he has 
deleted the passage where Gerstein writes of the speeches made at 
Treblinka in praise of the humanitarian role of the concentration 
camps; he has also deleted certain events related by Gerstein, events 
which presumably took place elsewhere than at Belzec and Treblinka.; 
These are the Horensagen (things of which Gerstein had merely 
heard), as Hans Rothfels clearly indicates (op.cit. page 180, note 6). 

The non-revisionist historians often employ an identical formula 
in French and in German; they say that the evidence of Gerstein is 
"indisputable as to the essentials," which means for them that it is 
necessary to believe Gerstein' s account without applying an ordered 
analysis of the text. But in our view, the credibility or incredibility of 
the whole of the "confessions" depends on such an analysis. 

For our part, we have made a very close and careful reading of the 
six known "confessions" and we have summarized a substantial 
number of improbabilities and peculiarities, without claiming how- 
ever that our list is complete. 



146 



Statement of the Improbabilities and Peculiarities in the 
"Confessions" of Gerstein 

1. Gerstein, who has twice been the victim of the Nazis before the 
war, voluntarily joins the SS and does so with the recommendation of 
the Gestapo. 

2. At Christmas 1941, Gerstein is on the point of being chased out 
of the SS because the Nazi tribunal has learned that he was working 
there as second lieutenant specialist (Untersturmfuhrer F). But six 
months later, on 8 June 1942, he is made responsible for an ultrase- 
cret mission: he has to transport to the Belzec camp 100 kgs of 
hydrocyanic acid ("confessions" of 26.4.45, T II; and of 4.5.45, T 
HI) or 260 kgs ("confessions" of 6.5.45, T IV, T V, and T VI). 

3. At Kollin, near Prague, Gerstein — who pretends in other pas- 
sages of his "confessions" to be so prudent because of the risk of 
reprisals against himself and his family — states that he has let the 
Czech personnel of the Kollin factory know (T VI) that the hydrocy- 
anic acid was intended for killing people (T III, T IV, and T V). 

4. At Lublin, the SS general Globocnik, who has never seen 
Gerstein or his travelling companion Pfannenstiel previously, re- 
veals to them immediately "the biggest secret of the Reich." 

5. Gerstein reports other remarks by Globocnik; they concern the 
three camps which are functioning, for which the SS general pre- 
sumably gave the following details: 

Belzec: maximum 15,000 per day 

Sobibor: 20,000 per day maximum 

Treblinka: 25,000 per day maximum. 

One reads nothing further in the manuscripts handwritten in French 
(T I, T II, and T IV) nor in the German version (T III). These figures 
could represent the respective totals of deportees arriving daily in 
those camps. But in T V and T VI one reads additionally the word 
"executions." The last two versions even given an average utilization 
for Belzec and Treblinka, namely, 11,000 for Belzec (T V) and 
13,500 for Treblinka (T VI). 

We have consulted the Encyclopaedia Judaica to discover the 
dates of functioning of the three camps. For Belzec, it was not easy 
to know whether the extermination mentioned by the Encyclopaedia 
Judaica came to an end on 31 December 1942 or in the spring of 
1943. 

Did the exterminations of which Gerstein writes take place every 
day? On this point, the "confessions" do not inform us. We set out 
below the results of our calculations. 



147 



The statistics of the Encyclopedia Judaica apparently do not rest 
on any scientific basis. To believe these figures, there would be dead 





Encyclo. 
Judaica 


Belzec, spring 1 if 11,000 daily: 3,080,000 
1942 to end 1942 J 28U days if 15,000 daily: 4,200,000 

from spring 1942 \ if 11,000 daily: 4,015,000 
to spring 1943 J 3t>5 days if 15,000 daily: 5,475,000 


600,000 


Sobibor, -» 

May 1942 to I 530 days 20,000 daily: 10,600,000 
14 Oct. 1943 J 


250,000 


SkJtT'uLw \aki\a if 13,500 daily: 6,075,000 
loUOcttL J 45 ° dayS if 25,000 daily: 11,250,000 


750,000 


Total minimum: 23,770,000 
T . . Total maximum: 3 1 ,525,000 
lorais Total average: 27,647,500 


1,600,000 



148 



at Belzec, Sobibor, and Treblinka a total of 1,600,000 persons. To 
believe Gerstein's figures, one would arrive at a total of about 
28,000,000 people, a total which is seventeen to eighteen times 
greater than that of Encyclopaedia Judaica. 

In a book titled Treblinka a certain Jean-Francis Steiner has 
written: "At Treblinka, an average of 15,000 Jews were gassed every 
day." After having read this sentence, David Rousset was scandal- 
ized and made as much known in the periodical Candide (18 April 
1966, page 18) where he wrote: "The figure is evidently false. It 
suffices for these devil's advocates [i.e., those who deny genocide] to 
seize on this figure of 15,000 per day and to show the absurdity of it 
by a simple calculation, in order to do incalculable harm." Does 
David Rousset know that according to Gerstein's "confessions" 
there would have been in three small Polish camps — including 
Treblinka — from a minimum of 44,500 victims to a maximum of 
60,000 victims every day? 

6. Of the four camps mentioned by Globocnik, Gerstein claims to 
have visited three. But in five of his "confessions" the camp not 
visited is Sobibor and in one "confession" (T V) it is Maidanek that 
he has not seen. 

7. Hitler and Himmler supposedly visited Belzec on 15 August 
1942. Now, it is historically verified that this is a falsehood (see 
Professor Hans Rothfels — VierteljahresheftefurZeitgeschichte, April 
1953, No. 2). Some have alleged that this was mere boasting by the 
SS general. Impossible, because the lie would quickly have been 
discovered by Gerstein's conversations with the officials at Belzec. 

8. Dimensions of the chambers. In the "confessions" of 26 April 
1945 (T I and T II): 4m x 5m x 1.9 m, that is, 20 m 2 and 38 m 3 . In the 
"confessions" of the 4 and 6 of May 1945 (T HI, T V and T VI): 
5m x 5m x 1.9 m, which is 25 m 2 and 47.5 m 3 . But the engineer 
Gerstein writes in all his "confessions": 25 m 2 and 45 m 3 . 

9. A figure of 6,700 persons in 45 freight cars, which gives more 
than 148 persons per car. There were 1,450 already dead on arrival; 
there thus remained 5,250 persons alive. 

10. A little boy of 3-4 years, apparently alone, as Gerstein writes 
of him, distributes the small strings successively to 5,250 deportees 
to tie up their shoes together. 

11. A pile of shoes 35 to 40 meters high (in the majority of the 
"confessions") or 25 meters (T III); in the first case, a height often to 
twelve stories and, in the second case, a height of seven to eight 
stories. How are such heights climbed to place shoes there? 

12. The figures of 700-800 persons standing on 25 m 2 , in 45 m 3 
(this is a constant of all the versions). Can one imagine a room of this 
area and this volume which would contain about 750 persons stand- 

149 



ing one against the other? Thirty persons on one square meter? 

13. Unrealistic arithmetic (in two "confessions" of 6 May 1945: 
T V and T VI). More than half are children. Weight: 35 kgs (T V) or 
30 kgs (T VI). Thus, Gerstein adds, 25,250 kgs per chamber. How 
this precise total, which is neither divisible by 35 nor 30? 

14. The police captain Wirth, chief of the Belzec camp, interro- 
gates Gerstein minutely (sic) to learn whether he prefers the people 
to die in a lighted or unlighted room (T V and T VI). 

15. Gerstein says he is present at the gassing. He coolly consults 
his stopwatch. The Diesel engine does not start. Unperturbed and 
inactive, Gerstein counts the passing minutes: 50 minutes, then 70 
minutes. Finally, at the end of 2 hours, 49 minutes, the Diesel starts 
working. He says he records that at the end of 25 minutes most of the 
victims are dead, that at the end of 28 minutes a few still survive, and 
at the end of 32 minutes everyone is dead. 

If engineer Gerstein is so cold-blooded, the arithmetical errors 
pointed out in 8 above cannot be explained by the fact that he would 
have been distressed. On the other hand, even supposing one could 
concentrate 700-800 persons standing upright into a space of 25 
square meters, then these persons would not have been able to 
survive for 2 hours, 49 minutes; they would rapidly have exhausted 
the oxygen. Finally, if we suppose that nevertheless they could have 
survived, how would Gerstein, looking through a small window, 
have been able to discern in this extraordinarily compact group those 
who were dead and those living? In fact, the dead would not have 
been able to fall to the floor. 

16. In all the "confessions" it is said that the gassing was done 
with an old Diesel engine. The word "Diesel" is repeated three or 
four times, according to the version, in the relevant passage. Previ- 
ously, Gerstein, when telling of his interview with the SS general 
Globocnik, said that the latter told him from the start of the conversa- 
tion that the gas chambers worked with the exhaust gases of an old 
Diesel engine. 

Now the Diesel is an internal combustion engine which gives off 
little carbon monoxide (CO), an odorless and fatal gas, but a great 
deal of carbon dioxide (C0 2 ), a suffocating gas which makes a 
person ill but does not cause death until after a lengthy period of 
time. It would have been more efficient to use a gasoline engine. 

17. Gerstein declares (T V and T VI): "There are not ten persons 
who have seen what I have seen and who will see it. . .1 am one of the 
five men who have seen all these installations." Now, in his account, 
Gerstein himself quotes the names of persons who, between 15 and 
19 August, would either have assisted of been present at the mas- 
sacres of Belzec. There are already more than ten for this brief period 

150 



of five days. These are: 

— Hitler, Himmler, Dr. Linden (15 August) 

— Globocnik, Wirth, Obermeyer, Heckenholt (every day) 

— Pfannenstiel, Gerstein (19 August) 

— anonymous persons: a big SS man with a clergyman-like voice 
who reassures the deportees on the fate that awaits them; an Unter- 
scharfiihrer (noncommissioned officer) of the service who informs 
Gerstein about the utilization of the women's hair; an SS man who, 
in his country dialect, states that the deportees can wait naked in the 
open air in no matter what temperature since they are there in order 
to die; the SS men who with their horsewhips lash the deportees 
entering the gas chamber; a Ukrainian who helps Heckenholt to start 
the engine; etc. 

In any case, how can we accept it that the massive exterminations, 
perpetrated over many months and in several camps, could have 
fewer than ten witnesses? 

18. The bodies are thrown into ditches of 100m x 20m x 12m 
situated near the gas chambers. The depth of 12 meters represents 3 
to 4 stories of a building. The bodies are covered with a layer of ten 
centimeters of sand; only some heads and some arms emerge. Here 
we have conditions favorable for the development of an epidemic 
which would not have spared either the SS or their auxiliaries. 

19. The number of victims in the camps of Belzec and Treblinka: 
25 million (T II) or 20 million (T V and T VI). These figures are 
unbelievable (see the opinion of David Rousset on Point 5). 

20. Wirth proposes to Gerstein to change nothing in the method of 
gassing. Thus a simple captain of police refuses to follow the orders 
of an SS general, since Globocnik had ordered Gerstein to change 
the method. 

21. In T V, Gerstein says: "What is curious is that no one asked me 
a single question in Berlin." (He repeats the same thing to Comman- 
dant Mattei, who interrogated him in Paris on 19 July 1945, and he 
provokes the following reply: "You are charged with an ultrasecret 
mission, you do not accomplish it, and no one asks you to make a 
report on your return. That was hardly customary in the German 
army.") 

22. He has had the hydrocyanic acid buried on the pretext that it 
had deteriorated during transportation and had become dangerous. It 
would be impossible to accept this statement by Gerstein, unless on 
condition that we be given details of the operation. Now, during the 
interrogation of 19 July 1945, Gerstein states that he was transport- 
ing 45 bottles of hydrocyanic acid, one of which had got in bad 
condition; he adds that these 45 bottles were hidden 1200 meters 
from the Belzec camp. It must have been no small job to hide 45 

151 



bottles. Gerstein claims to have been helped by the driver, whom he 
did not know previously and did not see again after their journey 
together in Poland, and who, according to Gerstein, belonged to the 
Central Security Service. 

23. In T I, Gerstein says that after his meeting in the train with the 
Swedish diplomat, von Otter, he went to see him again at the Swed- 
ish Legation in Berlin one more time. In all the other "confessions" 
Gerstein says that he saw von Otter again twice (the diplomat re- 
members only one time). 

24. Gerstein tells us that from the beginning of 1944, 8,500 kgs of 
hydrocyanic acid were stocked at Berlin; he supplies no proof for 
specifying that quantity of poison. Then he goes on to speculate on 
the homicidal intentions of SS Sturmbannfiihrer Giinther, who would 
have given him the command to place these very large orders; 
Gerstein then reviews the categories of possible victims, estimating 
them at 8 million. 

25. On the advice of Gerstein, the hydrocyanic acid is dispatched 
to the camps of Auschwitz and Oranienburg; the Obersturmfuhrer 
does what is necessary to insure that this acid will be used only for 
disinfection. In none of his "confessions" does Gerstein say that he 
has been to Auschwitz. In his interrogation of 19 July 1945 he does 
not mention Auschwitz among the camps he has visited. How has he 
been able to act at a distance? 

26. Giinther envisaged killing with hydrocyanic acid in the open 
air, in the moats of Maria-Theresienstadt, the Jews who walked 
there. Gerstein dissuaded Giinther from carrying out this project 
which was, moreover, impracticable. However, Gerstein learned that 
in spite of everything the operation had taken place. 

Hydrocyanic acid, which is highly volatile, cannot be used in this 
manner "in the open air." 

27. Gerstein has seen homosexuals disappear in a furnace (several 
thousands in T V and T VI; several hundreds in T III) in a single day 
(T H, T V, and T VI) or in several days (T III). 

28. In Poland, it is testified to, that to kill people, they were made 
to climb the stairway of a blast furnace; that they were executed at 
the top of this stairway with a pistol shot and they were thrown in the 
chimney of the blast furnace (T III, T V, T VI). Can one imagine the 
scene? The people climb one by one to the top of the "stairway"; an 
SS man or an auxiliary waits for them at the summit in the fumes of 
the blast furnace in order to kill them. 

29. At Auschwitz, where Gerstein has never been, several million 
children are killed by applying a pad of hydrocyanic acid under the 
nose (T V and T VI). The same method of killing children is men- 
tioned in T II and T III, but no mention is made of several million. 

152 



Etc., etc. 

Over and above the improbabilities and oddities of which the 
above list is certainly not complete, one can question the validity of 
certain statements which do not have the quality of eyewitness 
testimony. In effect, Gerstein has stayed hardly two days at Belzec; 
the first day (18 August 1942) he tells us himself that he has not seen 
very much; he has only had suspicions. The next day (19 August 
1942) he was at Treblinka and in the evening he took the train from 
Warsaw to Berlin. 

How, in these circumstances, can he write: ". . .after some days the 
bodies swelled and the whole rose an average of 2-3 meters because 
of the gas which formed in the cadavers. After some days, the 
swelling finished, the bodies fell together"? 

The German historian Hans Rothfels has, on the other hand, 
forborne to publish the whole of the supplements as well as certain 
passages of the principal "confession," alleging that it could only be 
a matter of Horensagen (things learned by hearsay). And yet, certain 
of these extracts not published by Hans Rothfels are presented by 
Gerstein as eyewitness evidence. Thus one can read, for example: 

— / have myself seen experiments continued up till death on living 
persons in the concentration camp of Ravensbriick; 

— At Belzec, / had the impression that all were dead . . .; 

— / remember some gripping impressions; 
etc. 

It is appropriate also to note the phrases in which Gerstein impli- 
cates two of his compatriots, Professor Dr. Pfannenstiel on the one 
hand, and Dr. Gerhard Peters on the other hand. Both of them have 
denied having had the attitude or made the remarks that Gerstein has 
attributed to them. 

Hans Rothfels has suppressed all the passages disputed by these 
two persons; he quotes Professor Pfannenstiel only once, in his ex- 
planatory notes, and he completely avoids naming Dr. Peters, whom 
he refers to simply as the manager of the DEGESCH company. 

As for the rest of the "confessions," they are essentially made up 
of what Olga Wormser-Migot calls recurring themes "so identical to 
fifty other recollections — including those of the memoirs of Hoess" 
{op. cit. y page 426). 

Do There Exist Degrees of Improbability Between One 
Version and Another of the "Confessions" of Gerstein? 

All the versions contain a certain number of improbabilities and 
oddities which make them unworthy of belief. All the same, the 
incredibility is more or less flagrant according to the version. 

153 



One remarks a sort of escalation of improbability in passing from 
TItoTII and then toTV. 

The case of T IV is very special; the principal "confession" is very 
short: the improbabilities are evidently less numerous; but on the 
other hand, T IV includes supplements where one notices statements 
difficult to accept, statements which one finds again with variants in 
T III, TV, and T VI. 

In the chapter on the authenticity of the texts, in default of proofs 
which are impossible to find, a certain number of strong presump- 
tions have been advanced to sustain our hypothesis that the two 
versions in German (T III and T VI) are forgeries. Thus one notices a 
relative diminution of the improbabilities in passing from T V to 
T VI, then to Till. 

T VI, the version dated 6 May 1945, on the whole resembles T V, 
but with the elimination of glaring mistakes, the sometimes nonsen- 
sical details, the correction of certain errors in the proper names, etc. 
Thanks to these arrangements, T VI has been judged worthy to join 
the series PS under the number 2170. But T VI has been little utilized 
and, to our knowledge, has never been published, even in part. 

The elaboration of T III was more careful; its "discovery," only in 
the spring of 1946, gave its writers sufficient time to present a text in 
Gerstein 's mother tongue which less spontaneously arouses the skep- 
ticism of the reader. It is T III, which was published for the first time 
by Hans Rothfels in 1953 {op. cit., pages 177-194) and often recop- 
ied by other writers, German as well as foreign. In France, the 
translation of T HI by Leon Poliakov and Josef Wulf (Le Hie Reich et 
les Juifs/The nird Reich and the Jews) has fairly often been utilized; 
this was the case quite recently when, in 1982, Frangois de Fontette 
published in the collection "Que sais-je?" (What do I know?): 
Histoire de V antisemitisme (History of Anti-Semitism). On pages 
120 and 121, one can read extracts from this version of 4 May 
1945 — very incomplete extracts to which we shall revert later. 

If one accepts our hypothesis of forgery for T III, one can pick out 
some of the intentions of the writers, which we set out below: 

1. T HI is in harmony with T II on several points 

T II (PS-1553) was already known when T III was "discovered." 
PS-1553 had been submitted to the Grand Tribunal of Nurnberg; it 
was desirable that there not be differences too flagrant between T II 
and Till. 

a. The command given to Gerstein to transport hydrocyanic acid 
to the Belzec camp concerned 700 kgs in the versions of 26 April and 
260 kgs in the versions of 6 May. T III, dated May 4, is in line with 
T II and mentions 100 kgs. 

b. Gerstein often mangled proper names; in this way, he writes 

154 



Lindner, the name of the ministerial counsellor, whose name is 
actually Linden. One reads Lindner in T I and T IV (both handwrit- 
ten) and in T II (PS-1553), while T V and T VI give the correct name 
Linden. T III again follows T II and refers to Lindner. 

2. T III eliminates improbabilities 

Certain improbabilities in T II perhaps explain the refusal of the 
Grand Tribunal of Niirnberg to take this document PS-1553 into 
consideration. T III eliminates some of them. 

a. Number of victims at Belzec and at Treblinka: 25 million (T II) 
or 20 million (TV and T VI). Prudently, T III does not offer any 
estimate. 

b. A little boy of 3-4 years distributes lengths of string to more 
than 5,000 persons to tie their shoes together in pairs (T I, T II, T V, 
and T VI). In T III, the little boy of 3-4 years has disappeared. 

c. Dimensions of the gas chamber: 4m x 5m x 1 .9m in T n, which 
is 20 square meters and 38 cubic meters (T I and T II); and 5m x 5m 
x 1.9m which is 25 m 2 and 47.5 m 3 (T V and T VI). Now, we read in 
all the versions: 25 m 2 , 45 m 3 . T III has chosen the dimensions which 
give an exact area and a near enough volume; in this instance, T HI 
does not follow T II (PS-1553). 

3. Till tones down certain improbabilities 

a. In the majority of versions, it is a question of a pile of shoes of 
35 to 40 meters (10 to 12 stories). In T HI, has it been thought to 
make the statement more credible by reducing the height to 25 
meters? This height still represents 7 to 8 stories! 

b. "Several thousand homosexuals have disappeared in an oven in 
a single day," one reads in four versions. In T HI, several hundreds of 
homosexuals have disappeared in some days. 

c. At Auschwitz, several million children have been killed by the 
application of a pad of hydrocyanic acid (T V and T VI). In T IE, the 
children die in the same way but they are not several million. 

d. We read in T VI (supplements), written in Gerstein's own hand: 
"Being busy with their work, all of a sudden they saw some who 
were moving." This refers to the presumed cadavers and an SS 
Rottenfuhrer who finishes them off by crushing their skulls with an 
iron bar that was already handy. One finds the same sinister anecdote 
in the supplements of T III, but the "some" are reduced to "two." 

e. Gerstein has seen (T IV, supplements) a little boy of 3 years 
thrown into the chamber. In T III, the little boy does not escape the 
chamber but he is pushed there with gentleness. 

The various points outlined above all contribute, we repeat, to 
make of T III not a credible "confession," but merely the least 
incredible. These findings reinforce, if need be, our conviction that T 
III is a text carefully fabricated in German from the versions in 

155 



French (T I, T II, T IV, and T V). 



156 



Chapter IV 



Gerstein's "Confessions" and the 
Views of Their Readers 

I. Before the Publication of the "Confessions" 157 

II. After the Publication of the "Confessions" 158 

A. Those Who Do Not Doubt 158 

B. Those Who Do Not Believe 159 

C. Those Who Believe the Essential Points 162 

I. Before the Publication of the "Confessions" 

Until 1951, the texts composed by Gerstein between 26 April and 
6 May 1945 were read only by a very limited number of persons, 
essentially the officers of the Allied intelligence services, magis- 
trates of various nationalities, and some rare journalists. l 

For these first readers, the reality of the massive exterminations in 
the gas chambers was never in doubt; the "confessions" of Gerstein 
simply served to reinforce their convictions. But, far from consider- 
ing the SS officer as an anti-Nazi who had chosen the self-appointed 
task of revealing to the outside world the atrocities until then un- 
known, these unconditional enemies of National Socialist Germany 
perceived in Gerstein a war criminal who had chosen an original 
method of defense to exonerate himself. If they noticed improbabili- 
ties in the texts, which were most likely read in haste, these improba- 
bilities were to them additional reasons to reject the good faith of the 
writer of those texts, without much doubting the authenticity of the 
facts exposed. 

Gerstein lost his life in this venture. His suicide is plausible, but it 
is not certain; in Germany, his family and friends do not believe in 
his suicide. It is true that the circumstances of his death are some- 
what obscure, and we are hard put to explain why his wife was not 
informed of his death until 1948. 

At the Grand Tribunal of Numberg, the document PS-1553 (T II) 
was not accepted; on French insistence, only some invoices for 
Zyklon B attached to the principal document were taken into consid- 
eration. 

In 1950 at Tubingen, the denazification court refused to rehabili- 
tate the former SS officer; it granted him only "extenuating circum- 
stances" and classified him in a category of minor Nazis (Belas- 
teteri). 

157 



H. After the Publication of the "Confessions" 

In our introduction, we have followed the various transformations 
of the "confessions" and have written of the three authors who each 
devoted a book to the biography of Gerstein. 

It was of cardinal importance to us, at the beginning of this thesis, 
to identify the versions known to the authors and to evaluate their 
fidelity in the complete or partial reproductions of such or such text. 

It will be recalled that Leon Poliakov in France and Hans Rothfels 
in Germany were the drum majors with whom the majority of 
non-Revisionists have fallen into step. For this reason, the followers 
of Leon Poliakov have recopied the serious distortions of the texts 
imputable to him. As for the followers of Hans Rothfels, they have 
not questioned the statements of this historian who, without furnish- 
ing the slightest proof, attested that the German version of 4 May 
1945 (which we call T III) is authentic. These same followers have 
duplicated the cuts in the texts made by Hans Rothfels; but generally 
their explanatory notes are less numerous and less clear, so much so 
that the reader has difficulty in understanding the reasons put forth 
by Hans Rothfels. For Rothfels, the cuts are justified for the follow- 
ing two reasons: 

— certain passages of the "confession" and the whole of the 
supplements do not constitute eyewitness evidence, these being the 
Horensagen (things learned by hearsay); 

— certain comments made by Gerstein in regarding to the two 
Germans, Professor W. Pfannenstiel and Dr. Peters of the DEGESCH 
company, have been vigorously denied by the persons concerned. 

Arriving at the end of our work, after having established the texts, 
studied their authenticity, and evaluated their truthfulness, we pro- 
pose to classify in three broad categories the writers who dealt with 
the Gerstein case. 

A. Those Who Do Not Doubt 

Pierre Joffroy has made himself the hagiographer of Kurt Gerstein 
and leads the small band of those untroubled by doubt. In the course 
of a long investigation, he has gathered a great deal of evidence on 
the strangeness of the character and behavior of Gerstein. In this he 
sees the mark of sainthood, the divine seal, which makes the elect of 
God a person misunderstood by simple mortals, an exceptional 
being condemned to solitude on earth. In regard to the improbabili- 
ties contained in the "confessions," he reproduces a certain number 
of them without making the least comment. Perhaps he has not 
noticed them as such? 

158 



Helmut Franz, in his book published in 1964, expresses the loy- 
alty he has preserved for his old friend Kurt Gerstein; all the same he 
recalls in several instances that the engineer's propensity towards 
obsessions and eccentricities had often baffled him. In his regret for 
not having spontaneously believed the former SS officer 's revela- 
tions, Franz gives to his work the character of a self-criticism. 

B. Those Who Do Not Believe 

Paul Rassinier, the pioneer to whom every historian of the Revi- 
sionist school refers, was the first to be intrigued by the strange 
account of Gerstein. He made allusion to it for the first time in 1961 
in his book Ulysse trahipar les siens (Ulysses betrayed by his own), 
page 1 12. He found it surprising that the Niirnberg Military Tribunal, 
when trying certain concentration camp doctors in January 1947, 
had been able to accept as evidence of the charge a text in which one 
reads notably that "the Jews were asphyxiated in groups of 700 to 
800 in gas chambers which had 25 m 2 floor area and 1 .8m in height." 
It is necessary to note that Rassinier never had in his hands either the 
original documents of Gerstein's "confessions" nor the file of the 
French Military Justice Department, which disappeared in Novem- 
ber 1945. Not having been able to make his own first-hand re- 
searches, he reviewed what the newspapers, magazines, and books 
had written on the subject, then manifested his surprise at the stupe- 
fying variations with which he was confronted. But Rassinier did not 
know what the former Obersturmfiihrer had actually written; he 
began, moreover, by very seriously doubting the authenticity of the 
document. He made some suppositions on the origin of the narrative, 
on the extortion of "confessions," and on the place and conditions of 
Gerstein's death which were not accurate. 

Paul Rassinier was obliged to make hypotheses because his only 
sources of information were the books of L6on Poliakov, the publi- 
cations of Hans Rothfels, and other non-Revisionist authors. One of 
the latter, Georges Weller, endeavored to ridicule the errors, real or 
otherwise, by devoting some pages to them in the publication of the 
Center for Contemporary Jewish Documentation of Paris entitled La 
Solution finale et la Mythomanie neo-nazie (The Final Solution and 
the Neo-Nazi Mythomania), dated 1977. Relying on documentation 
which Rassinier was never able to consult, he re-established the truth 
on some secondary points but failed in his main purpose: to make an 
incredible story credible. As for the "liberties" taken by Leon Po- 
liakov in his reproductions of the "confessions," Weller does not 
even mention them. On this point, nevertheless, Rassinier was com- 
pletely correct. It was Paul Rassinier who took the initiative, as early 

159 



as 1964, inliis book Le Drame des Juifs Europeens (The Drama of 
the European Jews), pages 93-107, to compare side by side two pub- 
lications by Leon Poliakov with an extract from PS-1553 (T II): 

— one taken from the book Le Breviaire de la Haine (The 
Breviary of Hate) 1960 edition; 

— the other taken from the book Le Proces de Jerusalem (The 
Jerusalem Trial) 1961. 

This comparison already reveals some important differences, which 
are absolutely inexplicable. 

It was again Paul Rassinier who protested against the exaggerated 
role attributed to Gerstein in the spreading by word of mouth of 
information on the camps of Belzec and Treblinka, since some have 
maintained, without proof, that this information was spread as far as 
Rome. In his book L Operation Vicaire (Operation Vicar) Rassinier 
courageously defended the memory of Pius XII, which had been 
attacked in a manner that in our view was dishonest, by Rolf Hochhuth, 
author of the play Le Vicaire (The Deputy) and by Saul Friedlander, 
author of the book Pie XII et le Hie Reich (Pius XII and the Third 
Reich). We mention here only the two principal protagonists who set 
the trend, to the extent that it has become fashionable to set oneself 
up as a judge of ethics in order to question the attitude of the Pope 
during the Second World War: it is officially recognized that Pius XII 
unreservedly condemned racial persecution and that he intervened 
on behalf of the Jews, but he is reproached for not having denounced 
the existence of the gas chambers. Could he have done so on the faith 
of reports which, like those of Kurt Gerstein, bristled with improba- 
bilities? As papal nuncio in Bavaria in 1914, he had occasion to hear 
rumors of the same sort, the war propaganda of the Entente. (It is to 
be noted that neither Churchill, nor Roosevelt, nor Stalin, nor any 
governmental authority of the countries opposed to the Third Reich 
had spoken of homicidal gas chambers.) Confronted with the unde- 
niable excesses committed against civilian populations by all bellig- 
erents, the Pope could only protect, as far as he was able, the millions 
of Catholics who existed in one or the other camp, as well as the 
non-Catholics who requested his help. 

After Paul Rassinier, and because the majority of them have read 
Rassinier, authors have expressed their skepticism in regard to 
Gerstein 's account. Naturally these include Revisionists such as 
Arthur R. Butz (op. cit. t pages 251-258), Wilhelm Staglich {Myth., 
pages 10-11), Robert Faurisson {Mem. Def., page 119 and Rep. a P. 
V-N, pages 42-43), but also other writers who, on this delicate 
subject, have expressed a nonconformist opinion. 

Thus the historian Andre Brissaud wrote in 1969: "The evidence 
of Kurt Gerstein, of whom some would wish to make a 'saint' today, 

160 



is at the least suspect, as are the very strange circumstances sur- 
rounding his 'suicide' and the 'discovery' of his diary" (Ord. Noir, 
page 456). 

In 1980, in volume HI of his memoirs, the writer Raymond 
Abellio tells us that he has read the works of Paul Rassinier and the 
declaration of the thirty-four historians published in Le Monde of 21 
February 1979 (see pages 1 1 et seq.). Abellio adds that he knows of 
the Faurisson Affair 2 from the book of Serge Thion, Verite historique 
ou verite politique? (Historical Truth or Political Truth?). He ex- 
presses his feelings about the Gerstein case in the following sen- 
tence: "This is a truly enigmatic personage, this Kurt Gerstein who 
says he is 'horrified' by what he sees at Belzec and who, in the same 
moment, takes out his stopwatch to time, without explaining to us 
why, the death agony of the victims" (Sol. Inv., page 432, note 4). 

We have already mentioned in this thesis the delicately balanced 
point of view of the historian Olga Wormser-Migot, who does not 
adhere to Revisionist views but who has nevertheless asked herself 
"many questions on the subject of Gerstein and his confessions 
without really succeeding in elucidating the obscurities" (op.cit., 
page 426). She adds, some lines further on: "Personalities such as 
that of Gerstein, of Sorge, of many double agents, are not easily 
decipherable." 

For our part, we do not believe that Gerstein was a double agent. 
To be sure, Pastor Rehling of Hagen/Westphalia, who had known 
Gerstein well since 1928, reported to Pierre Joffroy (op.cit., pages 
41-42) that Gerstein had boasted of having performed espionage in 
the service of the Reichswehr, notably in France in the region of 
Thionville. But, here again, no proof of this mysterious activity can 
be put forward. On the other hand, what appears to be very much 
more certain is that Gerstein did not benefit, during the war, from any 
support either in his own country or abroad; that he had no contact 
among Germany's enemies — whether French, English-speaking, or 
Dutch — to whom he reported his activities in the SS and whose 
directives he followed. From his early years, Gerstein demonstrated 
the need to intrigue his friends thoroughly by attributing to himself a 
role which, moreover, he perhaps wound up believing in himself. 3 

Now, in what did Gerstein's resistance to Hitler consist? 

— During the war, he spoke to his friends, to pastors, and to a 
diplomat of what he allegedly saw at Belzec. Who actually believed 
him at the time? Moreover, should he have been believed? 

— He claims to have done away with one or perhaps two deliver- 
ies of hydrocyanic acid. If that is true, did he thus prevent a hypo- 
thetical homicidal act? Or did he simply reduce the stock of the 
product reserved for disinfection of the camps and for which he was 

161 



responsible? 

His death — whether or not one accepts the official version of 
suicide — in the military prison of Cherche-Midi is not the death of a 
double or triple agent, capable of appealing to his protectors; it is the 
death of a loner and, in our opinion, of a mythomaniac caught in the 
trap of his own devising: the very judicious questions of a French 
Examining Magistrate with a logical mind had rendered him un- 
stable to the point where he saw no way out but death, a death as 
mysterious as his supposed activities in the SS had been. 

We do not adopt therefore the hypothesis made by Olga 
Wormser-Migot, but we observe that her overall assessment is near 
to ours. In fact, she writes in her thesis (op.cit. page 11, note at the 
bottom of the page): "...the confession of Gerstein, of which many 
points remain obscure, notably the conditions, the place, the time of 
its composition. Since the use of his confession in Le Vicaire (The 
Deputy) of Rolf Hochhuth, Gerstein appears more as a symbol than 
as an historic personality." Since the publication of this historian's 
thesis, the greater part of the points raised by her are no longer 
obscure; on the other hand, Gerstein still appears as a symbol — in 
fact he does so more and more. 

C. Those Who Believe the Essential Points 

Very rare are those authors who have not noticed the improbabili- 
ties and peculiarities sprinkled throughout the "confessions" of the 
former SS officer, but many are those who have ignored them, who 
couldn't bring themselves to reject this unexpected evidence, unique 
of its kind, because it originated from within the SS, and was offered 
spontaneously, with no possibility of a claim that any physical or 
moral torture had been used on its author. 

What we, in our view, consider inexplicable is that an explanation 
for these improbabilities and discrepancies has been sought in re- 
course, for example, to the following arguments: 

— Gerstein in his daily life apparently showed rather unusual 
behavior; those of his friends interrogated by Pierre Jof firoy or Saul 
Friedlander have given many examples of it. So, in these circum- 
stances, is it not natural that a "saint astray in his century" should 
bewilder ordinary people? One would thus find in his "confessions" 
the simple reflection of his strangeness. 

— Gerstein would have been profoundly distressed by what he 
had seen at Belzec in August 1942; from that date onwards his 
physical and psychological health would, it seems, have rapidly 
deteriorated. In April-May 1945, he would have passed through a 
crisis of exaltation which Germany's final defeat could only have 

162 



exacerbated. In these circumstances, is it astounding that Gerstein 
has given incredible details and figures? But how, by contrast, can 
one explain the exactitude of his timing with the stopwatch, not to 
mention the precise number of blows administered with the horse- 
whip by such or such guard? 

— That Gerstein did not have "as a predominant characteristic, 
precision in the matter of figures," is the explanation supplied by 
L6on Poliakov and Pierre Vidal-Naquet (Le Monde, 8 March 1979, 
page 30). Paradoxically, these two authors remind us some lines 
further on that Gerstein was an engineer (see article and translation 
page 168). 

Some of these writers who consider the documents of the former 
SS officer as "indisputable as to the essentials" do not seem to have 
had the slightest scruple in seriously altering what did not seem 
essential to them. The textual manipulations and fabrications of 
Leon Poliakov have been pointed out in the course of this thesis. 
Relying on Leon Poliakov, who is considered a specialist on the 
question, many authors have used his distorted texts. This is espe- 
cially the case with Saul Friedlander and Francois Delpech. 

In Germany, Robert Neumann on the one hand, and Heydecker 
and Leeb on the other, have similarly substituted for the unbelievable 
figures others that were less so. In our comparative tables, we have 
drawn attention to these fabrications, which are different from the 
ones of L6on Poliakov. 

Often, writers — perhaps confused by the improbabilities or by the 
differences between reproductions — have been content to summa- 
rize more or less correctly one or another of the "confessions." 
Among these, we mention, although the list is not complete: Raul 
Hilberg, Lucy S. Dawidowicz, Gideon Hausner, Gerald Reitlinger, 
John toland, etc. All these authors, who often claim to be historians, 
have postulated that Gerstein's accounts are true in the essentials; 
afterwards, they have suppressed their critical capacities, in the best 
of cases by toning down any fact which might weaken their belief. 

We even witness, lately, the application of a novel and surprising 
method in the utilization of the "confessions." We shall give two 
examples, taken from works published in 1982 and 1983. 

1. Frangois de Fontette — Histoire de V antisemitisme. 

On page 154, we drew attention to the publication in France, in 
the series "Que sais-je?" (What do I know?) of the History of 
Anti-Semitism (No. 2039) authored by Frangois de Fontette, honor- 
ary Dean of the Faculty of Law and Economic Sciences of Orleans 
and at the present time Professor of the Faculty of Law at the 
University Rene Descartes (Paris-V). In his Chapter V, subchapter 
V, The Extermination, "The Final Solution" subdivision 3, The Ex~ 

163 



terminations Rationalized, Francois de Fontette has recourse to "only 
one witness, Kurt Gerstein, a Christian working in the SS precisely 
for the sole purpose of witnessing for the future..." (op.cit., page 
120). 

Thus Frangois de Fontette makes the same choice as the thirty-four 
historians who in February gave their approval to a declaration on 
the Hitler policy of extermination which was published in Le Monde 
(please refer to page 11 et seq.). He does not disclose his source, but 
it is easy to recognize in the text he partially reproduces the French 
translation of the German version of 4 May 1945 (T III) as it was 
given to us by Leon Poliakov and Josef Wulf in their book Le Hie 
Reich et les Juifs. Frangois de Fontette has recopied twenty-six-and- 
a-half lines of page 1 14 of this book. 

This extract describes the procession of the deportees towards the 
death chambers. The author neglected to copy thirty-five lines, with 
their alleged description of the gassing operation itself. 

Frangois de Fontette at this point writes the following sentence: 
"And there is the result once the operation is finished." There then 
follow seventeen lines from page 115 of Leon Poliakov and Josef 
Wulf 's book; these seventeen lines expose the treatment to which the 
corpses were subjected after gassing. 

To be sure, in the two extracts copied by Frangois de Fontette, 
which together make up forty-three-and-a-half lines, it is impos- 
sible to point to the smallest improbability; at most one notices some 
oddities. The improbabilities that we have pointed out particularly in 
our pages, 149, 150, and 151 are not to be seen here, as they are 
located in the thirty-five lines that have been avoided. 

For our part, we do not believe that this severe amputation of Text 
HI could be due only to chance or to limitations on space. 

2. Eugen Kogon, Hermann Langbein, Adalbert Ruckerl, National- 
sozialistische Massentotungen durch Giftgas (National-Socialist Mass 
Killing by Poison Gas). 

In this book, published in Germany in 1983, Chapter VI was 
written by the Israeli Yitzhak Arad; a subchapter entitled "Der 
Gerstein Bericht" (The Gerstein Report) takes up pages 171 to 174 
and includes extracts copied from the German version of 4 May 
1945 (T III). The reproduction is preceded by four lines in which one 
notices a good three errors: 

1. Gerstein was an Untersturmfiihrer and not Obersturmfuhrer in 
1942. 

2. He stayed at the Belzec camp on 18 and 19 August 1942 and 
caught a glimpse of the Treblinka camp on 20 August 1942; he was 
not there "in June 1942." 

3. The version he copies very partially is not the version of 26 

164 



May 1945 but of 4 May 1945. 

We point out these mistakes on principle, but the essential lies 
elsewhere. 

The text offered by Yitzhak Arad corresponds to that published, 
for example, by Leon Poliakov and Josef Wulf in their book Das 
Dritte Reich und die Juden (The Third Reich and the Jews). 

The copy of the account begins with one-and-a-half lines which 
can be found on page 1 15 of the book just mentioned. This short ex- 
cerpt is followed by an ellipsis which replace fifty-one lines of text. 

The account begins again with four-and-a-half lines, after which 
we find more ellipses which cover the conjuring away of another 
fourteen lines of the original text. 

The "confession" gets its second wind and reproduces eleven-and- 
a-half lines. The text then stops in the middle of a sentence, omitting 
the second half of the sentence. This second half of the sentence 
comprises one of the improbabilities pointed out in our summary, 
namely, the height of the pile of shoes estimated at 25 meters, that is, 
7 or 8 stories: a pile at the top of which each deportee had to place his 
own pair of shoes. 

Having sidestepped this obstacle, the author returns to the text for 
seven-and-a-half lines; this time, the ellipsis eliminates two words 
which are ohne Prothesen, meaning "without artificial limbs." 

The ordeal continues and ends with twenty-two uninterrupted 
lines, and it is after this last passage of the account that Gerstein's de- 
scription, properly so-called, of the gassing operation itself occurs, 
which is to say the heart of the matter, that the writers have ignored. 

In this work, guaranteed by the three highest non-Revisionist 
authorities of West Germany and Austria (Kogon, Langbein, and 
Riickerl), the account which they persist in calling "Der Gerstein- 
Bericht" (The Gerstein Report) is carefully purged of every state- 
ment not susceptible of belief. Only in the first lines of the excerpt 
reproduced are there figures difficult to accept; these concern the 
train made up of 45 cars with 6,700 persons, of whom 1,450 were 
already dead on arrival, which works out to almost 149 persons per 
car, of whom more than thirty are dead! 

We have examined in detail the method adopted in the one in- 
stance by Frangois de Fontette and in the other by the three German 
or Austrian leading lights in this field. This method carries us down a 
slope yet more dangerous than those where the Gerstein texts previ- 
ously went astray. This time, there are no longer any manipulations 
strictly speaking, and much less fabrication; one proceeds by means 
of large cuts, by amputations: by "pious cuts," we could say, as one 
says "pious lies." 

Photocopy of extract from Le Monde of 8 March 1979, page 30. 

165 



Translation as follows: 
Document mentioned on page 165 

Concerning the Evidence of Kurt Gerstein 

Readers of Le Monde were astonished to read, in the Kurt Ger- 
stein report quoted in the "Declaration of the Historians" on the 
"Hitler Policy of Extermination" (Le Monde, 21 February), that in 
the Belzec gas chambers seven to eight hundred persons were 
crammed into an area of 25 square meters. Messrs. L6on Poliakov 
and Pierre Vidal-Naquet, signatories of the declaration, write the 
following clarification: 

"We have written that the account of Kurt Gerstein, ardent Chris- 
tian and member of the SS, who had, in performance of his duties, 
visited the extermination camps of Belzec and Treblinka in the 
month of August 1942, was 'indisputable as to the essentials.' This 
meant, in good French, that, as for the majority of human evidence, 
one could discuss certain details of it. It is clear in fact that in a room 
of 25 square meters one can hardly cram, taking into account the 
number of children, more than three hundred people. This signifies 
quite simply that Gerstein was mistaken either on the dimensions of 
the room or the number of victims. This mistake is easily explained: 
precision in the matter of figures was not Gerstein' s predominant 
quality, and he had dramatically lived his visit to Belzec. 

"What remains is precisely what is essential. Kurt Gerstein, SS 
lieutenant, chemical engineer, charged by the SS authorities with the 
problem of disinfection, was he or was he not present 20 August 
1942, at the arrival of a train of Jewish deportees at Belzec and was 
he a witness to the extermination by carbon monoxide of these men, 
these women, and these children? The answer is: Yes, without the 
slightest doubt. In his report dated 26 April 1945, Kurt Gerstein 
pointed out that he had been accompanied by Professor Wilhelm 
Pfannenstiel of the University of Marburg. Now, the latter, in testify- 
ing on 6 June 1950 at Darmstadt, while disputing certain details of 
Gerstein's account concerning the figures put forward by him or the 
role and the remarks imputed to himself, declared no less than: 
'After having cut the women's hair, the whole batch was led into a 
building of six chambers. To my knowledge, only four were utilized. 
The people were locked into the chambers where the exhaust gases 
of an engine were introduced. Gerstein stated that about eighteen 
minutes were necessary to reestablish calm inside these chambers. 
When the Jews were led in, the rooms were lighted by electricity and 
everything proceeded calmly. But, when the light went out, screams 
made themselves heard, then quieted down little by little.' 4 

166 



A propos do temoignage^ sdr Knrf Gersteln 

Des lecieurs du Monde se sont etonnis de lire, dans Us' rapport 

de Kurt Oerjtetn cite dans la «• declaration d'hisiorUms > surla 

{^PQUtiquahitlMenned'eztermlnation » no Monde, 21 terrier) true 

dans la chambre^d gaz de BeUeo sept a huit cents personnes 

T^suZnT: 6t T y^'^^^^^ent^ m ^ 

Nop Avonfl ecrlt qua le "rfclft « le 6 Juln 1950, tout en contes- 
, de Kurt tJerateln;' qui. Chretien • tant cerSuna^detSto d? reStde 
..ardent et membra de la , S3. • aerateln, qu'll [ s?gisse cJeTcblN 



;ava£ pour le compte de celle-ci, fres -avancea par ^i-cTou du 
'vlaiW lea campatf extermination , rdle et dea propoa ml? iui etalent 
[ d ? Beta* i et de TrebllnkaaumoW . pretes. n'en P d£?L2 «£? !Sr 



_ — bati- 

|g nagea humains. on pouvair en , I c^USkn* SuMr^'slutome^ 

piece de. 25 metres carrea, on no 




peut guere entasser, en tenant 
compte <du nombre dea ' enfanta, 
plus de trots cents ipersonnea. Cela 



utliiaeea. On enferma 
» cea hommea dans lea chambrea 
» ou furent lhtrodulta lea gaz 
» d'echappement .d*un moteur, 
» Gerstein constata qu'll. fallalt 
» environ dlx-hult minutes • pour 



stgnlfle tout supplement que » que tecatoe foj rfSbul K . rSI 
Gerstein s'est tromp* soit surlea V , ?S?eu r de ^el&3! Loitqufe 
» y conduisit lea Julfa. elles etalent 
» eclaireeaa.l'electriclte* et tout 
» se deroula dans le calme. Mais, 
» lorsque la lumlere s'etelgnlW 



'/dimensions de Is piece, soit sur 
le nombre dea- betimes.' Cette 
erreur a'expllque Jaiaement : la,' 
precision en matlere de chiffrea 
n'etalt paa la qualtte predoml- 
nante de Gerstein, et 1} avalfi 
vecu dramatiquemeht 
a Belzec. 



» dea hurtements. se* flrent en- 

ea visits 1 1 f£?%T ?a P aiserent pen. a 

; .; Par allieurs. fc Gerstein, tmme- 

■' Rests ce qui est precisement diatemertt apres sa visits a Belzec 

l'essenttel. Kurt Gerstein. lleute- et a- Trebllnka,.s , etalt -confle a 

nant 83. Ingenleur chimlste un dlplomate suedola, le baron 

chared par- lea autoritea S3 dea von Otter, qui fit. rapport, a son 

kProblemes- de \\x- disinfection, ^ouvernement Que celui-ci alt 

fa-t-il, oul ou' non, -asslste, le- attendu le 7 aout; 1945 pour com- 

; -20 aout 1942, a Tarrivee d'un train ► muniquer le recit de Gerstein aux 

do deportea julfa a Belzec et a-t-il Collies (2) ,meb en cause le cou- 

etd le temoln de rextermlnatlon #**&« de ce gouvernement neutre, 

■ <v a l'oxyde de carbone de cea horn- non la veracite du recit de Ger- 

"mes, de cea , femmea et de cea stein. II seralt possible de donner 

enfants ? La; reponse eat : ouU s^d'autres details, mala on a'en vou- 

sans le molndre doute. Kurt drait d'Insister, 



Gerstein. dans son rapport? redlge 
le 26.a?ril 1S45. .^ftvaltv.slgnale 
qull avalt ete-/ aocompa#i4 par 
M le. .pMtemr-i WUheUn-. Pfannf " 
;i«tleU4eVrwWeralt6^ftiMarbt 
v'Orioelui-cl,4§posanta Darmat^dt 



(\) SatU Priedlfinder. Kurt Ger- 
stein ou? l*ambiffuitd du bi&u Parto, 
CMtonnan, 19S7, page 111. •£ • '• 
-(2&.L. PoUakov. et J. . .WulX. 

_j ism. pp. vn-wf ■ :. ♦• 



Le Monde, March 8, 1979 (p. 30) 



"In addition, Gerstein, immediately after his visit to Belzec and 
Treblinka, confided in a Swedish diplomat, Baron von Otter, who 
reported to his government. That this latter should have waited till 7 
August 1945 to communicate Gerstein's account to the Allies 5 brings 
into question the courage of this neutral government, not the veracity 
of Gerstein 's account. It would be possible to give other details, but 
one would not wish to insist." 

— Le Monde, edition of 8 March 1979, page 30 



167 



Footnotes to Chapter Four 

1. Among these journalists, one can name: 

— Geo Kelber, writer of an article published in France-Soir, 4 July 1945. 

— Madeleine Jacob, who in January 1946 submitted to the Assistant Prosecutor- 
General of the Grand Tribunal of Nurnberg, the Frenchman Charles Dubost, 
photographs of the documents which constituted PS-1553 (Pierre Joffroy, op. cit. 
page 266). 

2. The "Faurisson Affair" exploded in November 1978 when Robert Faurisson, a 

professor of literature and specialist in texts and documents teaching at the 
University of Lyon II, made it known, principally in the newspaper Le Monde, 
that after years of research he had arrived at the conclusion that homicidal gas 
chambers had never existed in any concentration camp. 

His statement gave rise to a tempest of indignation, his most virulent adversary 
being Pierre Vidal-Naquet, professor of ancient Greek history at the School of 
Advanced Practical Studies in Paris. 

Pierre Vidal-Naquet was one of the two originators of the Declaration of the 
Historians. While not a partisan of Zionism, he has always shown great interest in 
racial matters and has published many anti-Revisionist articles in newspapers 
and magazines. 

At a symposium held at the Sorbonne in July 1982 on the subject of Nazi 
Germany and the Genocide of the Jews, to which Revisionist historians were not 
admitted, Pierre Vidal-Naquet took upon himself the responsibility of explaining 
the views of the Revisionists. 

Robert Faurisson refuted his reported arguments in a book Riponse d Pierre 
Vidal-Naquet (Reply to Pierre Vidal-Naquet). 

Professor Faurisson became the defendant in legal proceedings initiated by 
LICRA (Ligue Internationale contre le Racisme et rAntistmitisme/Jntemaxionii 
League against Racism and Anti-Semitism and MRAP (Mouvement contre le 
Racisme etpour la Paix/Movement against Racism and for Peace). These asso- 
ciations, also acting on behalf of others of a similar character, accused him of 
falsifying history. 

The French court refused to recognize the principal accusation. He was con- 
victed only for "injury to others," which means injury to those who claim to have 
suffered from the exterminations, i.e., principally the Jewish community. 

In its judgment of 26 April 1983, the Court of Appeal of Paris stated that in view 
of their seriousness, "the validity of the conclusions defended by Prof. Faurisson 
are thus in the domain solely of experts, historians, and the public." That is to say, 
there was no legal case to answer. 

3. The posthumous legend has taken firm root over the years. Imagine our surprise 

on reading an article in Le Monde (23/24 January 1983) signed by Jacques 
Nobecourt and titled: "Berlin, 30 January 1933 "L' apocalypse en gibus" (Apoca- 
lypse in an opera hat); we have selected the following passage from it: "The mass 
of the Germans closed ranks [behind Hitler]. It is a fact. The rest of Europe 
understood nothing of what has happened. That is another fact. But if the masses 
as a whole have been brought to heel, it is against one individual (Hitler) that a 
stand has been taken by other individuals one by one (Willy Brandt, Kurt 
Schumacher, Klaus von Stauffenberg, Hans and Sophie School, Kurt Gerstein. 
— Two socialists, one officer, two students, an SS officer). Alone they have 
chosen their fight, and, for some, their death." 

4. Saul Friedlander, Kurt Gerstein ou Vambiguiti du bien. Paris, Casterman, 1967, 
page 111. 

5. L. Poliakov and J. Wulf, Le III. Reich et lesjuifs. Paris, Gallimard, 1959, pp. 122- 
124. 

168 



Conclusion 



In summary, what can be the contribution of this present thesis to 
our knowledge, if not of Gerstein, at least of the Gerstein "confes- 
sions"? 

We find our work to be the first in-depth study made until now of 
the texts which historians and experts, for more than thirty years, 
have been quoting in support of certain arguments on the subject of 
the deportation. To accomplish something new in this field consti- 
tuted a difficult task in certain aspects, but easy in others. 

— Difficult, because it was necessary to assemble material of 
which we knew neither the quantity nor the origin; some had been 
found in Germany at the L.K. A. of Bielefeld/Westphalia, some in the 
United States at the National Archives in Washington, and yet some 
in Paris, in the files of the French Military Justice Department. 

— Easy, because, advancing into virgin territory, we gathered a 
generous crop of unpublished documents. 

The balance sheet of our work and research could, it seems to us, 
be described in this matter: 

1. Discovery of a sixth version of the "confessions" 

To the five versions of which certain authors had declared they 
had knowledge we have been able to add a sixth: handwritten, dated 
6 May 1945, composed in French in Gerstein's own hand (T IV), and 
so short that it does not describe any gassing. To this sixth version 
are joined some supplements; the whole of this material, comprising 
the principal "confession" and the supplementary material, has never 
been published nor even pointed out by any other author. 

2. The restoration of the original text of each "confession" (in- 
cluding its supplements) 

The exact texts of the six versions have now been established by 
us, as well as the texts of their supplements. 

3. Examination of the origin and the degree of authenticity of each 
text 

The origin and the authenticity of each of the texts have been 
studied. For some of them, we have expressed certainty; for the 
others, we have put forward hypotheses which seem to us solidly 
based. We presented a file on the origin and authenticity of these 
texts to the historian Alain Decaux who, in March 1983, devoted a 
TV broadcast to Gerstein "Espion de Dieu" (God's Spy). In his book 
Histoire en Question-2 (History in Question-2), Alain Decaux has 
expressed the view that our demonstration was convincing (op.cit., 
page 309-310). 

4. Examination of the veracity of all the texts y with a statement of 
their improbabilities and discrepancies 

169 



A statement of the improbabilities and discrepancies has been 
drawn up in our chapter "Veracity of the Texts." Although it is 
certainly not complete, it appears to us that it even now suffices to 
raise a question as to the seriousness of a document which has 
always been presented to us as having an authentic historic value. In 
addition, the comparisons between one version of the texts and the 
other have brought to light, in our comparative tables, not just 
differences, but inexplicable contradictions. 

5. Thanks to a study of a file — rediscovered— of the French Mili- 
tary Justice Department, the clarification of some obscure points 

Consultation of the Gerstein file at the Direction of Military 
Justice has permitted us to elucidate some obscure points and to 
bring new facts to light on the disquieting disappearance of the 
papers found in the former SS officer 's cell after his death. We have 
been the first to find and make use of a file which the French Military 
Justice Department rediscovered, on 5 August 1971, more than 
twenty-five years after its loss. 

So much, one can say, for the assets side of the balance sheet. But 
there is also the liabilities side. One would have thought that by dint 
of assembling these documents and analyzing them, by dint of 
reading so many "confessions," the personality of Gerstein might 
appear to us less enigmatic. Such is not the case. After this study of 
the texts, one would have to undertake further research, mainly 
biographical and historical, and particularly the study of the evi- 
dence. We have not dealt with the evidence gathered after the war 
from people who, in the period from the month of August 1942 to 
April 1945, received the confession of the Obersturmfuhrer. 1 

Our thesis did not have for its principal object the personality of 
Kurt Gerstein. It was aimed at the narratives of which Gerstein is the 
author or which are attributed to him. What attitude can one adopt 
toward these accounts, not at a first reading but after an attentive 
study? 

The most indulgent will be inclined to believe that Gerstein was 
present at some painful scenes, that he saw arrive the convoys of 
deportees, a certain number of whom were dead or dying; that he 
saw the unfortunates undress completely on the orders of Ukrainian 
auxiliaries; that he saw the hair-cutting of the women; that he heard 
the lamentations of the wretched people, anxious about the fate 
awaiting them when they were pushed towards the rooms for show- 
ers or disinfection. These are the preliminaries of the account. The 
essential part concerns the gassing operations and subsequent events. 
This essential part not even the most indulgent of readers could 
accept without difficulty, so much of it is abounding with impossi- 
bilities as to the physical world. He will believe that Gerstein had 

170 



been psychologically shocked; in Gerstein's place, who would not 
have been? Moreover, the physical and mental equilibrium of the SS 
officer was very precarious. His diabetic condition sometimes pro- 
voked in Gerstein "pre-comatose conditions" which would explain 
his lapses of absent-mindedness and some of his strange reactions 
(Kurt Gerstein ou Vambiguite du bien/Kurt Gerstein or the Ambigu- 
ity of Good, page 152: letter of 30 September 1957 from Dr. Nissen 
to Gerstein 's widow). 

The most severe will consider that the preliminaries of his narra- 
tive are already flawed with improbabilities when Gerstein tells of 
the excesses committed against civilians, which are unfortunately 
common in many wars. But when Gerstein, who was a technologist, 
then comes to describe the essential thing, which is to say that 
extraordinary invention in the science of crime, the gas chambers 
intended for killing masses of human beings, the physical impossi- 
bilities that he enumerates and repeats without realizing what he is 
stating end up destroying all evidential value in his "confession." 

Among attentive readers, the most indulgent as well as the most 
severe would not in any case be able to affirm that the "Gerstein 
document" is of a quality and reliability such as could reasonably 
constitute the fundamental proof of the existence of homicidal gas 
chambers in certain camps in occupied Poland. 

And yet, his accounts have been accepted. They have been widely 
used for the last thirty years. It even seems to us that they are being 
utilized more and more. Is it because these "confessions" were 
written of his own accord by an officer of the SS that they have 
become a cornerstone, perhaps the very keystone of the intellectual 
edifice tending to prove the existence of the homicidal gas cham- 
bers? We notice that they are referred to as though they were "Holy 
Writ." To accept this evaluation, we need assurance that the 
non-Revisionist writers have first assured themselves of the reliabil- 
ity of the texts. Have they taken this elementary precaution? Our 
study leads us to reply unhesitatingly in the negative. 

Our preceding chapter has been devoted to the reactions of the 
differing categories of readers to the "confessions" of Gerstein. 
Now, at the end of this present study, we believe that the differences 
between the reactions arise, in part, from the fact that these readers 
have not all read the same text. Probably a great many only know of 
the existence of one text, not always the same one. Some have 
known successively of several texts but if they have noticed the 
variations, not to say contradictions, they have always minimized 
them, and sometimes even suppressed them. 

The obligation to establish a text before writing about it does not 
seem evident to everybody. 

171 



When beginning our work, we had envisaged presenting the 
narratives of Gerstein in accordance with the traditional method for 
classical texts in the collection of "Belles Lettres" (Fine Writings) 
commonly known as the "Collection Elided This method is to select 
a text of reference, which occupies the greater part of the printed 
page, and to point out at the bottom of the page, in the space reserved 
for criticism, the different variations of the text. We had to renounce 
this intention, because the method is inapplicable to Gerstein' s 
"confessions"; and this impossibility gives, of itself, cause to reflect 
on the nature of these "confessions." 

If we had adopted this traditional method of presenting the texts, 
perhaps we should have chosen as text of reference the document 
which we name T II, PS-1553; we should have explained our choice 
by reasons we have given on page 145, but these reasons would 
perhaps have been debatable. In fact, if PS-1553 is the version best 
known in France, thanks to Leon Poliakov, Saul Friedlander, and 
Pierre Joffroy, it is not so in Germany where, among other writers, 
Hans Rothfels and Helmut Franz have agreed on their preference for 
the German version of 4 May which we call T III. As T II and T III 
are very different from each other, we should have been obliged to 
point out these differences between the two texts and to add the 
variants supplied by all the other texts. 

Let us suppose all the same that by a simple arbitrary choice we 
had selected T II as the. sole text of reference. In this case, because of 
the profusion of variants, the critique would have occupied a dispro- 
portionate amount of space in relation to the text. One line only of 
T II would perhaps have demanded a whole page of variants. The 
reader would have lost himself in the abundance of notes. It would 
not have been possible, at least without very considerable work, to 
put together again the complete version of such or such "confes- 
sion." 

It is for this reason we have felt that we had to adopt the following 
solution: 

— a typewritten transcription of the complete text; 

— comparative tables of the principal differences, completed by a 
column of observations. 

In 1911, in his Manual de critique verbale (Handbook of Verbal 
Criticism) Louis Havet created the expression "the pathology of 
texts." Texts are like living bodies subject to illnesses. The illnesses 
of texts are their distortions across the ages. We must try to give the 
texts back their original form. Louis Havet shows that most of the 
distortions or malformations are due to time and the number of 
scoliasts, 2 but that others can be due to the mentality or ideology of 
those who reproduce them. 

172 



It is in this way that the Christian scoliasts have involuntarily or 
sometimes voluntarily Christianized Latin texts. 

Many texts have suffered transformations, throughout all periods 
of history. One might have thought that in our epoch, when the 
technical means of information and communication are consider- 
able, texts would be protected from the misadventures of the past. 
The example of Gerstein's "confessions" shows that such is not the 
case. One even notices, in this instance, an extraordinary prolifera- 
tion of manipulations and fabrications, considering that these have 
been made in a very short period of time (1945-1983). 

The generally improper utilization of the "confessions" of the 
Obersturmfuhrer must encourage us to an extreme vigilance, above 
all when it relates to texts which, by reason of their content, are 
likely to be distorted or appealed to for motives having nothing to do 
with science. 

The Fertile Spirit of Doubt 

A skeptic was needed, that is to say a person who examines, who 
doubts and reserves his judgment, to study in detail and at length and 
with caution these narrations, which have stirred up too much pas- 
sion since their successive and divergent publications. Our ambition 
has been to be that skeptic. 

Proceeding in accord with the methods universally applicable to 
the appraisal of texts, we have wished to offer historians a solid base 
from which they will be able to form their opinions. From now on, 
each historian will be able to choose his text of the "confessions" 
with full knowledge of the case, and he will have the obligation, with 
respect to his reader, to specify clearly which one is his choice; in 
this way too, we shall dispel some unfortunate misunderstandings. 

We hope that one day it will be possible to answer satisfactorily 
the multiplicity of questions raised by the Gerstein "confessions." 
No one has yet succeeded in giving those answers, which in any case 
have been impossible to obtain as long as no one had first cared 
about learning what Gerstein had truly said and written. 

Montaigne 3 can be taken as a model by skeptics. We have read 
again, in the third book of his Essays, chapter 1 1 titled "Of Cripples." 
The essayist remarks that in response to a fact reported to them, 
many people ask themselves: "How does it happen?" But Mon- 
taigne, in his view, considers that before posing oneself such a 
question, it would often be more appropriate to formulate at the start 
an elementary question: "But... does it happen?" 

We have endeavored to show, against this background, what 
happened and we leave to others the task of discovering "how it 

173 



could happen." 

The establishment of the texts attributed to Gerstein was abso- 
lutely essential, but their attentive and prudent reading is no less so. 

As we were discovering incoherencies, improbabilities, and in- 
consistencies in these narratives, a sentence of L6on Poliakov him- 
self impressed itself on us. In his afterword to Saul Friedlander 's 
book, Poliakov writes: "Psychiatrists would have plenty of things to 
tell us about the Kurt Gerstein case." (K.G., page 200) 

The texts of Gerstein have generally been read in haste, without 
questioning their veracity "as to the essentials." Paul Rassinier was 
the first to demand a special vigilance at every moment of reading 
them. It is by adopting Paul Rassinier as a model that we have 
allowed ourselves to go beyond the simple establishment of the 
texts, by questioning their authenticity and their veracity. 

Raymond Aron, in one of his last works (Le Spectateur engage! 
The Involved Spectator, page 332) reports a long discussion with 
two journalists, and concludes: "I have not convinced them, but I 
have made them breathe in the fertile spirit of doubt." 

The Gerstein "confessions" have supplied support to the growth 
of various beliefs. In our opinion, we consider that this support is not 
worthy of confidence. 

Now, the "confessions" of the SS officer have to be reread without 
forgetting for a single moment what Raymond Aron called "the 
fertile spirit of doubt." 



Footnotes to Conclusion 

l.Guillaume Bude (1467-1540,) French Renaissance humanist. He spread the 
knowledge of ancient Greek and instigated the foundation of the College of 
France. 

2. Commentators and interpreters of the ancient Latin, Greek' etc. texts. 

3. Michel Yquem de Montaigne (1533-1592), perhaps more than any other Renais- 

sance writer, embodies the French traditions of rational skepticism, common 
sense, and tolerance. 



174 



Afterword 

The Ger stein Story: 

Questions and Comments 

by Ronald V. Percival 

The thesis was concerned only with a critical appreciation of the 
texts of Gerstein's "confessions"; it was not concerned with his 
personality or history, and many interesting questions remain. 

The three biographies of Gerstein (please see pages 6 and 7) and 
Hochhuth's play were propaganda tracts rather than historical stud- 
ies and are more misleading than helpful. 

If Gerstein survives as a character of historic interest, it will not be 
for his exposure of Nazi atrocities, because his evidence is worthless. 
He would survive because of the amazing tissue of lies he wove and 
because he duped so many for such a length of time. 

One would hope that one day an authentic historian, instead of a 
propagandist, might decide to get at the truth about Gerstein. He was 
mentally unbalanced, to be sure, but was he quite mad? Was he also 
a racketeer? 

The notes below are not a critique, but suggest some starting 
points for such an inquiry. 

Gerstein the Confessor 

Apart from the four texts which are known to have originated 
from Gerstein, copies, drafts, and fragments of others have come to 
light. All these were apparently written between 26 April and 6 May 
1945. Then the French seem to have stopped him when they found he 
had given a copy, with notes, to the Anglo-American investigators. 
He must have spent all his days writing and typing. 

Why so many? 

While on parole at Rottweil he was free to walk about. He had 
some German money. He wrote only once to his wife, on the day of 
his departure. Although he could have given her a return address (via 
the Red Cross and other POW organizations), he did not do so. On 
the contrary, he makes a point of telling her that he does not know 
where he is going. Furthermore, he does not even mail the letter. 

That one unposted letter is the sum total of his contacts with his 
own world, once he had deserted. 

It seems very clear that he wished to stay untraceable. 

But might he have written to his protecting friend Hollander, with 

175 



whom he seems to have been in some sort of complicity? 

When Gerstein deserted, the war was almost over. The French had 
no need of prisoners and would certainly have turned him back had 
he not interested them by his "confessions," which supposedly im- 
plicated war criminals. 

Gerstein would have known this, of course. Is this why he in- 
vented the "confessions"? So that he could stay hidden and untrace- 
able and not be returned to Germany? 

The key improbabilities of his evidence are already pointed out in 
the thesis, but a further list could be continued indefinitely. For 
example: 

• How would the 1,450 dead-on-arrival have been disposed of? 
Several trucks with workers would have been necessary to take them 
away. 

• How could the little girl have had a coral necklace if all the 
victims had stripped naked and turned in all valuables? 

But a much more significant example is: 

• Why would the SS store the bodies of prisoners who had died of 
typhus? This is an amazing notion. 

It is incredible that the SS would store typhous corpses and even 
more incredible that anyone with a pretense to a knowlege of hy- 
giene would report that they did. 

To prevent further infection, the best solution with a typhous 
corpse is to burn it immediately— hence the crematoria and the 
smokestacks. Failing that, the next best solution is to bury it as 
deeply as possible so that none of the bacteria, etc. in the body will 
contaminate the local water supply. 

Although Gerstein reports this incident as hearsay, it is not only 
obviously false in itself, but disproves all his other claims of being an 
expert at disinfection, of having had medical training, and so on. 

Evidently, he had no knowledge of the first rules of hygiene. 

Gerstein the Student 

20 years old when he passed the Abitur (final high-school exami- 
nation). Perhaps later than average, but then he had changed schools 
quite frequently. 

26 years old when he qualified as a junior mining engineer. Surely 
rather late? 

As he does not mention otherwise, he must have worked above 
ground, an interpretation which is supported by other evidence. He 
probably worked at a desk/materials-procurement job for machinery, 
since this seems to have been his specialty, if he had one. He claims 
no expert knowledge of geology, which is an essential study for a 

176 



fully qualified mining engineer. 

31 years old (interrogation of 26.6.45 by Commandant Beck- 
hardt), he began the study of tropical medicine at Tubingen. Another 
bizarre assertion which seems patently false: 

• Since the loss of her tropical colonies after the First World War, 
Germany had very little interest in tropical medicine: thus, there 
were no career opportunities. 

• Would a small university like Tubingen have offered a course in 
tropical medicine? 

• Even if there were opportunities to study, Gerstein would definitely 
not have been permitted to study tropical medicine (a romantic and 
glamorous profession at the time) unless he had first qualified in 
general medicine. 

• His "confessions" show that Gerstein had no knowledge of 
medicine whatsoever. 

Although this statement is obviously self-aggrandizing nonsense, 
a question remains: he could not have been studying medicine, tropi- 
cal or otherwise; what then was he doing at that time, if anything? 

Gerstein the Activist 

In 1925, his joining a religious youth group had no special 
significance of its own. The social mores in Germany were much 
more conformist than they are today and nearly all middle-class 
youths belonged to one such group or another. These groups also 
served as social clubs where the young could meet each other. 
Gerstein 's later wife was the daughter of a parson. 

His religious convictions, around which he created such a fable in 
his "confessions," did not stop him from joining the Nazi party, the 
S A and the Waffen SS. A political/military career is an unlikely route 
for a devout believer. 

Looking at the dates, one could assume that he joined the Nazi 
party in 1933 to jump on the bandwagon of Hitler's accession to 
power, though we should also remember that many ardent Christians 
of all sects were at the same time ardent Nazis. 

In 1935-36, we see the first signs of eccentricity/mental aberra- 
tion. 

Germans happen to enjoy their old folktales (Wagner's operas are 
probably the best-known examples). Wittekind is no more "pagan" 
than, say, Shakespeare's King Lear. If this was a gala performance 
and the audience was there to have a pleasant evening out, no 
wonder that Gerstein's interruptions were resented. What could be 
more natural? He chose a good occasion to make himself and his 
cause, whatever it was, distinctly unpopular. 

177 



The escapade of the miners' excursion (which, if Gerstein organ- 
ized it, further indicates that he worked in the office) can perhaps be 
attributed to a warped sense of humor. But the seditious material 
found in his rooms on that occasion is more significant because he 
was still a stormtrooper. Was he a schizophrenic? Or just looking for 
trouble? 

Then, to cap it all, he seems to have been involved in some sort of 
plot to restore the Kaiser. The frenetic irrationality of this scheme 
could be compared to an American trying to restore King George III 
c. 1800. Nothing came of the plot because nothing could come of it. 
Still, one is forced to the view that he was losing contact with reality. 

All in all, Gerstein seems to have been an out-and-out nuisance, 
and one is surprised by the tolerance shown by the German authori- 
ties. Or was he well-known as a relatively harmless fantasist? One 
suspects that if indeed two junior Gestapo officers recommended 
him to the army, they were doing themselves some good by getting a 
scallawag out of town and letting the army straighten him out. 

Gerstein the Soldier 

Germany had already been at war for one and a half years when he 
joined up. His father, for one, thought that Gerstein was malingering; 
but equally likely Gerstein, in light of his patchy record to date, 
could have been nervous about presenting himself to the authorities 
once more. 

Nearly 36 years old, he joins the Waffen SS: too old and too 
temperamentally unreliable for first-line combat and, by the same 
token, unsuitable for extended and costly officer-training. 

In his "confession," Gerstein makes great theater out of his joining 
the Waffen SS, which had, in fact, recently been formed for the 
attack on Russia and for which recruits were urgently needed. 

The Waffen SS quickly became a first-class combat army, no 
doubt; even though, with rear-echelon officers such as Gerstein, one 
can but marvel. But it was joined only by organizational ties to the 
General SS, at that time considered the corps d' elite of the Nazi state. 

Gerstein, of course, exploits this confusion to his own profit, by 
letting it be believed he was at the very center of the system. And to 
support this deception, he loves quoting names and titles (some of 
which he cannot even spell) right up to the level of the Fiihrer 
himself. 

The facts show, however, that Gerstein was hardly on the periph- 
ery, let alone at the center of the system. As a junior officer with a 
dubious past and an uncertain future, he was given one of the 
lowliest and most humiliating tasks: sanitary/disinfection. The word 

178 



for this in the British army, for example, even in these more relaxed 
times, is not printable. Let us merely say that the pathway to the 
General Staff is not via the debugging unit, and leave it at that. 

He was ordered about by younger but more senior officers, which 
must have hurt his conception of himself as an outstanding individu- 
alist. Except for his routine promotion to Obersturmfuhrer (one 
could not stay in the rank of Untersturmfuhrer; one was either 
returned to the ranks or dismissed if not promoted), he never merited 
further promotion throughout his four-year army career, even though, 
latterly, replacement officers were desperately needed for the combat 
formations. Like a dud soldier in any army, more menace than use, 
he was kept in the rear. 

So far as we know, he worked at a petty desk job in Berlin 
processing the orders for a pesticide. Even so, this is the most 
significant period of his life: the period in which his "confessions" 
are based; the period when he says he went to Belzec, when he heard 
about typhous corpses stacked like link sausages in a supermarket, 
when he was putting up a grand show of anti-Nazi resistance by 
listening to the BBC and accosting Swedish diplomats in railway 
trains; and, as we shall show, when he was working some sort of 
private racket with Zyklon B. 

But this is the period which, in truth, we know nothing about. 

Gerstein the Expert — Prussic Acid 

Confusingly, Gerstein calls prussic acid (hydrogen cyanide — 
HCN) by different names, such as "cyanide," "hydro-cyanide," "the 
poison," etc. 

It is used at various strengths in industry and medicine (not 
surprisingly, highly diluted, it is a very efficient tranquilizer) and the 
strength is carefully designated, i. e. 1%, 8%, 0.002%, or whatever. 
We have to assume, because we have no other choice, that as 
Gerstein was writing about prussic acid to kill people and did not 
designate any strength less than full-strength, then he must have 
meant full-strength prussic acid whenever he refers to this poison in 
his "confessions." 

It is extremely expensive and extremely dangerous to produce. 

It is extremely expensive and extremely dangerous to transport, 
handle, and deliver. 

As we have to evaluate prussic acid as a cost-effective killing 
agent, these two facts have to be borne in mind when we compare it 
with other methods, such as an ordinary mass-produced rifle-bullet. 

Some of its characteristics are: 

• It is colorless, like water. For safety reasons, most manufacturers 

179 



add a dye, traditionally the "prussian blue." 

• So far as we know, it has a sweetish smell. Because this odor is 
practically unnoticeable, manufacturers add a gas: either a tear gas or 
a nauseous gas. 

• It boils at 26°C. Human body heat is about 37.5°. 

• Its freezing point is -15°C. 

• It is soluble in water and other liquids. 

• When exposed to the air at temperatures above -15 °C, it evapo- 
rates very rapidly (like high octane fuel) at a rate accelerating pro 
rata with the temperature. The fumes are of course fatal to any kind 
of life except bacteria. 

• A dose of 0.05 gram is immediately fatal. 

• A dose of 0.01 gram will kill a normal adult within one hour. 

• Depending on the concentration or duration of exposure, a resi- 
due can stick to surfaces for some time. This is why, after an opera- 
tion with Zykloii B, lengthy ventilation is necessary. 

• Prussic acid can be absorbed through the skin, even as a gas. 
Hence, gas-masks and protective clothing have only a limited utility. 

• If more than 75 grams are stored per cubic meter, it will explode. 
This explosive characteristic accounts for the superior efficiency of 
the Zyklon B pesticide (see below). 

• Interestingly, it dissolves gold and is therefore used in the 
goldmining industry. Gerstein had studied mining. Is this how he 
first heard of it? 

• In America, it is still used to execute criminals. The technique of 
the operation is extremely complicated: a study of this technique 
must surely convince anyone how utterly impractical prussic acid is 
as a quick, economical killing-agent for mass exterminations. 

In Gerstein's time, there was an aura of mystery and horror about 
prussic acid, which still persists. To some extent, it is still an "un- 
knowable" chemical, for the good and simple reason that experimen- 
tation with it is so difficult, expensive, and dangerous. 

Gerstein 's practical know-how, his grasp of the simplest arithme- 
tic, was almost nil. The thought of his handling a truly sophisticated 
and hazardous chemical such as prussic acid is simply ludicrous. 

The safest method of transporting prussic acid is to freeze it and 
keep it frozen; but the special fridges, containers, and so forth would 
have been very difficult and costly in war-time Germany. 

Significantly, not once does he tell us what sort of container the 
prussic acid was packed in that he carried from Kollin to Belzec. The 
reason for this omission is probably simple: he had never had actual 
experience of transporting prussic acid, nor had he ever witnessed it 
being transported. 

Later, under pressure from Mattei, he stated "steel bottles," which 

180 



confirmed his lie that he had transported prussic acid: it cannot be 
transported in steel bottles. 

Gerstein quotes only two reports, which are hearsay reports, of 
killings by prussic acid: the Jews at Maria-Theresienstadt and the 
children at Auschwitz. Both reports are wildly unfeasible. 

• The 100/260 kilos (to fill the capacity of the lorry) he was 
supposed to have picked up at Kollin would have been sufficient to 
provide instant death for 2 to 5.2 million persons, i.e., the equivalent 
of several atomic bombs. 

If the Germans were prepared to produce such vast quantities and 
use them so recklessly (lobbing opened cans from the battlements 
into a castle moat) why did they bother to invade Russia with an 
army? Surely, a few well-placed prussic acid gas-attacks would have 
been infinitely more cost effective? 

Meantime, what were the views of the solemn Dr. Pfannenstiel, a 
doctor of medicine, about trundling such a cargo over the potholed 
roads of Poland? In war time? 

• The quantity of 8,500 kilos he mentions as Gunther 's stock 
would have been sufficient to kill 170 (not 8) million people; which, 
if let loose in Berlin, could well have put paid to the history of 
Europe and Gerstein forever. 

• If we take Gerstein's own calculation of approximately one gram 
per person, then the acid may have been diluted to about 5% strength, 
in which case, it would not have been effective in rooms such as 
clubs and lecture-halls, which have very large air-spaces and, pre- 
sumably, reasonably good ventilation; for as the fumes arose, they 
would have been diluted into infinitesimal proportions by the air. 

The fact of the matter seems to be that Gerstein knew nothing 
about prussic acid as such, other than what he might have picked up 
from the melodramatic Hollywood gangster films that were so popu- 
lar in Germany before the war. 

Gerstein the expert — Zyklon B 

Thanks principally to the propagandist historians, Zyklon B has 
worked its way into the realm of mythology; and we need to make an 
intense and careful effort to treat the subject rationally. 

The Degesch firm had held the patent for Zyklon B since 1922. 
This patent does not cover prussic acid, which had been developed in 
the previous century. It covers a process whereby the gas from a very 
small quantity of prussic acid is released over a period of hours, 
instead of instantaneously, in order to kill vermin. In Britain, this 
general process was known as fumigation. 

Undoubtedly there has been much confusion about Zyklon B. The 

181 



principle reason for this is that when Gerstein attached the Degesch 
invoices to the best-known of his "confessions," he let it be under- 
stood by implication that the Zyklon B on those invoices was one 
and the same thing as the mass-killing poison he had referred to in 
his "confession." 

A further reason is that Zyklon B was almost invariably referred 
to, verbally and in writing, as "prussic acid"; just as one says or 
writes "aspirin," whereas the pure chemical is only a small percent- 
age of the whole. 

Another reason has been that during the witch-hunts after the war 
(and which still continue), when, thanks to Gerstein, Zyklon B had 
earned an unholy glory, no sane German would admit he had any 
knowledge of Zyklon B, because to do so was tantamount to a 
confession of murder. 

Thus, this ridiculous myth has been allowed to grow. 

It is significant that throughout his "confessions," Gerstein never 
once mentions Zyklon B itself by name; he never specifically identifies 
Zyklon B as a killing-agent for mass exterminations. 

Zyklon B was also manufactured in France, Britain, and the U. S. 
A. Was he fearful that if he drew too much attention to the Degesch 
invoices, the investigators might discover what the product actually 
was and thus expose his deceit? 

As a matter of fact, he gave the Degesch invoices to the Anglo- 
American investigators who, as events proved, did not understand 
them properly. But he withheld them from the French, to whom he 
had deserted, who had first right to all his evidence, and who, 
moreover, had been treating him very decently. 

But the French, being neighbors, know Germany much better than 
do Americans or British. The French include Alsatians, who read and 
speak fluent German. 

In other words, Gerstein wanted to prove that he was buying 
"prussic acid" under the name Zyklon B, and diverting this lethal 
prussic acid for disinfection (which is what Zyklon B was intended 
for). So he gave this "evidence" to the parties least likely to be 
suspicious, the Anglo-Americans. And, incidentally, from that point 
onward, the maniac legend of Zyklon B took flight. 

Zyklon B had been a standard-issue pesticide in the German army 
since 1917. At that stage of the first world war, both sides were using 
poison gas, principally PP-dichloroethylsulphide, which is better 
known as mustard gas; but neither that nor any of the other gases 
were based on prussic acid. 

German technology on the uses of prussic acid was in fact more 

182 



advanced than that of the Allies, but both sides had undertaken 
tremendous reasearch in poison gases for mass extermination on the 
battlefield. 

It is very strange that the Germans, who already had Zyklon B — 
which is a sophisticated use of prussic acid — on their books, could 
not invent an effective poison gas based on prussic acid, practicable 
for mass killings, if such had been possible. No doubt they re- 
searched it, and found it impossible. 

The manual published in Berlin (a similar one was published in 
Prague) is of particular interest because the foreword mentions Ger- 
stein by name. Gerstein was never loath to hand himself a bouquet, 
and there must be some significance in the fact that in his "confes- 
sions" Gerstein does not mention his star role in this production. We 
can be sure that his omission was not due to forgetfulness. Could it 
be that if he had brought this manual to the attention of the investiga- 
tors, they would quickly have spotted that Zyklon B was of no 
practical use for killing people, especially the wholesale murder of 
hundreds of people at a time? 

The SS Colonel, Professor J. Mrugowsky, who was Gerstein's 
commanding officer at the Hygiene institute in Berlin, was executed 
after the war for allegedly having conducted medical experiments on 
criminals who had been condemned to death. It will be noted that he 
edited the Berlin manual. 

Gerstein surely knew Mrugowsky: they worked in the same build- 
ing and must have met frequently, if not at work then in the dining 
room. Gerstein must have reported to him on the subject of the 
manual. 

Gerstein does not hesitate to implicate a full general (Globocnik) 
whose name he cannot spell properly and Eichmann (whose name he 
cannot spell either) although he evidently met Globocnik only once, 
in Poland, and Eichmann, who was in Vienna, possibly not at all. 

The question of "war crimes" trials, which become more squalid 
and repugnant as the years go by, does not concern us. That aside, 
Mgurowsky was a senior officer — by all accounts — a brilliant 
doctor. Why does not Gerstein, who evidently loved name-dropping 
for its own sake, mention him? His own commanding officer? Can it 
be that if he had mentioned Mrugowsky the manual would have 
come to light, and that manual, in addition to Mrugowsky' s own 
evidence on Zyklon B, would have exposed Gerstein's lies? 

The documents show that Zyklon B was a mixture of 98% prussic 
acid and 2% stabilizer/tear-gas. This mixture was held in a "porous 
mass" (it was actually a wood/vegetable fiber) in the form of a white 

183 



disc. 

What the manuals do not make clear (but they are, after all, 
operating manuals and not laboratory formulas) is: 

• What was the stabilizer which obviously allowed the prussic acid 
to disperse gradually over a period of hours and thus reach every 
nook and cranny of the room rather than evaporate almost immedi- 
ately, as would pure untreated prussic acid? 

• What were the proportions of prussic acid, tear gas, and stabi- 
lizer in the porous mass? In other words, if we have a 500-gram tin of 
Zyklon B, how much of it is actually prussic acid? 

The element of warning tear gas need not worry us: 1 part to 10 
million parts of air will temporarily blind. Thus, if we are discussing 
quantities of tear gas that will merely warn but not incapacitate a 
person, we are arriving at infinitesimally miniscule figures, which in 
any case are irrelevant to the main process. 

Although we do not have full details of the composition of the 
Zyklon B disc, we can arrive at an estimate by another route: 

• Rats are commonly used in laboratory tests because their reac- 
tions are usually similar to those of human beings. 

• It took six grams of the Zyklon B disc to kill all the rats in a cubic 
meter within four hours. 

• Three average-sized men take up one cubic meter. 

• We know that 0.01 of a gram of prussic acid will kill a man 
within one hour. 

• We know that army manuals are highly concerned with wide 
safety margins, that is to say, the certain death of the rats and the 
maximum dispersal of dangerous fiimes. 

• So let us be somewhat generous, and, for the purposes of this 
simple exercise, ignore the difference in time and assume that all the 
rats really died within the hour. 

• Thus, if 0.03 grams of prussic acid are necessary to kill three men 
but 6 grams of Zyklon B disc are necessary to achieve the same 
result, then the prussic acid actually dispersed under the control of 
the stabilizer from Zyklon B was 200 times weaker than pure prussic 
acid. 

• If four hours really had been necessary to kill all the rats, then the 
emission from the disc would have been more prolonged and thus 
even weaker. 

In other words, with the addition of a little eau de cologne (which 
would, of course, dilute it further still) we are arriving within reach 
of a medicated after-shave. 

While prussic acid — even the gas — can be absorbed through the 
skin, the operator in the Berlin manual is not even wearing gloves. 

However, as already mentioned, in the disinfection services of the 

184 



German army the brand name "Zyklon B" was rarely used in prac- 
tice. "Cyclone," as a name, did not convey much meaning. It could 
equally well have described a detergent. Thus, both verbally and in 
writing, either the words "prussic acid" or "cyanide" were used to 
describe Zyklon B. And why not? There was no other prussic acid or 
cyanide to confuse it with. 

No doubt the disinfection services of the German army saved 
themselves time and trouble by calling Zyklon B by its predominant 
component, which everyone would recognize and pay attention to, 
but they have indisputably caused much confusion ever since. 

It was this terminology that helped Gerstein to pass off his fraud 
with the DEGESCH invoices. On these is noted, as a warning and as 
the main component, Blausaure, which means blue (prussic) acid, 
and the mere name excites the imagination. It fit neatly into all the 
propaganda. No one checked what Zyklon B was or how it actually 
functioned. 

Now, we have to await an enterprising holocaustomaniac to offer 
the suggestion that the true nature of Zyklon B, as we have summa- 
rized it, is convincing as far as it goes, but it does not go far enough. 
To be sure, there must have been two Zyklons: the one a pesticide 
and the other (in unlabelled tins?) which was a form of prussic acid 
used to kill hundreds of people at one time. 

Anticipating this folly: 

• No army allows in its stores two dissimilar products with the 
same name: in this case, a routine pesticide and a horridly poisonous 
gas. The risks are too high. 

• The SS offers us a particular example of the reasons for this rule. 
Many SS men, and particularly the lower ranks and auxiliaries, were 
not even German nationals whose native language was German. 
They were Czech, Dutch, Belgian, Ukrainian, French, etc., etc., 
whose knowledge of German was rudimentary. 

• How would a Dutch sergeant-storekeeper, with a Polish corpo- 
ral-assistant and three Ukrainian privates (whose own language is 
written in Cyrillic) ever have sorted out one Zyklon product from 
another? For immediate delivery? In time of war? The idea is farci- 
cal. 

• Of course, there were stock/inventory numbers to go by, in 
addition to the name of the article, but these numbers, for ordinary 
working purposes, exacerbate rather than solve a problem. They are 
merely for administrative controls. 

How would a Romanian, who could hardly read and write in his 
own language, read off a ten-digit number in German that a Dutch 
sergeant could understand? 

185 



• And if the tin were not even labelled? And there were thousands 
of other tins in store whose labels had come unstuck because the 
British had bombed the barge on the Rhine, and it had been water- 
logged for three days? 

• And if the unlabelled tins had got mixed with identical unla- 
beled tins of sauerkraut? What then? 

If there was a killing gas which was meant to be kept secret, why 
should it be called Zyklon also, and thus cause confusion? Would it 
not have been more sensible to call it Product X? Except that Product 
X, if it was prussic acid, would have needed such careful labelling 
and storage that it could never be kept secret. 

Or some Croatian corporal, or perhaps Hungarian, from simple 
curiosity, wondering what those technological Germans were up to, 
might open a tin to have a look. 

And we also know prussic acid cannot be stored in cans. 

We return full circle to the original question: If it could be shown 
that gas chambers existed, we might then be able to figure out how 
they worked; but since mass-extermination gas chambers did not 
exist, can we add one absurdity to another by trying to show how the 
impossible worked? 

Gerstein the Expert — Gas Chambers 

Apart from the alleged episode at Belzec, Gerstein, curiously 
enough, never does make explicitly clear what killing-agent was 
ultimately used for his massive exterminations. He writes constantly 
about prussic acid and leaves us with the impression, by implication, 
that prussic acid was used; but he does not say so clearly. This is an 
astonishing omission for a trained engineer who kept a file on the 
subject. He does not even state whether the inefficient Diesel engine 
at Belzec was ever switched over to prussic acid or some other 
system. 

Some extermination theorists have suggested carbon monoxide, 
which is an emission from an ordinary motor engine. But the Ger- 
mans were short of motor fuel; nor are there any records of unusual 
quantities of motor fuel having been delivered to the camps. Neither 
the motors nor the chambers have ever been found. There have never 
been eyewitnesses; and besides, the propagandists have always in- 
sisted that the killing agent was prussic acid. 

Taking their lead from Gerstein, it was Zyklon B which attracted 
and held the attention of the propagandists. If prussic acid crystals 
could be thrown about like popcorn, what need for other evidence? 

Two typical instances from propagandist historians will suffice: 

• Raul Hilberg, whose athletic prowess in the struggle against 

186 



evidence has been mentioned in the foreword, states that Zyklon was 
prussic acid in pellet form, packed in cans, and that it was odorless. 
"One can after another" was emptied into the gas chamber through a 
lattice window by a masked SS man. 1 

• Gerald Reitlinger writes that Zyklon B was a disinfectant gas 
arising from blue hydrocyanide crystals. 2 

Neither of them knew what Zyklon B was, and neither had both- 
ered to check. 

The question remains whether prussic acid crystals or pellets can 
be used in this way. 

The answer in Hilberg's case is that his idea is pure schoolboy 
farce. Mask or no mask, the SS man would not have survived to get 
to the top of the ladder; and since the cans were opened before he 
started up, neither would any bystanders have survived. 

Reitlinger has been more careful. He has avoided telling us how 
the crystals were delivered, and has not given us any description of 
the gas chamber. He simply seems to have borrowed the idea from 
the actual method used to execute criminals in the States, without 
mentioning the enormous cost and complexity of the American 
operation: a cost and a complexity quite beyond Germany's re- 
sources in time of war. 

Prussic acid was first developed by a Berliner (hence its name) but 
many of its industrial uses were later developed by the French 
physicist, Guy-Lussac. Thus France has a strong tradition and much 
experience with prussic acid. 

One of France's leading experts prepared for Henri Roques a 
statement on the subject, to be used in evidence if necessary. We 
cannot do better than reproduce it in full, except that, to avoid any 
undesired publicity, we have omitted the names of the French and 
German companies and the precise location of their factories. 

Translation 

G6rard Roubeix 

51 Aveneu de la Coquetterie 

44000 Nantes 

12 February 1987 

Monsieur le President 

Monsieur les Juges 

Of the Administrative Tribunal of Nantes. 

Gentlemen, 

The Roques Affair 
Having completed most of my career as an engineer in the hydro- 
cyanic acid industry, I have always followed with interest what has 

187 



been said and published on the subject of the gas chambers allegedly 
used by the Nazis to exterminate some six million victims. In this 
way, along with others, I have interested myself in the Roques Affair. 

A former student at the Central School of Arts and Manufactures 
of Paris (1947), in 1951 I joined the ...X... group as a chemical 
engineer in their technical center at Lyon, whose principle project at 
that time was the study and then the construction of a large cyano- 
acrylic complex for the ...X... company at (small French town). I 
participated in the works relating to pilot-installations of hydro- 
cyanide at Toulouse, and other monomers — acrylonitrile and esters 
— at [small French town]. 

In 1960 1 was appointed manager of this factory at [small French 
town] which, towards 1970, became the largest hydrocyanide fac- 
tory in the world. In 1965, the ...X... company constructed a second 
factory on the outskirts of Lyon and I was appointed technical 
manager and then assistant general manager of the whole operation. 
I can therefore confirm having had a good knowledge of die prob- 
lems relating to the handling of hydrocyanic acid and the extraordi- 
nary safety measures involved. 

Thus it was with astonishment that I have learned of the various 
documents published by witnesses of the gas chambers, as well as 
the reports, films, and TV programs based on them. 

When one recognizes the seriousness of German technicians, for 
whom no effort is ever too much and, above all, in aspects of safety, 
one is stupefied by the puerile character of the descriptions of the 
installations for gassing and their utilisation. One does not play 
games with hydrocyanic acid; that is the reason why, although more 
toxic than most other asphyxiating gases, it has never been used as a 
combat gas in any war. 

In regard to its manufacture and industrial use, they are not 
possible except at the cost of draconian safety measures and the 
operation of extremely sophisticated and very expensive equipment. 

A second argument makes me skeptical of the value of the evi- 
dence relating to gas chambers. 

In 1954, when our research was sufficiently advanced and it was 
decided to construct industrial plants, the management requested 
that we should buy from [German company] the process for Acrylo- 
nitrile, for which the results of our pilot installation had not been 
sufficiently convincing. In effect, it was proved that in matters of 
chemistry and technology the Germans were more advanced than us; 
but on the other hand, on the question of safety, they had stayed with 
the old-fashioned treatment, while our Advisor-Professor had al- 
ready developed the treatment of those poisoned by hydrocyanic 
acid with pure oxygen, a method which thereafter had to be adopted 

188 



throughout the whole world. How is it possible to imagine that with 
six million guinea pigs at their disposal, on whom one could try 
every possible experiment, the researchers of (German company) 
could not have made decisive progress in this field in comparison 
with their foreign competitors, who themselves could only experi- 
ment on animals? When one bears in mind that the application to 
humans of results obtained on an animal is very problematical: we 
have seen this very well at [small French town] when our Advisor- 
professor wished to test a preventative treatment for hydrocyanic 
poisoning which, on the animal, had given every satisfaction... 

Finally, my thorough knowledge of the German language has 
allowed me to recognize the misinterpretations, omissions, and 
falsifications of all kinds in French translations of German docu- 
ments when a photocopy of the German original has been available. 

Arising from all this, what troubles me is a serious doubt of the 
worth of evidence relating to extermination gas chambers, and I 
thank and congratulate Monsieur Roques for having, through his 
thesis on Gerstein, considerably clarified the question. 

Remaining at your disposal for any details you may require, I 
request you to accept, gentlemen, the assurance of my very deep 
respect. 
(Signed Gerard Roubeix) 

Anyone can make an honest mistake. Perhaps Hilberg and Reitlin- 
ger were only mistaken about Zyklon and prussic acid; but are the 
rest of the accounts credible? 

We do well to ask this question because it goes to the heart of the 
problem: whether their histories are worth anything at all. 

• Hilberg 's corpses are "pink in color, with green spots." 

In fact, they would have shown no abnormal color at all. Cyanide 
victims do not take on the appearance of tropical mushrooms. 

(Gerstein's victims at Belzec were blue, whereas if there had been 
any coloration, it should have been pinkish.) 

• He has an Untersturmfuhrer Grabner "ready with stopwatch in 
hand" as the "political chief of the camp" of Auschwitz. This lad 
would have been in his late teens or very early twenties, hardly 
qualifying for a vote in a general election. What would Auschwitz, 
which, according to Hilberg, was staffed by homicidal Nazi maniacs, 
be doing with a "political chief anyway? 

The stopwatch, obviously, has been pinched from Gerstein's 
"confessions," but even so, why would he need one? The deaths took 
2 to 4 minutes (they should actually have been instantaneous). What 
would be the purpose of a stop-watch? To time the Red Cross car that 
delivered the "Zyklon"? 

189 



• Reitlinger tells us that "Zyklon B" was used at Auschwitz from 
March 1942 and that Gerstein was sent to Belzec in August 1942 to 
demonstrate the system. In that case, Gerstein would have had to 
have gone to Auschwitz to learn what the system was. But there is no 
evidence that Gerstein had ever been to Auschwitz, nor did he ever 
try to switch over the Belzec system. According to Gerstein, he had 
no prussic acid with which to switch over the Belzec system; he had 
buried it outside the camp before he ever arrived. 

Furthermore, all the evidence shows that Gerstein knew abso- 
lutely nothing about operations with prussic acid. 

We have chosen the examples of these two writers not because 
their books are more ridiculous than most, but for the contrary 
reason: if thoughtlessly read as romance, their books can be quite 
convincing. The alert reader has to give himself a mental shake from 
time to time and remember that he is reading fiction, and not history. 

Logic insists that there were no prussic acid gas chambers. Is it 
possible that there were any other types of gas chambers. The use of 
carbon monoxide, because of the shortage of motor-fuel, was not 
possible; diesel, with the additional reason that it was ineffective, 
equally so. 

No one seems to have suggested any other gases, but let us study 
this question just a little further, and then close the subject. 

• A gas chamber — any gas chamber — by definition, has to be 
airtight. 

• This being so, then pumping the air out or quickly burning off 
the oxygen inside is quicker, more effective, safer, cleaner, simpler, 
and cheaper than pumping poisons in. 

• No expensive construction works are necessary; a semi-base- 
ment or cellar could easily be adapted. 

These facts are easily proved, and make the gas chamber theory as 
a whole untenable. 

Is it likely that the Germans, whose engineering expertise is 
second to none, would have overlooked the possibility of vacuum- 
chambers if (a huge "if, of course) they had had any mass-extermi- 
nation project in mind? 

In the concentration camps, rooms have been found and are still 
on show, which might have been suitable. But 

• Even though they are not airtight and show no signs of ever 
having been used as gas chambers (e.g. plumbing), the publicity 
handouts still designate them as gas — not vacuum — chambers. 

• Since the war, alterations to the rooms have been made to give 
them a more convincing appearance. 

• It seems that in fact they were storerooms, sometimes garages, 

190 



and were also used as air-raid shelters. 

• In any event, there is nothing extraordinary about them. They 
are just such rooms as one would expect to find in a vast industrial 
complex such as Auschwitz, for example. 

And yet Gerstein was a mining engineer. 

Natural "gas chambers" underground are a hazard of mines, an 
everyday concern. 

And so, by the same token, are pumps; pumps of all sorts: pumps 
to pump out water, pumps to pump in air, pumps to pump out gases. 
One of the very first lessons he should have learned is that when a 
miner is deprived of oxygen he becomes unconscious almost imme- 
diately, within fifteen to thirty seconds; much more quickly than by 
any practical method of gassing. Within a maximum of ten minutes 
the victim is thoroughly dead. 

When Gerstein wrote of prussic acid and hygiene, he wrote non- 
sense. 

But the difference is that he did have a diploma as a mining 
engineer and therefore should have known he was writing nonsense 
when he wrote about gas-chambers. 

We meet the same enigma constantly with Gerstein: his lack of 
contact with the real world. 

Gerstein the Purchasing/Materials Procurement Officer 
— The Degesch Invoices 

Gerstein states that, acting as an anti-Nazi resister and as a savior 
of mankind, he diverted supplies of Zyklon B to the disinfection 
service. Once again, he is having us understand that Zyklon B was 
prussic acid for mass killings, but it was not; it was a disinfectant, 
used by the disinfection services of the German army since 1917/There 
was no question of his diverting Zyklon B to the disinfection service. 
The disinfection service is where it should have gone: they had 
ordered it. 

It is also very strange that although he wants us to believe that 
making Zyklon B "disappear into the disinfection service" (which 
was about as significant as making potatoes disappear into a kitchen) 
was his ongoing anti-Nazi wartime activity, the Degesch invoices 
given to the Allied investigators cover only the brief period of three 
and a half months, and the invoices were made out about one year 
before Gerstein himself decided to "disappear." 

There is also semi-reliable evidence that, in spite of Allied air 
raids on Dessau, the railways and so on, the normal routine supplies 
of Zyklon B to the disinfection services of the concentration camps 

191 



were never seriously disrupted. Thus, it seems clear that Gerstein 's 
own private activities with Zyklon B — whatever they were — were 
quite a separate and different matter and had nothing to do with 
routine army supplies. 

Briefly, the DEGESCH invoices that he gave to the Anglo-Ameri- 
can investigators but hid from his French interrogators, look very 
phony indeed. To evaluate them properly, we should need to see 
copies of authentic invoices for supplies of Zyklon B to the disinfec- 
tion services at Oranienburg and Auschwitz. 

While waiting for authentic invoices to turn up, we wish to point 
out that there is no army inventory classification number which is 
invariably shown on all army stores transactions. One reason for this 
number is that it avoids mistakes due to illegible handwriting, etc. 

• There is no DEGESCH invoice number; so how did DEGESCH 
keep their invoices in an accurate series on file? 

• There is no army purchase order number. On what authority did 
DEGESCH supply (the army, according to Gerstein)? Just on Ger- 
stein's say-so? Incredible. 

• There is no railway waybill, car, or train service number. 

• There is no consignment note number. 

• The invoices are not signed, neither by DEGESCH as supplier/ 
deliverer, nor by Gerstein nor anyone else as recipient for the cus- 
tomer. Was there no one, either in the army or in the DEGESCH firm, 
to take responsibility for this transaction? 

Like the "confessions" themselves, these invoices reek with im- 
probabilites. But, first and foremost, we have to bear in mind that it 
was illegal in the German army (as in any army) for an individual to 
buy army supplies in his own name and address. Therefore, Gerstein 
could not buy Zyklon B in his own name for the army any more than 
a general could buy a tank in his own name for the army. 

No wonder that he kept these invoices hidden, especially when we 
remember that he did not pay them. 

But even if his action had been "innocent" (in which case he 
would have arranged payment), i.e., simple but irresponsible igno- 
rance of the standard regulations, he would probably have been 
court-martialled for incompetence and irregular practice. 

What was Gerstein really up to? 

He obviously did not understand army accounting methods had he 
kept back these original invoices, but this Zyklon B nevertheless 
actually arrived at a camp without the covering documents, the army 
stores department would have taken it "on charge" and circulated 
tracers to DEGESCH, to HQ, etc. etc. And when the delivery was 

192 



proved to have been legitimate, DEGESCH would have been duly 
paid. 

But DEGESCH, as Gerstein admits, was not paid.Furthermore, 
the army could not have paid DEGESCH for these invoices because 
there is no evidence whatsoever on the face of them that the army 
ordered the goods. 

Therefore, we are reasonably safe in assuming that these goods 
never arrived in the army stores at Auschwitz and at Oranienburg. 

Did Gerstein simply steal some blank DEGESCH invoice forms 
during a routine visit and type them up in readiness for his surrender 
to the French, intending to use them as a blind? This seems unlikely, 
because they date from a year prior to his desertion. 

Or, exploiting his personal contacts with DEGESCH, was he 
buying Zyklon B in his own name, pretending it would go to 
Auschwitz and Oranienburg, but then collecting it himself for sale 
on the black market? 

Why should he not have been a black marketeer? We know that he 
was a traitor, a deserter, and a liar; so his conscience, if he had one, 
would not have prevented him. 

He never did any actual disinfecting himself, it seems, as he was 
simply a very junior supply officer. But he surely knew how the 
product worked, or should have, as we know from the manual. 

There were plenty of bombed buildings around, homeless people 
living in cellars; an efficient pesticide would have been much in 
demand. Considering he was not paying DEGESCH, he would have 
reaped a handsome profit. A soldier of Gerstein's calibre using his 
official position to work a racket must be the second oldest profes- 
sion in the world. 

There is good reason for this assumption. 

The DEGESCH invoices indicate that Gerstein was buying Zyklon 
B which did not contain the warning teargas. 

We know from the manuals that the German army insisted on 
having Zyklon B with the tear-gas content. 

This constitutes almost certain proof that Gerstein was indeed 
buying Zyklon B for himself, because the army did not use what he 
was buying: Zyklon B without tear-gas. 

We also know that DEGESCH 's Dessau factory was bombed 
during this period. Thus, the supply of materials must have been 
restricted and DEGESCH must have given priority to its most im- 
portant customer, the army, which only used Zyklon B with the tear- 
gas content. So, Gerstein, buying for himself, would have had to take 
the second-best quality Zyklon B, the one without tear-gas. 

What was he doing with this Zyklon B if not selling it? 

193 



Let us also note that the fact that there was a Zyklon B without a 
tear-gas content proves that, so long as the instructions were fol- 
lowed, Zyklon B was not dangerous. If Zyklon B had been a lethal 
poison gas, a tear-gas content would not have been necessary: the 
tear-gas warning would have arrived too late. Before the victim 
could have wept, he would have been dead. 

The mythologist historians have made great play with the odorless 
characteristic of Gerstein's (not the army's) Zyklon B. It was too 
good a drama to miss: the poor victims could not smell it, could not 
tell what was happening to them, and did not know they were being 
poisoned and about to die. This is the stuff of which great Hollywood 
is made. 

But the Zyklon B used by the German army did have the warning 
tear-gas, although it was a disinfectant and not lethal poison. 

However, turning the devil's advocate: would it have been more 
humane to inform a victim that he was about to die (even though 
with pure prussic acid, this is not possible); or let him just drop dead, 
as though struck by lightning, which is the way that true prussic acid 
works? 

Mycologists are hard to satisfy. 

Gerstein the Purchasing/Materials Officer: The Belzec Trip 

Gerstein's story is full of obvious lies and inconsistencies. 

Accepting all these as the delirium of a man who was at least 
slightly mad, there yet remains the most serious doubt that Gerstein 
went to Belzec at all. 

• From the spring until early winter of 1942 a typhus epidemic 
swept through eastern Europe, with particular devastation in the 
prisoner-of-war and concentration camps in Poland. 

• At the time of Gerstein's alleged visit in August, this plague was 
at its height and the Belzec camp was under quarantine. 

• The anti-typhus vaccine then used by the Germans was not 
foolproof, but Gerstein would have had to take several anti-typhus 
injections. 

How then does he not mention this plague, which must have been 
the salient experience of his trip — if he made it? And let us not 
overlook the fact that disinfection was, supposedly, Gerstein's spe- 
cialty, homicidal so that Gerstein would have had a professional as 
well as personal interest. 

Here we have, as it were, a transport expert who made a duty visit 
to the Aftika Corps in Libya and did not notice the sand. Or an 
architect who went to New York and did not see any skyscrapers. 

194 



This is incredible. 

He does mention a hearsay report (in a very ridiculous context) of 
typhus in a prisoner-of-war camp at Lublin; and he mentions a 
previous outbreak in 1941. Neither of these incidents is connected 
with Belzec. 

What evidence can be shown that he went to Belzec in the summer 
of 1942? 

There is none. 

It is true that he spun some yarn to a disbelieving Swedish diplo- 
mat on the Warsaw-Berlin express, but that is all. 

On the contrary, the nonsense that he wrote in his "confessions" 
plus the fact that he omitted what must have been the outstanding 
feature of his trip — the plague — point in the opposite direction: he 
never went. 

His own story of the trip has elements of surrealist comedy: 

• He is sent to Kollin in Czechoslovakia to pick up what he calls 
prussic acid, when the parent DEGESCH firm has supplies of the 
identical product (whatever it was) at Dessau, just 100 kms away. 

•He carries a detached-service order stamped "State Secret." 
Since when were state secrets confided to the most junior ranks in the 
German army? Were their state secrets so un-confidential that they 
had rubber stamps made for them? 

• His secret destination on this state mission is known only to a 
humble army truck driver. 

• He picks up sufficient poison (if it was prussic acid) to kill at 
least 2-5.2 million people. 

• It is packed in steel bottles, which is like saying he was carrying 
water in paper bags. 

• A general, no less, is awaiting this junior lieutenant at Lublin. 

• This general confides in him the personal views of the Fuhrer 
(who had never been there). 

• This general also instructs Gerstein to switch the Belzec system 
to prussic acid. 

• Gerstein goes to Belzec, witnesses the most horrific execution 
imaginable, and times it with a stopwatch. 

• He ignores the general's instructions (generals do not usually 
enjoy being ignored, especially where state secrets are concerned). 

• He dumps the poison in the countryside (so much for another 
state secret). 

• He visits even more gas chambers at Treblinka (where, after the 
war, the Nuremberg Tribunal confirmed that the victims were not 
gassed at all, but boiled) and has a sumptuous dinner. 

• On the train, he spins some yarn or other to an incredulous 

195 



Swedish diplomat. 

• When he returns to Berlin, no one asks him a single question. 

• And, except for listening to the BBC and the VOA, that is all we 
know of his activities for the next three years. 

• Then, in his "confessions," in his account of the trip, he spells 
nearly everybody's name wrong. The only Belzec witness, Pfannen- 
stiel, fails to corroborate anything; and, in all truth, if this eminent 
doctor had ever met Gerstein, he had almost certainly forgotten him. 

He would be a courageous man indeed, or a holocaustomaniac, 
who believed any of this. 

Gerstein the Purchasing/Materials Procurement Officer: 
Destruction of Government Property 

It comes as a surprise to remember, if only occasionally, that 
Gerstein was supposed to have been a trained army officer. Not 
combat trained, but he was supposed to have known the rules and 
regulations by which armies function. 

In this respect, we have the same difficulty of belief as we have 
with his engineering background and his training in disinfection. His 
knowledge of the basics of engineering (measurements) was practi- 
cally nonexistent and his knowledge of disinfection nil. 

We find the same lack of contact with reality in his account of the 
bottles of poison he dumped on his Belzec trip: 

• Except in combat or in circumstances of immediate risk, such as 
a faulty hand-grenade, the destruction of government property was 
not permitted. 

• If Gerstein had bought supplies at Kollin against an official 
purchase order, then he would have been held responsible for deliv- 
ery of this stock. It was on the army's books. 

• Zyklon B (but Gerstein writes of "prussic acid") had a shelf life 
of only three months. This factor might account for his often writing 
of the poison having spoiled, which he alleges on this occasion. 

• Even so, if it were on the army's books, had spoiled, and he 
wanted to destroy it, he could not have done so without reporting it to 
a senior officer and going through all the tedious and complicated 
formalities of a destruction report. 

As a matter of fact, there was an additional rule in operation for 
Zyklon B: if it were time-expired, it should have been returned to 
DEGESCH so that DEGESCH could recycle the materials. 

Thus this incident, petty though it may be, indicates once more: 

• Gerstein was not in contact with the real world around him, and 

• He lied absurdly. 



196 



Gerstein the Sugar Eater 

People who knew Gerstein at this time noticed that he was always 
eating sweets. (He kept them in his pocket.) Failing that, he would 
eat lumps of sugar — all difficult to find in war-time Germany. 

They have also said that (to use an old-fashioned English expres- 
sion) sometimes he "felt funny,"and his attention lapsed. It was 
thought that he had a diabetic condition. 

If Gerstein had been a sick man, there was nothing in his army 
files to show it. If he had had any serious ailment endangering his life 
or those of others, the army would have had to let him go. 

And no physical ailment would really explain the moral depravity 
of cowardice, desertion, treason, perjury, etc., that he later demon- 
strated — mental decline, perhaps, but no ordinary illness. 

This malady, if such it can be called, was possibly a lack of 
glucose in the blood (hypoglycemia). 

He survived three months as a prisoner without extra sugar rations 
or specialized medical treatment. Perhaps he simply had a sweet 
tooth? 

The point remains interesting. When he wrote his "confessions" 
he was describing a fantasy world and, at the same time, his intake of 
sugar was reduced. 

Could there be a medical connection? 

Gerstein the Anti-Nazi Resister 

It is notable that none of the anti-Nazi resisters named by Gerstein, 
and whom he claims to have known, ever stepped forward to claim 
that they had known Gerstein. The best-known, Pastor Niemoller, 
politely repudiated having any knowledge of him throughout the war. 

The records show that while he had gotten himself expelled from 
the Nazi party in 1936 (which is not quite the same thing as becom- 
ing an anti-Nazi), he was willing enough to ingratiate himself with 
the Nazis again by joining the Waffen SS, which he likes to pretend 
was the organization at the very center of Nazism — though it was 
not. Gerstein is either fooling us or fooling himself if he imagined 
that the army did not have his civilian files. Upon his enlistment, they 
were automatically transferred to the army. If the Waffen SS had any 
special importance to Nazism would Gerstein, who had been ex- 
pelled from the party and was on all evidence a crackpot, have been 
allowed to join? 

Gerstein says he joined to look into the bottom of the sorcerer 's 
pot. But in March 1941, when he volunteered, there was no sor- 
cerer's pot to look into the bottom of. The mass-extermination 

197 



stories and the gas-chamber myths were put about only towards the 
very end of the war by propagandists who had special reasons of 
their own for doing so, noteworthy among them Gerstein himself. 

Gerstein the Anti-Nazi Resister: von Otter and the Two 
Dutch Volunteer Workers 

This evidence too is phony: 

• The Swedish regime of the time was not neutral. On the contrary, 
it was a passive ally of Germany, allowing the transit of German 
troops to attack Norway, supplying war materials, and so on. 

• Baron von Otter, like his colleague Baron von Lagerfelt, were, as 
their names imply, members of the old Baltic aristocracy, of German 
origin. 

• Von Otter later said he had gone to Warsaw because he was 
called as a witness in a petty criminal trial. Does this make sense? As 
a diplomat, his affidavit, mailed in the diplomatic bag, would have 
been perfectly adequate. Who has ever seen a diplomat giving evi- 
dence in court, even in peacetime? 

• Warsaw was a restricted military area, a railhead with tens of 
thousands of German troops on their way to and from the Russian 
front. Even a diplomat would have needed a special travel pass. It 
was a long and uncomfortable train ride from Berlin, where von 
Otter was actually accredited. Who would make such a journey, into 
a war zone, unless for some really solid and important reason? 

• The two Dutch workers were paid standard wages; they had 
merely volunteered to work in Berlin. Although Holland had a strong 
Nazi party, they need not have been Nazis themselves. However, it is 
highly unlikely that they were averse to Nazi Germany if they had 
volunteered to work in the Nazi capital. 

At the end of the war, when the witch hunts began, these three 
people would naturally have been anxious to keep out of trouble. 

For three years, von Otter had done virtually nothing. Then, the 
Allies having won and the issues being clarified, he and his friend 
von Lagerfelt, aware that the Gerstein affair had reached the world 
press and therefore might prove an embarrassment to the Swedish 
government in general, dropped the mask of neutrality. 

Lagerfelt (presumably with the approval of his superiors in Stock- 
holm) wrote to the British Foreign Office in London. 

The British F.O. had no more concern with the alleged crimes 
committed on Polish territory by German nationals than it had with 
alleged crimes committed by Italian nationals in Chicago. The Swedes, 
as trained diplomats, must have known this. The proper addressee 
was the Allied War Crimes Commission, which had offices through- 

198 



out Europe. 

Why the British Foreign Office? Why London? 

The explanation seems to be that Lagerfelt's letter was a feint. He 
could truthfully say he had informed the Allies, and he had also 
reduced the risk of a reply to the minimum, thus avoiding Swedish 
involvement in the affair. 

There is evidence that von Otter did not believe one word that 
Gerstein had told him. He thought that Gerstein was distraught and 
unbalanced, that Gerstein was one of those importunate nuisances 
whom one sometimes meets on railway trains and in other public 
places. Von Otter had not the slightest intention of disrupting Swed- 
ish-German relations or his own career by making an official report 
on what Gerstein had told him, until the scandal exploded three years 
later. 

It is easy to find excuses for von Otter. If he did not believe 
Gerstein, then he was in the right. 

All the same, if von Otter had reported to the Red Cross or one of 
several international organisations at the time, they might have 
gotten an inspector across to Belzec and perhaps the Zyklon B and 
holocaust mythology could have been scotched at the source. That 
chance, however small, was missed. 

Gerstein did not meet von Otter and the Dutchmen by a prear- 
ranged plan. Their encounters were pure chance. 

There is no evidence that Gerstein discussed his Belzec visit (if it 
had occurred) with German Mends. 

It is a simple fact of life that places like the Belzec described by 
Gerstein cannot be kept secret. If they had existed, the Germans 
would have known. In Berlin, he was surrounded by tens of thou- 
sands of soldiers who had served on the eastern front. He did not tell 
Germans because they would not have believed him; and, in addi- 
tion, he ran the risk of being shot for spreading false stories against 
his own country. 

For the moment, unless other evidence comes to light, his chance 
conversations sound very much like a self -glorying soldier telling 
listeners whom he hopes will be interested and sympathetic his 
imaginary war exploits. He had no scruples about lying and, as we 
know from his obsessive "confessions," once he got started his 
imagination soared. 

Gerstein the Anti-Nazi Resister: The Papal Nuncio 

There is no evidence whatsoever, as it happens, that Gerstein ever 
tried to meet the papal nuncio. We have only Gerstein's word for it, 
and Gerstein's word is worthless. 

199 



If, however, Gerstein did try, religious expert and Christian martyr 
though he was, then he was peculiarly ignorant on two points about 
the Catholic church, which any intelligent non-Catholic would know: 

• The nuncio (as his title implies) was responsible for the Vatican's 
relations with the German government. 

The German hierarchy was responsible for the church's affairs 
within Germany. In this context, the nuncio would have been guilty 
of a serious lapse of protocol (which means, in our language, a gra- 
tuitous insult to the German government) if he had discussed Ger- 
man affairs other than with an official of the German government. 

It is unthinkable that a papal nuncio would take that risk; the 
maintenance of relations with any government, no matter what its 
character, is at the heart of the work of the Catholic church, so that it 
can maintain contact and guard the interests of its faithful. Has any- 
one ever heard of the Vatican breaking off diplomatic relations with 
even the most dastardly and murderous governments? 

• The Vatican will never take sides when Catholics are in armed 
confllict with each other. This policy, too, has been well-known for 
centuries. 

Still, if Gerstein felt as strongly about his Belzec experiences (as- 
suming he had been there) as he said in his "confessions" (three 
years later), why did he not write? Even the Vatican reads its mail, 
which was not censored. He says he made a "detailed referral" to the 
secretary to the Archbishop, Dr. Winter, but we have no evidence for 
this either. Was this referral written or spoken? Who were the hun- 
dreds of thousands of other persons to whom he retailed these 
stories? How is it that the Gestapo did not arrest him, as they had 
before the war, for subversion? 

As it happens, Gerstein was a Protestant, although there was noth- 
ing wrong in his trying to approach the Catholic authorities, as this 
would have been a matter of common concern. But were there not 
Protestant leaders who would have been equally outraged by his 
revelations had they been true? Surely, there were. But here his 
problem seems to have been that the Protestant authorities were 
Germans, not foreign Italian prelates and thus, being of the country, 
had a much clearer idea of what could or could not be believed. 

Nevertheless, if Gerstein had made a credible report to some 
Catholic authority, it would be fair to assume that it would somehow 
have gotten through to the Vatican. 

As is to be expected, the volumes of documents published by the 
Vatican on events during the Second World War show nothing under 
the name of Kurt Gerstein. Even so, there may yet be something still 
unpublished on file. 

Have any of the Hochuth, Friedlander, and Joffroy group, who 

200 



claim such an exemplary morality for themselves, demonstrated the 
basic decency of asking the Vatican? One would like to know, 
because this would help indicate whether a search of the Vatican 
archives is worthwhile or not. 

Failing that (perhaps Gerstein's report, if there was one, was sent 
anonymously) die Vatican could be asked whether they lost 2,000 or 
8,000 Polish clergy during the war: Gerstein's figures would have 
included the Primate perhaps, but at least half a dozen archbishops 
and cardinals, some scores of bishops, principals of schools, semi- 
naries, colleges and the like. Pope Pius XII was reputed to have been 
an able administrator. Is it possible that 2,000 or 8,000 Polish clergy 
should go missing and the Vatican not know? 

It is curious how the propagandist writers have tried to canonize a 
scoundrel and a charlatan such as Gerstein, against whom we have 
ample proof, and have tried to pillory Pius XII, against whom we 
have no proof at all. 

They claim as their justification that they are anti-Nazi, which is a 
safe and easy thing to be now that the Nazis themselves are safely off 
the scene. They also claim that the Nazis were authoritarian and 
racist: yet, what would be the difference between attacking, let us 
say, a Jew with no justification and a Pope with no justification? 

This illiberality of the propagandist school and the powers behind 
it who support the authorised versions of history has much in com- 
mon with the methods they allege against the Nazis. 

Gerstein the Patriot 

A fable has evolved that a German who was a traitor to his country 
during and after the war was automatically and by the same token 
some sort of superpatriot, a hero of human rights, democracy and so 
forth. This was the glorious picture that Gerstein wanted to paint of 
himself: the anguished Christian humanitarian who would have pre- 
ferred to die with the Jews in the Belzec gas chambers if he had not 
had the more important duty to continue living and witness the truth 
— which solemn duty he performed by means of accidental encoun- 
ters with one embarrassed Swede and two obscure Dutchmen. 

Gerstein was in fact a very slippery and erratic character. He says 
that the Nazis were anti-Christian (which they were not) but he 
abandons his Christian beliefs to join the party all the same. Then — 
as he clearly states — he joins the Waffen SS with the avowed 
intention of betrayal. He gets into some kind of private racket with a 
government pesticide. Then on evidence which is either patently 
false or not supplied at all, he deserts his post and his family, and 
betrays his comrades and his country to the Allies. 

201 



Did he have any loyalty to anyone except himself? Apparently 
not. In his "confessions" it is interesting to note how glibly he names 
names, names that he cannot even spell, of fellow officers and 
colleagues. 

Innocent or not, these people would have had a miserable time of 
it after the war, because Gerstein himself was formally accused of 
war crimes, and they had been (or so he pretends) his associates. 

One could find this a very unpleasant trait in his character, viz: "I 
am drowning, so I'll take the ship down with me." 

Gerstein the Husband and Father 

When Gerstein ran away from Berlin, he spent some nights at 
home and then ran to the Allies. This was a nerve-wracking period 
for Germany, its towns devastated, the country overrun by its ene- 
mies, people running short of food; but the army was still fighting. 

During these catastrophic months — the worst in Germany's 
history — he wrote one letter to his wife, mainly on the subject of his 
own affairs; he hardly mentions his three children. 

Although he is at liberty and has some money, he omits to mail the 
letter. But even if his wife had received it, he had done his best to 
conceal his whereabouts, and she would have had great difficulties in 
discovering a way to reply to him. 

At Rottweil, he had possibly been too busy for the first two weeks 
writing his "confessions," but thereafter he had ample time. 

If he had any concern or anxiety for his family, he kept it well 
under control. 

Gerstein the Escaper 

Had he not blurted out his Belzec stories, the French would have 
turned him back. They had no need of more prisoners who would 
have to be fed and accommodated. 

Like everyone else in Europe, Gerstein must have known this, and 
he therefore prepared his former arrest warrants etc. and the 
DEGESCH invoices in advance. He did not want to be sent back. 

Why did Gerstein, from among millions of disbanded German 
soldiers, run away from Germany and seek refuge and protection by 
deserting? 

Although he used his Belzec stories as a pretext, they can not have 
been a reason. His Belzec stories were stale by three years, and, as he 
made no real effort to report them, he had not cared deeply about 
them at the time, or subsequently. 

A significant detail, highlighting this aspect, is that France was of 

202 



course a signatory to the Geneva convention regulating the treatment 
of prisoners of war. Thus, the French should have registered Gerstein 
with the Red Cross, or Gerstein could have asked to be registered. 
This would have ensured that Gerstein could write home, that his 
wife continued to receive the soldier's family allowance, and so on. 

We can assume that in the early days of his surrender this detail 
could have been overlooked. But later, if he had wanted to contact 
his family according to established rules, the French would have 
permitted tha. Iif not, he could have appealed to Beckhardt or Mattei 
during his interrogations; they were both military lawyers, and had 
to observe the rules. 

But there is no evidence that Gerstein wanted to contact his family 
or anyone else in Germany. When he was in the Cherche-Midi 
prison, the chaplain was responsible for liaison with the Paris office 
of the Red Cross. Did he report that Gerstein wanted to write home? 

If Gerstein had merely been finagling with Zyklon B, it is very 
unlikely that the German military authorities, in so far as they existed 
at all, would or could have had him disciplined. Similarly, it is 
almost impossible that DEGESCH would have sued him for pay- 
ment. Gerstein, who had had a very moral upbringing, may not have 
known this and may have been frightened. He may have been fright- 
ened too at losing face with his family and friends — he who had 
been such a moral activist — when his games were found out. 

When he left Berlin, it was almost surrounded by the Russians. He 
would not have wished to be taken prisoner by the Russians. 

But he did commit the unf orgiveable sins of cowardice in the face 
of the enemy and desertion. He turned yellow, in other words, and 
for this, many a German, military or otherwise, would have shot him 
without compunction. 

Realizing this, was it en route from Berlin to his home that he 
decided to go the whole hog and seek refuge from his country's 
enemies? His life was at risk so long as he stayed in Germany. What 
other refuge was there? 

And hence his special effort to ingratiate himself with his Belzec 
stories. 

Gerstein was no thinker; his powers of foresight and reflection 
were nil. But once a prisoner, there was plenty of time to ponder on 
the results of his action. Once he had written his "confessions," 
which had reached the world press by at least 4 July, he must have 
known that he could never go back to Germany and live a normal life 
under his own name. There were no excuses for him, and no one 
likes an egotistical and vainglorious turncoat who, at the last mo- 
ment, runs to the enemy and tries to benefit from his own country's 
defeat. 

203 



Gerstein the Accused 

After the interminable mire of Gerstein's "confessions," 
Commandant Mattel's interrogation arrives like clear and refreshing 
water. 

This was Gerstein's first full-length appearance before a profes- 
sional criminal interrogator. 

We know that Mattei, like most Frenchmen at the time, was, after 
six years of an unwanted war including five years of enemy occupa- 
tion, a somewhat tired and disillusioned man. Although he kept his 
professional self-control, he had little patience with pretenders such 
as Gerstein who, when Germany's defeat was accomplished fact, 
suddenly crawled out of the woodwork and declared what terrific 
anti-Nazis — anti-Nazis of heroic dimensions — they had really been 
all the time and who, moreover, had not a shred of evidence in proof. 

Gerstein's "confessions" were no proof. They were in themselves 
improbable and they were three years out of date. His arrests by the 
police and expulsion from the Nazi party were no proof either that he 
had been an enemy of the Nazi regime. If Gerstein had been a true 
anti-Nazi, why had the Nazis let him go and then allowed him to join 
theWaffenSS? 

Mattei was not duped; and he had actually watched Gerstein for 
hours, assessing him. He did not, as Gerstein had apparently been 
hoping, send him off to Niirnberg in a private train to be a star 
witness against his countrymen. Mattei continued the prosecution of 
Gerstein as a war ciminal. 

The last interrogation, his failure to dupe Matt6i, must have been 
the most terrible letdown, a shock, a most humiliating exposure of 
his own stupidity for Gerstein, who had cast himself in a star role as 
spokesman and witness for the righteous at Niirnberg. 

By this time, too, Gerstein might have realized that after he had 
named all his names, the people he had accused could equally well 
have turned the tables on him, and accused him with just as much 
evidence to back them up, i.e., nothing but an imaginative story. This 
would have been a chilling thought. Many people were being wrongly 
accused and punished at the time. What might he have gotten? Life? 
Execution perhaps? 

Gerstein the Suicide 

Gerstein died the day before he was due to appear again before 
Matt6i. The circumstances of his death are curious: 

• How did he cut away the selvage of his bed-cover? 

• How could he hang himself, almost kneeling? 

204 



• Were the cell-blocks in this high-security prison not patrolled? 

And then, later, the letters in which he was said to have declared 
his intention to commit suicide all disappeared, along with other 
documents which must have had some significance. 

If, in fact, Gerstein had left any suicide notes, then they should 
have been produced at an inquest and copies put in the coroner 's file. 
But an inquest was not held. A simple police report did all the 
business. 

How, then, was the body buried? A committal for burial has to be 
signed by a coroner. Even the police cannot arrive at a cemetery with 
a corpse without the legal papers stating that the body is to be buried. 

Even more inexplicably, the military prison authorites should 
have informed Gerstein's next of kin, which is one of the details 
stated on the prison registration form, and also the Red Cross. But his 
wife was left in the dark for all of three years and even then was not 
told that he had committed suicide, nor where he was buried. 

What happened to Gerstein's personal possessions, such as a 
wristwatch, cash, his wallet, perhaps a photograph or two? 

Normally, these odds and ends should have been handed over to 
the chaplain or the Red Cross to be sent back to his family. The 
authorities knew he had a family because, even if he had not stated 
next of kin on his prison registration form, details of his family were 
shown on the reports of his interrogations. 

Gerstein evidently knew the chaplain. What did the chaplain do, if 
anything? 

These questions could be continued indefinitely and arrive at no 
result unless the facts are reinvestigated. Suffice it to say, for the 
moment, that a great many pieces of the jigsaw puzzle are missing, 
and the pieces that we do have do not interlock. 



Footnotes To Afterword 

1. Op. dr., page 627. 

2. The SSI Alibi of a Nation (1922-1945), page 285. 



205 



Appendix I 



Map of the German Camps during World War II 209 

Photocopies of the "confessions" of Kurt Gerstein: 

Version of April 26, 1945: T I 210 

Version of April 26, 1945: Til 222 

Version of May 4, 1945: Till 229 

Version of May 6, 1945: T IV 247 

Version of May 6, 1945: TV 257 

Version of May 6, 1945: T VI 274 



207 



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3^>si<:^o:.;i.lOvv il.uc ttoVtwcil 26 tvril 1945. 

Kvizh Qor< tela* 

Indie- tiono p^reonoSeet Oeratcin f Kurt f Bor 4 **aor-cG: or»cxolus 
do oorvioo de l # *t;*t roa r nn tiii -ale 193_6 f irlKniour diploic*. 
K4 lo 11 aoftfc 19C5 n Huenstcr V'oatphnlic.ABi/ooie' de l'uslr.e De Li- 
ton.riuhTAo <T:Cio f Groieea&e auto;*:tiquo pour looorcotivaa^rein Meeting 
houce.Knorr eto. f Eu::osaldorf f IndustricotraBne 1-17» 
PorGiLud*ii& Gor8ta±a f Laad£orichtopraoaidoat f IIa2ea Vaotf.hore de aor* 
I&rei 01.*<r«i Goratcin xsfe.nJe Cehsiounnn corte 1931« 
ITarid dopuie 2 d«1 1937 a Klfrie o ndo EenEoh a Tuebiasea Oartea- 
otraoGC 24 , 3 onfnnto Arnalf 5 ona Adolhoid 3 1/2 ana Olaf 2. ana* 
Vio t 1905 -1911 Euenetor • 1911-1919 Carrebruck. 19-21 Halberatad* 
21-25 nanrupnJLn proa de Borlin f maturua 1925«-Btudeai 1925-31 l?er- 
tourc/L'l.npAlx La Chanelle t Berlin^harlottonburg > univoreit<Se8 et 
h.vati.o i5oolc3 do technique ,1931 exnmen In£**niaur diplone^-Depuio 
1925 morabro rctif de In JounoGco protootantique organise** Union 
Chrot.torip.c doa Jou;.ca ho.Tu-.oa ■ ct eurtout do la Jeuneaae Chre*tiennc 
oleviSo npoele* BTC* BibolKreia » Corolo outour da la Bible*" 
Politique 1 Adherent do Stroaorann et Brucning, aotlf pour eux.- 
Eepuie 1933,Juin,pour3uivi de la port de Ge8tapo pour eotlrlto^ 
ChrrSticnno oontro l'dt** nasia.— 2 cnl 1933 entre*e dana la 
K5D A rV- 2 cctohre 1936 exclusion de la XI32AP pour aotivitee oontre 
psrtio et <5tot* 30 Janvior 1935 protestation pablique an theatre * 
de vlllo do HaccnAreatphalle oontre le drame antiohrdtiea "VittsklnS 
- Bosse* ct blesce de pert doa Kazies.- 27 Hovcobre 1935 exaccn da 
borancscocoroAloro ,Anploy4 da l'e't at a Sarrebruok*- 27 eepter.bre 
1936 ecpriconnaincmt par la gwetupo p3?" actlvlWe "oontre I'dtat.- 8 
pour cv lr envoys' 8.500 broohuroa antinnaiea anx haute employ's 
ue 1'sStat, Ha priBon Jusqu^ fin ootobre 1936. Sxclaaioa en de- 
hora du service de l'e*tat» KAxgrJUaa Ddoembre 1936 30810*80 ooanen- 
cemont do la guerre :e"tudea aoMioaleo & Toebiagoa f lnatltut pour 
niccion protect antique odMioale troplqaeV-*. Le tiers: -^environ- do 
noa rovcnuee.cola faisait 1/3 de 18.000 BeiohsBark oar an, J'al 
doane* .-depuia l931 9 pour mea buta id<Sales rtfligleuxa # f ai fait iapri- 
nor et envoy 4a par poet e a, bob fraia oca. 230. 000 broohurea rell«» 
gieuaoe antinaaies* . • . . - 

S~ 14 Juillet -28 aofit 1938 dcuxieae enprleonneiBeat aa ohaapa 
do conoentrotion relaheia^ Boeftant. dea nae8aoreaS..d«o i ia*eV>ilee 
/et ali^n^a & Grafcneok.Hadamar eto. f ohoqa4 et ble88e;dana aoa 1 la- 
/ t^rieur , aynnt tel one dana ma famille f }e n # arcia qu f un seul 
/ d^sirj - V o 1 r 9 voir dona touto oette Baohinerl8 et alcrr : 
Lcricr dnn3 tout le pcuple !— I.!unl de deux roferencoa des deux 
Tenpoy^a de £eetppo,Gyant traltd cion cas f 11 n'e*tait pee diffl- 
loile d'entrtir dana la 83 arcide* 10 ware ft 2 Juia 19.41 la- 
^btruo-Moa <$leaontnire - da eolSp.t a Hambourg-Lansonhoora , Arnnea 
et Oranicnburg avco 40 oddeoinxu Pour 00a doublea, ^tudea - tcoh- 
niquo ct cj^docinc- Jo rc9ua l f ordre d'eh'Kr aa aerrioe ax5dico-tacJ> 
niquo de l^-Fnehrunsahaupteiat-eorTloe onnltaire de la S3 aratfe - 
Amtocrupre D,H7G^no#- A ce lica de oorvice f Jo ma ohoieia col 
mOrao lo devoir do conatruir aueoltdt doa appareila do d6oinfeotion 
ot doa filtrae d f eau potable pour lco troupes et pour Iqb ohampa. 
de pricennicjrs ot de oonoontrotion.. Pour oonnaioeance exact e de 
l»induotri3 J*y rfuoaia biontdt- . oca prdd^ooadoura n f etant paa 
r<5ucGio. Ainci, il fut poeoible d'abniaaor lo goabre dea priaoa- 
nicra rorta ooncidu'rnblcacr.t. — Pour ir.os aucoca, bicntot Je ro- 
uo-io l^uton^nt.— D^oenbro 1941, le tribunal qui nvait ordon* 
iL2/crcjLUcioa JvhorB 1J2DAP re^ut oonnnlaeanoe de aa ontn.-» dans 
la SS Prs/o. On foieait GrnnJcn off orta« de oe chaescr et de tae 
pourcuivr .••I'cio pour rr;o cucclo on no ddolf.ra aino«ra ot indisp^n- 
c-bli%- Ja-ivi-r 1942 Jo fun in r«--f du service toohninue ds d6cin- 
fection .oontci^nt «.-.i'::*l lo ucrvioe "doe £ r B a Tv^renisrrtrtOTlTUOS 
: ,our ■d:oln?cctio!i .- X» 8 i.oln. 1 QA 2 il eat ra dv.r,3 »n ehaahry ■ 
to h.»rvico lo s:--3tur.:b-n!i"fujbnir Ouonthorda Beicha-^iob-. • 

222 



EeichGSicherheitoIIauptfcE*, en oivll, inoonna a noi,Il Be donna l'orv' 
fie procurer 100 fcg d'acide pruseique et d'aller nveo lui ft un lieu 
«ui n'e'telt paa oonna qu^au ohauffour da onnzloiulloixB partlono a. 
l«u«ine de potaese prea de C ollia( Prague) •!.& oaardon charge nous 
part 'one a Lublin-Polo^ne. Kous prennions avec aofea le profeacor 
Pr Esed.?fanneiistIel 8 ordirLiriu8 d 'hygiene de I'univerBitcSe fcerbourg/ 
Lahn. -1 Loublin p le SS-3ruppbnfuehrer Globocnefe nous attepds *.**.. 
noua dit 8 C*estuJie doe plua 6<Scr*eB chosea qa'il y> f et-Dene la 
p 1 a a eloiiie, Ch'aounjqui en parle/.Bera. f usil# Basalts** 
Hier.deux ■-arleors so'nt 'oortei Alors 11 noaa erpllqua ? A l f instep*, 
-17 aoQt 1942- 11 y a 3 installations t^-,-*y\*::?&\^.7 ~ -v. ;. y_- . 
1.) 3 © 1 o « o i a la route Loublin-Lccberg;au aeotfear, a la li§£© 

de demarcation Eusee.ltezibua par Jour 15.000 -pars onr.es. (vu I) 
2.) Sobibor.je ne sals paa £xactercant f ouopa3 vu. 20.000 pars.poouro 
3.) Cr&blinca, 120 km K73 de^arca'-a. 25.000 par Jour, vu ! 
•4.) SlEidannels, pris de Loublin, .vu on preparation.— •- -^ 
-4lot3cnslc diti II voub fEiuaro fairo la d&jiofeotion oa trBa grand 
Quantities de vetezonts p dix ou vingt fois lo reeultat de la Spine 
stoffb-'Erlu:^", (collection des vStcBonta et textile), qu'oa no a:- it 
n-e r.our bbscureir la provenance des vStenonta JuiJrs,gDlon?.Is, 
lohSousB cto. -Voire autre -devoir ee rat . de c/£n=;er le service 
de no's obr-sbfea'de gsc,n:rJLntenaut fonctionant par eebappesent d'un 
anci°n fcotaur r DIeEel«, a .une chose pluB toriqua. et, fonetionnEEitr 
Plus vite.o'cet ooiSe pra3siq'ue c VjxLs le. Fuehrer:^ et Killer f qui 
etsient Ici le 15 soat- C eat : avnnt-hier^.tt f ont obliges, d'ec ;os- 
p^r Q2r mol csoa tous ceux'qui doivent voir lea installations*- £lor 
profc-BEor Pfannenstielt' Eai8'q.afcs't* ee que.dxt le Fuehrer ?-Alors 
Globocnek, * aaintenaht Cbef de Police; etss .riTilre^driatlqne & 




terrer? une. au*re generation ,psu* «^-jou yB^B*s*..u ^v^"^, 
■-7 Bani8re."..-Alore GlobobneVi KaieBeBBieurB»01 Jamais, .aprSs .nous 
fi T_ane generation ei lSche, " b!~ carle nse," fltt^ll«Vne-;p6nvre;ime ^o^nptre 
oeuvre si t»ott f si n*3eBSBlr'e;'alore^ .tteBBieure- tout le Kajiojalep^* 
oiali'sno *tBitpottr'riett-,-«aio j yttU"optttrairji il faudr«it r enterrerj 
des tables de bronce f DUxquelB_il,e;Bt: iasorit f qne r p/tftioaa, a ..P tt,B^ 
n o u a ,*qai krZoha ea le oourageY de realieer/ ce V oeuvre ^iS£.n^ 
tloae! *~ ilora Hitler i 0ui;>on ^rave.GlpbocnekjO'eBt « TOt f ^ 
o'est ausei mon opplnion 1.1— •-rr-L*autre Jonr.noufl fartiona ft,Belcet 
Une petite care sptfoiale de deux quale e'inoline. a la oolline dex. . 
table 3mino. lEraediatcueiit au ITord de la rue et flao'eriaja rer.;: 
Lublin-Lembcrg/Au Sud f prJo.de- la ohnuBB<r-e t quclques DsiBOna ..dp^epr- 
vloeeveo 1'africhei a Liea de' Berrice Beloeo. de la BS p arBeeS;MP^ : 
boonee" me pr^senta a S2-Bauptstdrtafaehrer Ober^eydr de. Piraaeenav?-^ 
qui be fit voir aveb'grande'Te te nance I08 inetallationB.tJet Jour, L 
on ne vit paa lea' aorta, aaie.'l^odoar de tonte la regioa f \ ausci de:. 
le grande ohaosb^e.^tcit peatillent^ A. oot« de la petite gare f il y; 
aveit one grande* baraqne- "Garderobe* cveo un'gnicbet .«Talenre«;ciy. 
A16re. une choabre a 100 oheiaea rCoirfeurBr*Alora;ttB;oorridor d©._ 
150 mStroB "au plein vent , file barbel* de deux cot|B, et 5jfA;?5 8 . a 
Aux b^lna et inhnlatione ! — 2.vant nons une maiebn.comne. inatitut de 
bsin .a droite ct fe goucho grand pot de beton avco geraniuaoa autr 
flours • AprSa avoir r.onttf un petit eacalicr, a droite et tigcuebe,- 
troiB et troia oTioxbrea comae de garagea, 4 x 5.BCtroe t lj90.Detr*' 
d'altitude* Au retour 9 poB vieiblce, corties de bole.lu tolt, l^tol 
le P a v i d en cuivre - ; .Avant le Batioent, inscription a 

"Jonaction Keokcnholt ■•-De plus- oet cprcc-niidi- Je n'ni epcrou • 
— ^Autro &3tin f quclqncs cinutca. nv*?nt 7 buurcB^ on o^nnoncat 



5 Zxui Jcritein 26 avril 1945. 

/™.*« .H-r mlnatea le flrccilcr trein arriverel-Vraieaicnt.apreB qaelques 
£lnutea lSTeSei trlin erriva do fcrnberfi. ,45 rascons. eontoanaatn 
c S™ 2= J^nSea 1450 de^a oorts a leur urriv^e.Derriere lea petitee. 

l«m^» i* train arrivbi 200 Uorcinfl, contrainta a ca eervice.erracho 
lea^ortea -ot&to^ohea £c«Witt «^"nt lee^raonacB cn_ 
cohow- dea voitufca; Mora, un grand Pf^ 1 ^,^^ ^^?,^!*^-^., 
tionai itt'pleitt vent, ' quolaaea7 t dana.,;la:twaqae, ae,de?bsbiller «,J<" 
vSte^4t ? a^Hi prbthlae • e"t • lnn^tteaUvett- petit . norcean to f icelXe, 
T^tes.nt, ao?ei proxn|BB *;aaa?.- joindre enBenble lea chau 

epaa'recn . Alora lea-fenaee, lea Jeuaea flllea. aa cpixrear-reire 
lo'Ser 9 i ua oa Lux c6upa lea oheve<fcur,qai aiaparaf£en* ; dana des 
S saca de poafe ;do ten* ,- pour. en f aire c.aelqu ^|| --gosea spccl-. 
alea pour lea eovuB-zaxi.r.e , feaieseurs etc? .r- "». f ** Jt?4 p a ? »p^'» 
S„ih- ir.gu service.- AlorSile marobo oomienoo * A droi*a ,a geuebe 
fa fil tS»clT?« aerrilra deux donsainea TJoraiDB.areo. fusil-, 
J «5x- ^ „n! 4ttna filie extrrordlnairoaiant *elle,r- lis s- 'appro- 

avint lea ofcnicor--B de la r.ort. .. Eotalecent. nvx, lea. Losses , .lea t *-- 
*°^_ ^'^"H? *2&S nl letSinirel ll.nb^vpua>^« rlen que 




aecesaeire oontre.lea Baladiea oonxasieu? ■JjJ^IitrTr-ieff-nt.iea- 

o l n r- 5e^n«, ^lle-^erait^eor. port 11 leur . g^J^gj.^. fe£ ,^ 

bOKncB doivent *' a , ,|re ^l le f» 1, ^rJ?fi?^ VBulent" elloa peurcnt aider 
as stmt pea obliseaa.Sanleaent. ■M^"jJS tt J?g- ^*;^ e s gene pa.tit 
■:« menase on. dans la ^"g^^g"^ laire kroner laaTresietenc. 
eapoir encore, an? fo^.BBBM pow lea laire bst?« ^ . 1'odeur lear 

indlp.ua . le ?°rt _J-^ora..a4a .b°B£? b ?. £ a -io<trihe.nue3,beauooup.. d'ea- 
verlt£el Kerea, Ji?>»^?.?. B »l?^f?!!»^- ^22 lie Intrant dana: lea Chen- 
facta de tout Wr.«^A^ B S^a"M^%Sa^S-^treB\ torrid 
brea .' de. la -marti; ,la Jaajau*. J^^-^&rSe.lo ana 'enriroh^ 
ere eux; asitda^ par ^£g"£& g- ^S'leur^enf anta^aor leura* 
lea yeux oobbm dea ^lJ^^ au *»°lv e --^ B ^>s«-;?Wn^» fl« nsirt de taaust- 
aeurlriera. ^covan* Ac*** ^f|g^S t ^^ 8 %g^ re ^c°^. 
sann . de police Vlrth lgi- oSae, ell e "eparai * ua no * 

Besueoup f^-^.^Jgfe^ja§itlSatS ? J)B2 "I obaSorea ,1a 38^ 
de l!o«ttP?«>.»^i5^j! I ^ra"S 4 ^tBin»7rirth a 6rdon4. Lea ho> 
preeBe lea homaea.; '»•/» «|£*S^-*S^g2?7^S)0 \ 25 mStrea quarrJa, 
So., -.ana aont.tobo^^^oux piede ^f^^'700^ i^me^ ^^ 




peine poor f aire en Mrohe le .Mtou .? l ^Sar^aroe one Si. le Tola le 

a ??end P n? S^url^ge '^^^A'^S&'SS^. 

irie^ord^m^n^e^^ 

1. a. la rorte « »»li. -lj^* jyf.'SS'SctoSlt.r iprl. 

de ceraobe aa vieage de 1 Uor £ in »2 tt *- c ™ %?„* izTi E trtf-- le Ei ; «el , 

^^JSSRl ?oir^SV«onn^ C I *.foia 45 *~ <^j^^ 



.i^JL 



224 



A. Hurt Oe rclsrl n 2§ nvril ir&5* 

25 ndnuteo ^assent iBeauooup,o' est vrai,cont frOrte.C'eat ce qu'on vol* 
par la petite fenfctre , par lsqaelle la lamp© olectriquo felt voir 
pour un Boraont l^ntirieur da la cha*bre # Apreo 28 minute a, enoore 
p-tt qui survivent»Apr8s 32 Dcinute3,enfin-,tout .set cort!-" Be 1' autre 
ooteYfioa trav.iilleurs juifs ouvr.:nt; lee portea de boiseQn leur a 
promls- pour lour aervice terrible— la libertce et quelques procpnta 
du risultat des valeara et da 1* argent trouve'i Oomz& &b oolbnnen da 
B°salte lea'corta coat' encore' debout,e*t ant ~pa8. le _ nioindre - place do 
to&ber ou a©~ s'inolinsr. ^nVaortsion oonnait enoore loe families, 
qui Eo'serrent "encore lea inaijiB^Oh.a'pelna da .lea e£parafjp_dur faire 
rides lea cbaabrbfl "pour prbchainebbargei' On Jcte lea "corre, bleu© , 
husi<2ca do'sbudre" eV : ! de l f arin f " lea Jaabes plcins ds.crotte et . de eang 
p ^icdique.rcinti tousles bsbe's,lea oadavrcB .dca * eafants.-r.eiB on n«a 
paa de tcsps! De:JC doucainca de travoilleura s'qecupsat do oontrBler 
lea boucheStquUlB ouvrf?nt par "aoyan des" oroohets do fer. "Or a gauche, 
song or a droits!"— JTautfcoa oontrolent anus at jg-initaox pour connnie, 
3rill'»nts" f " or etCo-Oes dentistea arrachent par" moyan de cartela lea 




*^ — ^--. _p- -- -- . • -. 

d'hier et d'ev^nt-bicrl-St voua ae oroyea pas ce quo nous trouvons prr 
jour !:Lss dollars, lea brillaats, l'or U-::ais voycz voue ttS^t-Alors 
il ce soida a un bijoutior,qui avait sdt la rcsponsabilitf • de wOub 
ces T^leur"*- On ce fit voir encore un des' szk seek chefs, du g^nd 
o^iisin de l'ouest, Berlin, Esufhnus ces reotcis>. ct; liri" petit hbapo 
,cu f on faic&it jjuor la violon,cbefs da ©osaindo. trGvailleurs juife* 
» C-aat un cspitaine *de l'erfleV Z etK Autriche" ,ohevali*r_ da Croix 
de fer Alle'rand- mease- ma dit le Houpteturnifuehrer Oberzeyer. 
— Alore .ea corps nua fOrcnt ^etSa .dans.doa srartfes fosBc^B de,100 
x 20 212 Eetrsa 'environ, oituds hupftsX dTea. ohaafbros de la isorto-Apr|B 
tmeloues ^ours ,lee 'oorps so gbnf lai/cat/ at le. tout^ s'e^ev^it ~ do 2-5 
c*-es par " woven do £e* "', qni eV.f6rr.elt dans, lea .csdfivrce.Aprea quel* 
dues Jours,' le gonflejnent f ini, _lefl~ corps tombaient_enEeroble*Autre 
?our lea f oes^b f urent renplies. I'ide houveau et oouyertear to 10 om 
do sable,- Quelque teiapa plus tard* 3 f &i. ooouteV on a fail; de a grilles 

de rail da'ohssdn do fer et a TaraliK lea cadavrea'par moyenjie 
l f baillo Dieeel et do Veaeeribe*; 'pour fair© .diaparaitra^leB'CadBTrcSj, 
A Belcefc et k trcblinoa;bn r n*eat : pas so- donnd. la peine % do compter 
d ? une' caniera* 7 quelquoment ; azacto le, hombra ;i des hoaTea^tuSB/ Lea . 
nombroa -ifaitjoonna^'psr Britiaoh Broadcasting Co -p^io G ^ B Sti.r,rs 
cont pas Juetca, en rdrlU lir.B'iseira * coa ensemble do 25.000000 
boniDeef Pan jair»,Beuleaent,m?.ie en preference. des- Poloncis et foheque 
biolo>lquencnt*.sanB Valeurs colon oppinion. das. JTaBiesi La plaapart et 
cortt anonyne't D b boaVieaionad e I^eado^a^decins"' : . f BimpleB Je^f.., 
S3 Ifcanteaix' blanbs fit' lljnonsines^^iirbburalent lea villages et_ villa 
ao "Solosne 'et Tohecbo-lbvaqioPoaf ; designer lefiVyieux, phtiaistea, 
DblatieB "I'our qaelquo teopB plas tard,j.es *f aire jUBperaltre. aur phaxa- 
brea do qpz\ ^C!^tnicnt Iob PolpnaiBjleB Soequea do le I76» III,qai 
n*^talcnt pa8*'enobre cl^neB '\ do vivr'o' pour ne'"^pouvoir. p^B Vnboro tra-* 
vciller*— — -lohauptcicnn do" police V.'irth' "mo pria de'paa propoaer \ 
Berlin quelqnonque autre cdtboOe .. doo chanbreB do^gca et de 1pJ.be er 
tent cociiae qu f il dtbdt* -Jo ncntia -' oo quo 'J'nveia fait .^ tout cec- 
que l r aci<Jo "prusEique ctalt dt Ja/ ddtfuite par la transport ** et devenuo 
trie daniereuae.Albro je ccrai toroi do l^enterrcr- que ee fit- ana Bitot 
— Autre jour noua uHiona a par 1'iiuto Oo fa.iuptmann ^Tirth a ^relilinoai 
120 fca environ KltB.^e \Taraara # Ir , lnEtitution ido'ce lieu do la riort <Jtait 
prceque 1% o6ae.' obat:e a Belcee/ncls plub 'grand o encore* 8 ob«u&brce'de 
gcx et Tr^ir ciontn^nco de vSteafntB et do lin^Sj 55 -40 d environ d 1 al- 
titude. Alore,a ootro , *hor i rleur ri, on fit un bsnquot aveo toua lea en-' 
■ j.-loyr'e del'itjftitut* Lo "oberBturttbannf uenrer profet'Eor Tr.c^d.Pfbnnehr- 
tticAjOriinsxiue d'hycione'. do l f univorfitue lie Ucrbourc' Lahn, ^f it "un" se 
ecraoni Totrc ocu%to c- f est on crand devoir et on &PY°if n E jL util et si 

, ._. „ J 225 .__ 5 ll .... . . 



V 

5. Kurt Gerc'.ein \ 26 avril 1945. 

nSceesaire.Ea mol soul 11 parlait de oot iaetitut ©omnia d© *oeat< 
flu travail, ct d'une chose htunane. i. touss ..• Sl-l^oa voit lee ©orpi 
flea juifa on ormprond. lo grnndeur de vot.re Ion oeuwc I- Le .ala< 
lui mSse . *tait eiaple, "naioiceloa l'ordre de Hitoler, lee ©pca- 
D(*B do oeservlco rscevaiorit be qu f ila voulai,eot : de. be^rOgTlaiXf 
aloool etc. -Au oongi, . on nous .off ra„ .pluaieurB kilos, do, **™£l l 
et grande .nbafcre do bcuteilles ..de, Liq^urv J'avaie; f^^^S^ 
d*87olr aae'es de tout > -de, notre- * e ^ e :? ^. ^ et ? e -^^2? 4^|5IS^ 
rtier pr£i : /enoore i m portlpni^pus, *U*qnB.^» Veuto :*4«£g*£ 

de la lesation: SuedejKer. ;e/bsrpa; ?^i^2^>::?9W^*^J^^ 
oartfa cou3 passions,- la .httit;aii.oorrido]^. 4a • ?. WB?^|*££r ;&?? 
lAlEprcssioa rieeate*;: 3* aani;^ 00 .?^-* ? ^£1$ ^?* V*£^ ' 
re*ferer tout * son S our.6rhecisnt .; et ; aux ^^aWf?^ 1 ^? ^"^ 
niaada uae r*«reace.,de "^^yS*^^^^ 
de Efcr.le C-easralstt?erintendent,D.Otto pite^ 

felde rest, Brue^ierreg^ V.anl do ...Earfia KleEoqner;et,ohcf. de^ 
la resistance. proteEtantiqtte>>n^ 

cuinee j f r-i vu encore deux fois le brron. ee.Ottcr.il; mo.olt qu 1 
avatt fait son rapport cu goavcrnssent Suede - f _ua rapport ^qul, - 
celon-ees cote f -a eu grande influence, aux relations. £%V ???$&?• 
d'Allenagne. l!a tentative;, de.refercr tout. - ©?^V. M-jgae^flg la^u- 
legation du Seint-Pere,' n v a x^-b *« :grr.na. auqcSfl^pn-; ce. demaada^; 
el J'eetaie eoloxt.JUore i&:&g v6tusa t9a;C«ftoBtIen,Alorfl..fcj^ 
f eit an r<<f erat de~ta±lld au. cccretsire '■;.. de 1'episoopst *«.:£er3J 
Kcr.le Dr. Winter ?our rdferer.V tout cela J. aou.epiecope da Seru 
eft ainsi a ^legation da £aint-?ere.-Sortaht ^de^la Ifeatlott^ 
du Saint-?ere a la R&uc* jtraaae S . Berlin, .J f eroij un ,renoontre 
dai^eroux 5: un a^ent de",f>olicei qui me poussuxvoit^.mie^g-' 
aprSe quelquco. jainrites .trdeV.. d^8a^<5^1ca ...ce^f it .cchapperv. .^v 
II me f aut enoore" aioutbr que le sfe^turi^enirfu^ 




I 



BtenatraBBev i.son lieu da^serjice; .are rj$usBie ; ; . S£*^^«r*i§*?^ 
oi^yaWe^que^b^laii^tait^B^ppBEi^^ 

llVas» de pluei<Sttra .iakona^ ^d!noid•^to^qMri•wa■•ponaa^ ? 
tuer ^beauooup dUioSaaa/ dee£Mll*onol-:W^^ 
a'eetait paa' 8ur;:: : ';'Bi^7 r qaand^ 

Se^elle^aniereV o'l^;;oa>arait- Tieeola ft??^?? 1 * 9 ^^ 
J* no. eais pascxacteffient ,.quilque ^\"^J.«f • : i 1 i^^ 1 .2-?S^Sf 
HeichBsicherheitBhauptamVet da S D. Kais J lai, ^p*ug .-tard, , penaj. 
anx abt8"'da -GoeVbela 'Cdo .■.". farmer;. lap porteaj derrilr*.- eux : j-r^ 
ei le asoiBiae v ae V rguBEireit.-'JamaiaV^eut .6 tra ^tt'ilB^Toala^n* 
tu^r aae-grande pSrtie *dtr peupla'- Allesandi ;,ipent;«ra; ; lea-.tra-r^ 
voUleurfl."- strangers,: peat etre>; lea priBonnier^de guerre^.* .30 
ne asiB Vaal' A tout" : oee,^ f ei- JP ait.diaparaitre ; v X f aoide. auaBito^ 
aprla^on ai^iv^^bur L devolraide; d^Biafeptioa.C^tait; quelqaW 
n»ent dansereux pour aoi^ttaiB^ 

trouvrJLt 1* abide i.toxiquai- 3»haraiB.: r^ponda^^lle.^tait d«a^ - 
en-etat de diasclution, dnasereux, et o'eet : ponr.oala quJil-^r. 
fallcit la'oonaoroDer poiir la fioBinfcotioa l-.Je suis^ but, quat:; 
Guenther'-,*le filB du-Eaj5eeh-Oucnth>r-.. : oelon. sea proprcs jnptB,- 
avsit l^ordre'da procurer .1* aoide pcnrV eveatAe^meat- ..toer^rt 
EillioaB d'honncB, pent .^tre, ana eidaaa .Iob ^oV.ainpg S5J?23S-.*,5S: 
^tiono J'Ei'cur boI lee notao de 2.175.1«» aais ea vdrit 6a ,_1X , 
B f c*it de coa 8.500 *ee f oBBea pour tuer .. BaillionB _d hojjeco 
J- f &i fr.it ecrire k Boa aoa loa notaa poorr oornM 3. ai axx-^ 
diecretion, en vcritde poor, _€tre quclquepnt litae dans l^B.,^ • 

dicpOBitione et pour^aieux f^?-*MP"^*2^ ,oc J ffe .*?SS2!2*C 
Je a f ai JanaiB j>a?6 oea Xivraieona pour, ^vitcr^ le reafbonraar^r 

, ^ , 226 — — — 



6. Hurt Gerrt.ciru 26. nvp-1 1945 © 



rent et de r?p^olcr- leSD.fi cet etock." Le diireoteur de la 
Dcgepch, qui avait Tpit cette foufaitur*, rc'a dit qu'il a 
fcurai pour tasr dee horses ccide pruoslnue*. • en ampoules.— 
Use 'autre fo'is, Gucntbar'jsc oonculta s'il etait po^ible da tuar 
granSo aosbrs fics JulTs' au plola Ten* dee foB6tsa.de fortifications 
de Haris-ThereBieriEtadt, Pour amp-acher oe oor.seil ditbollque 
je d'clDrslB lcpODEible " cetto octhoae. Quelque temps plus ,tard 
j*ai £co*it& qua la S D s'etfcit proouro* i.d'urie autre. D?.nl era 
l f colic ■crursriqua pour tuar cea ' pauvrea. hoiar.aa , a Shereeieaetadt* 
— Ice chasp3 de concontrciriDa lee' plUE d6te6taT>leB,>*£tu±ea*:-v 
pc3 Orrulcnburg nl Each:* . ni Belsea -'tasia AusclpitB ( 0s*I6e ) 
et Sl-sut'-r.ucea-Gus on prSc da Lias/ Soniiu.. C^Sst la.-, que so at. 
dleDi^us des Killioas a f hoE:2B" *>ui cfcGEfcrss do *£cs f : & ^sa 
aulos oon-9 cr-h&^res £cs. La cathode de tuer lesjcnfanta etsit 
Ce leur tcnir eou3 le ccs .an tsepea 5 l v &ci5e.,,' pruesiqae. 

J'ri tu - roi-r,2cE- des experibents'. continues ' jusquja -la no^» 
avro r-ei xoascc viv-.nts "cuz chs-Dpa c*& concentration© JL±i-*ci,le 

de 

4MWAfc , WiS> _ & . ^ -_ Eucoup ?.e rsftfrats'.^— a cch 

*»«ecTde "service- de telE esp^rlmenta a B'uchenv«:*id' , p:r errcnpls 
cxpfrlarnts Jucau'a 100 trfclettea de Pervitins pnr 
tovT. P' entree "cxpi'rlsKrtE - touts foia~ cca.lCC-2C0 pcrsonacc- 
Eoct /"its ^usqu'i la" cort two ' eenua, lr~;>ko eto. Hinder 
lai 3^9 s'avrit risarvd la pcrriisrion de tslc -erp^rirr^atp;-.' 

. / Un Jour, *a Ort.nir n'-.ourg , chrnps qe OGncentraoicn'i J'ai 
tr - * disprrcitre- |iin bcuI jour, toua lea" prleoardbrsi ettnt- 
le pour etre ' -' perverscB ( horoseruele.) -rvfv . ' .-. T v ;• -r ..r-^ : 

J«al evite' de visitor eouv^nf' l r ^B chicpa de conccni,re.tloa # 
psrceou'il c*tait'iuuel'- ea*prer£rocoe; a J'suthFUCO a. 8 us en-prcs de' 
Xiuc-de pendre a I'hoineur d56 vicitours v ua ". ou deux..priEO!Uiir 
ere. A I^utbcuren, 11 ttE.it*:"' usuel > de.fplre r .trqvciller lee 
^uif 8 a uhe * carri&re : de crknde ' altitade^.Aprea' quelque . tecps 
les SS du Esrvice dlreht i Ittentibai aprSs; quelque a .Einut re 
il'-y-rora-" 1 quelque r^lh\?arel.Traieia5nt;;uae"pa deur_rsinacea. v . 
plus terd f 'quelquesJuifB: ffireat ':' pr£cipit£.a ;£• la_ carrierjt 
toidbanta corte a xlob piede, w /.obidentB^de. trEV^il^-oa r5tf8trs».-,.. 
aax phpicre "dee '■ tu&V-La Pr.rritc •&aat« f '>nHnsLCt ^^ f ?3-SEaptBtara 
fuehrer m f a' Bouvoat'rc.e&DLtf. de telle c; "chose B,qa f 11. condpcaEit 
viveiront et publisit cou*ent # — 

tee oricLcff de* oouvcrtff ^^^^^^"^^^^J^ 
pes coaslder^blea^' 'ea'doinpareicoh: deseutreB,- qui son* xaixfi 
i "lu-ch^itB et ft- Kauthz?^scni. .-■»•_». w« 

r: JAgl le deseeia d f 5crir> un livre conten^nt nes 

Dventursa avoo lcs assieBi' . 

:,-•♦; -• - ; j a anla'prot. de'prator an.«ej*ireaV Que *otte -ffiee 
d^olerctio'as ' eoat totalocont TraisV* 




S49362 



227 



Etirt Gorsteiru Cuplcmcint. *° 

A naB'opnnrtooenta a Berlin V> 35, Buolo».Gtr;:6G<i 47 I gauche i's.'^ 
outour 4e rnoi un cerola d'aiitlaazieo .Voilft qu2lq:;cs nor.8 dea 

Kaior Lutz E o I o f nsaint3rtuat Kanftours, *a. Glasurit-. erke. 
D'r.Felix Bues. Juctitiar en chef da loliifunkcn.Bsrlin Sff 11, 

Halle sches Ufsr 30* 
Director Alsx Eenne, KaaboufgpGlbsurit-^erlce 

fc'sr.la curd Bachhola, cure' de prison .Ploetsenaee, qui: a aocompsg; 
~ a la norfc les officiary da.2C Juillet 1944.8 ^ohsLfaud^;. Cee o 
ficitrs oorae It oujtoV Hartin iriGmoller, non ami.cordisl.fuffiDie 
lc-s oigarettc8 ct lea ci^errca^ que ,aoi lsur «ii foferni a leuj? 
prison* 
I^r.^e oari Kooholskl, rsnjrlacr.nt Kerile ouro* liar tin KieDoller 
~ * ~ ' . * - a-pJ«hlen',A'rwen-Kirchfi« 

Dorothea Schulz. cocrdtairo' da k?x*«1q CurS ttartin Kieiab*ll<?r 
i-^- Arhdt . E£crdtr.ir3 do ISr . la ciirS Llartin l. f f*isoellfcr 

do I*rch/»a 
25^l'Hlea-»enhuiscn et e?n ami h'endrifc, ue riiilippe -Syndhovm, 
deport^s, qua j'avais- rencontrJ a V^gllee et qui 9taient 9 depu w 
Ionstercp3,"*dciix.oa trois foist pnr eoiaaina Q«8 hotoa poor nanse: 
et £couter. t»s.f. : . ' _ ^ _ . , . . __ . 

Direkteur h"au9iaen,3erlin WS 7- Uitteletraass, lapriaoria. Frrnelcr 
Ksrtart 'Sohsrho s>y f r^dactsur, . iiclv.:rl T ?r38Ee 

Keup.tnanh * Kebalthau \- at eon ncri, Berlin, re«iint-*n*nt a Kirchsnve^ 
'*:.. - : '■*-/. ■'.'• '-a lifisfuxt-Turtteciberg V 
Dr.Herr.HnnEhl-rar'Syndicus da Ve-liee Eiecccller de resistance 

antinc.zie* 
Pr.ET/bo. Slo8 f Eiece cornice Dr.Ehlers, 

Autrea ref orenoda ' i Generaleupcrintendent D.Otto plJ)eliu8,Chef do> 

la r^ai6tende ; At'l'ftllBe; contra lc*nabico9^ v^. : ^ fl -. „, 
»lBri le cure* pehling, Hasen t~«jstph*lie f reeietencer.de.l'egliee 

do reBtphalie,;Bctivistc. 
Praesea Dr.J*i>ch, Bad OeynfeuGQn;~ac Ja2Be« : . 

3arbn von Huen*, Profeseor -de l'universitc^ de luebinseni antlnfi«i- 
Bernhard J.GoddeckerjFabriljent, M^ohen^lciinBtrAsce.AntinaEia 
Diredteur Fr&z .'Btiaerle, Kttnchcn, ' S lemons at rase e 17i ' antiGBBie • 
ICsr.le ourtf'cntoliqivr Vrlpcrts, !ls£:ali Ttstphulie. 
Ksr.lo "our^ Otto TTehr, Sarrebracl;, 

iLEr.lea ourc^a Sohl'eeger et Bittkr.u, Keurappin pro de Berlin* , 
Auiaet Prana ct toute i aaillo / ^randa antia^iee f Sarrebruclc,n:flint* 

nant a Calhein-^urtteDberg* 
Usr.le Doctctu? StrauT),IIetzlnscn-J ? 'urt.tciL , b2rg ct rfcoille # 



O 



8 403.63 



228 



z.Zt. Rottueil f don 4.fcni 1945. 

/ ur Person : Kurt Gerstein p BcrgnnneBnor nuonor Dicnot t Dii:lonin-'.eni.~ur. 
cni 27. September 1936 vic-jen otant9feindl*chor Betiitir.un.r, •'•us ogci 
K£-:hcr:>n Prounaiochen Bcrg-Dienot entf crnt* 

f.oboren nm ll.AiV5"fit 1905 zu Winnter/Y/catfnlen. -2eilhr?bar der frfasclr 
nonfo brill Do liaion Fluhne S.-C© zu Diiflfloldorf plnduetricstmcre; 1-17 . 
i- .Ei.-slfnbrik fiir autocr.atischo Schmiernnl/agen fUr Lokomotivon^ICnor: 
una •Vcctinghouse-Bromscno 

Vr.t/;r: Lnnd^orichtnprasidont Ludviig 3. Gerstoin # Lrind*erichtspras:iGf-. 
in Ka^'cn/.'cetf .ausfior Bienaten* 

I'u^tnr: Clara Geretein Kcb.Schmsronnn, gestorbcn 1931© 
Vcrheirntat. eeit 1937 nit Slfriodo B o n e o h in' Tu3birv5'.-n f Gart'; 
ctraese 24 • Drei Kinder : Arnulf 5 Jnhre, Adelhoid 3 1/2 Jnhre Olnf 
2 J?»hre# 



2.)Lobenalauf : 1905-1910 in Mttnoter tfestf. 1910-1919 in Saarbrucken. 
1919-1921 Halborstadt ,1921-1925 Nouruppin b*i Berlin. Dort 1925 Abi~ 
tar am hornanistischon Gymnasium* Studion:Universit&t KarburgLahn 192 
-1927,3erlin 1927-1931* 2echn±3cho Hochechule # Aachen 1927* Diploa- 
insonieur-Bxamen 1931 in Borlin-Charlottenburgo-Scit 1925 aktivco 
Icit:-;lied der organisierten evangelise hen Jugend (CVJ7a f =YI.;CA und dor 
Bibelkrcise an Hbhoren Schulcn*- Politieche BetfcVtiguns : Aktiver 
Anhiin^er von Bruening und Strescmann,- Seit Juni 1933 von der Gestcj 
vorfolgt vjegen ohrirtlicher BQtiitigung gegen don . Kazie-Stntt.- An 
2.Va± 1933 Sintritt in die HS'DAP, am 2.0ktober 1936 Ausachluss 
aus der fiSDA? v?egen staatsfeindlicher ( religi'oser) Betktic-un^ 
fur die Bekenntnis-Zirche # Gleiehzeitig Ausschluas ale Beamtor sue 
den Staatsdiensto- Am 30.Januar 1935 v»egen -Storung einer Pnrtci- 
YTcihefeier in Stadttheater Ifagen l/ectfalen- Auffiihrung des Bran**. 
TTittckind - offcntlich vorprugclt und vcrletzto- Am 27. October,. 
1933 Borgasseceor-Exanen vor dem Virtechaftsminiaterium in Berlin, 
ciLrrfcliche Exa:ncn nit Pradiknt Bis zur Vorhaftung 9° 27. September H 
Staatoberimtcr dor Saargruhen-Vcrvfaltung in Saarbrucken. Bieeo cr:r:: 
Verhaftung crfolgto viegcn Vcrsendung von 8500 stuate(nnz e-)feir.:- 
licner Broschliren an aamtlioho r'inistcrialdirektoron und hc^ca 



229 



'*.) JuHtisbunston in iteutuehlnnd* - Kin«a r,i«blin".fiv.ur.c!ch 'jnH^ 
cprcciumU ctudicrto ich alednnn in f ±u'.ibin.",«n no Doutnc- on Inoti 
tut fiir jirctliohc ?:ini»ion . *odi»in« Dirso wurdn coir durch rr.oir.o 
ciirtacfcnftlicfco Uncibhttnsifflcoit «rab\';lieht. Ala Teilhnbor dor ?irr 
£o Linon ?luhc« « Co. in DQsaaldorf bcssofl ich cin durohechnittli- 
ones Kiakors-on von jcihrlich lB.OOO.-Iteiehea'nrk. EtMi oin Dritiel 
dieoca Sinkoasttna pflcftta i«h fllr oainq rcli^ibsin Xdoalo nu:.« 
su^oben.Xnsb'iaoiidaro fc/ibo ich rund 230*000 roligitfoe und n^zi- 
fciniliehe Erocc"hUr»m druok^n lnnsen und dloaelben ouf meine 
Xonten an Intarosatmten versandt* 

An 14.Juli 1938- urfolgte ocine e»cita Verh«ftung und Einli'ifcr: 
in dns nonz»intr:ition3la&«*r Yiolzliyia ttegon otantofoindlichrtr Dotl : .-: 
auna» Ich v.urdo vorher h&ufig von dor Gostnpo vemarnt uni voir 
hb'rt und bin nit cinea Rcdoverbot fttr dno & arose- Roichs*obict 
belngt v.ordcn* 

Ale ich voa dor b«£inm*nden Umbrinxung der Gaiateskrnnkcn in G.v^. 
fencck und Kadariar und endernorta' hb*rto f beochlose ich auf jeder 
Pall don Voreuoh zu caaehon, in dioso Of on und Kaarern hincinati- 
schnu-m ua zu tiicson, v:ni! dort aoa chics ht« Dits urn bo tnshr, ale 



4.) ale oine angeheiratete Schtfii*erin-Bertha Ebeling- in Had a mar 

^ zTiangagetb'tet nurde« Hit zv»ei Referenzen dor Gostapobeamten p 

die moine Sachon bearbsiteten, gelang es mir uneohvjer, in die SS 
oinzutroten« Die Herren \iarea der Ansicht, daas mein Idealismus, 
den sie vjohl bevmndorten,. der tfazie-Sache Zugutokomraen mttsste*- 
Am lO.Marz 1941 trat ich in die SS ein.Ioh erhielt moine Grundaue^ 
bildung in Eamburg-Langonhoorn, in Arnhem -Holland und in Oranien« 
burs* In Holland nshm ich sofort die Pithlung mit der hollandischen 
tfideratandsbevioguns -auf ( Diplomingenieur Ubbink,Doeaburg)» Y/ogec. 
meines Doppelstudiums wurde ich bald in don tbohnisch-Urzt lichen 
Disnst Ubernoramoa und dom SS-?.iihrungahauptnmt f Amtegruppo D-Sonit&t 
\jesen der TTaffon-SS ,Abtoilung Hygiene, zu^etoilt#Dio Ausbildung 
machte ich mit einom Arzte-Kuraua von 40 Xrzten©- Boim Hygiene- 
Dienst koante ich mir moine. Tatigkeit aelbst bestimmen. Ioh kon~ 
struierte fahrbare und ortafoato Deainfoktionsanlagen. fUr die 
5?ruppe,fur Gofangencnlnger und Konzontrationelagcr.Hiermit hatto :.". 
unvordienetermaeaea groase Erfolge und rcurdo von da ab fttr eine 
Art techni8ches Genie gehaltenuln der Tat golang ea vienigstona 9 
dio achreokliche Plockfiebernolle von 1941 in don Lagorn einiger- 



230 



5.) rcno3on oinnudlLrr.^m. v:c/:«in caoin-jr r.rf ol^.e '..urrio ich bnld L \ (o 

Lout.T«nt un.1 Ob-rieutnnnt.- \Vcihn«icht.on 1941 erhislt dnc Goricht, 
oai? cvtinan Aucnchltif?n pus der llSIVi? vr*rfU",t hntte, Kcnntniti von 
nninca Sintritt in die S2 nn fUhronrtcr St alio. Ke fol«;to ein ntnr- 
kes JIoGPoltraibim Ro-on aicsh.Ab'jr ue/;en ouinor eror?t.«en Srfolr.i und 
v>e.".en meiner Persb'nlio hkeit '.tarda ich von meiner Di*.fnstst«jllt 
£osch!ltzt und r.ehalton/ Im Janunr 1942 uurde ich Abtcilun^sleitcr 
dor Abteiluri£ Gosundheiteteohnik und glnichzeitl* in Doppslfitel- 
luas X£x don filoicho'ti Soktor voa Roichcnrzt SS und Polizsi ' 
Ubernoa-TJan^Ioh tibernnha in dinsor I2i;;«neoiiHft den j-*nzcn techni- 
cchon Dcoinfoktionndienst eincchliesolich dor Dcsinfektion ait 
hochsifti^en Gnoen* 

In diesor Ei^ensohnft erhlslt ich ua O.Juni 1942 Besuch von dca ai: 
bio duhin unbeknnnton ES-SturmbnnnfUhrer Guonther voa 
RcichEBioberhcitahMuptp.mt, Berlin V, XurfUratenatrassc. G'toth'sr kca 
in 2ivil. Er £ab nir den Auftrug, oofort £tir einon &UEs?erst ge- 
hsiaen itoiche-Auftrng 100 kg. Blauoiiur© bu beschaffeh una nit 
dieser Bit einea Auto zu .einea unbokannten Ort zu fchren, dor nur 
dca ?ahror aus-Vegana' bekannt aoi. ?<ir fuhren aledann aini^e v:ochen 



•'opiiter naeh Prng. Ich. komvto air ungefilhr die Art dee Auftra- 
ges denkea, Ubornaha iha nbor, veil air hior durch 2ufall eich 
eina von air soit l3R£*>a crsehhte Gele&onhuit er^nb,, in dieee 
Din&e hin-?inzu2chnuun« Auch war ich :*ls SaehverotilndiEer f-iir Blnu- 
saure 60 autoritKr und korapetont, dnss oa air nuf jedon Fall oin 
Lcichfes ecin ausnto, dio Blauatturo untor irr»end cinoa Vorwnnfl 
els untnuglich- ?Jeil znraetzt Oder dor^l.— zu bszeichnen -und ihre 
An* end una filr Jen eicantlichen ?b*tun*Hzneck zu verhindern« Kit 
udb fuhr noch -nf?hr zuflillig-dor Profaasor Dr.aed. Pfannenctiel, 
SS-Obcrsturabnnnfillirttr f Ordinnrius dor Hy^iona tin der Univcrsitiit 
2.!arburs-L«hn» "-ir £uhrcn uledunn ait dem Wagen nnch Lublin, v.o ur. 
dor SS-Oruppwn.flihrftr Globocnuk er^artete. In der ?nbrik in Coll:' 
hatte ich abeichtlich durchbliokon. laasen, dees die Saure f'Jr 
die S-utuss von Knnochen b-rotiar.t o«I» Proapt orschien dnnncach 
npichsi'tn/ja ein tCcnsch t 6 er cich eehr stark Silr drs Pnhrs^uG 
interessierto und, «1b er beaerkt \iurds 9 in rn.2ender ^ahr floh # 
-Globocnek Bi\«t« t Dieoo t *;nnzo An.".clesenhsit ist cino der c-hcir. 
st'-'a Sschen, die es zurzoit tiborhnupt isi^t t n^n" kenn en^tn die 
gahciastc* V/er dariibsr epricht t viird ouf der Stello erschocren. 

231 



^•' Kret fleatern onicn s*ci EclrolLtStfr uroohosntrn «ordcn«.-Ocnn 

orkliir-tti er uao i la Augenbliok- duo "nr nrn 17. August 1942- h^bcn 

v.ir droi Anottiltsn in Botriub, nilsolioh i 

1.) Eoloeo, nn dor Chnuosco und Jtahnsi troche* Lublin-Lomb^rg p.tx ficr 
Sclmittlinie mit dor Dos'irkntiomiliniu ait Ruaol«nd.H 'chotleiMc 
pro Sag 15. CCO Pcrooaaa* 

2.) Sobibor. Auch in ?olon,ich rj«ioo nicht genm ho. 20000 Perconca 

HUchatl«istun(j pro £og« 

3.)ffr'5blinca l 120 ka nordnordBstlich von ^nroohau«HMohotl«*iatanfl 

25-000 ?r?raon«n pro l*ng. 

4.)'-£Gr.ala in Yorburoituns- liaidnnok boi Lublin. 

Belcao, Eroblinka und Kaidnnsk haba ich parstfnlich ein^cht-nd ait 

dcrn lisitsr diooer Anstnltori- don Polizcihaupttannn \tirth TZU2am.T>^n 

bssichtitft* 

Globocnck tiandctQ oioh auaHOhliosslich nn mich und sagtaj Ee iet 

lhr« Auf/i'ibo, inabaaondoro din Desirtfcktion dee aehr uofjiasrtichen 

Tcxtilcutes dorchauirahren.Di© ^anse Spianatoffaanimluns iat doch nur 

durch.-jafilhrt wordoa, usi dla. Korkunft dea BaklaidunAcnrntorinle far 

die Cetarbaiter- uar« # zu orklJiron und nle oin Srsobnis doa Opfers 

dec BeutRchan Volkas darauatollan. In 'i'irklichkoit ipt dan Aufkor;-. 

rnon unserer Anstaltaa dns lo-20 fsicho dttr anns&'.in Spinnstoffssiriailu: 











£c ^ — i^ , tt n 7J t ^Z " 



.,*- 



^L 



■^^ 







232 



8.) -Ihr-» Andero - noch woit vjichtigere Aufngabe 1st die Uraotellung 
unsercr Gaskamaarn, die jotzt ait Di^oclauspuxfgnsen arbeiten, of 
cine bes3ere und schncllere Saoho.Ioh denke da vor alien an BlnusUuo 
ro. Vorgoetern warencar Fuehrer und Hiramle.r hier # Auf ihre Anv.eieung 
mass ich Gie pereBnlioh dorthin bringen, ioh soil nienand schrirt- 
liche Bes'iheinigungen und Einlnsskarten aus8tellen#-Darauf fragte 
Pfannenstieli Y/as hat denn der Fiihrer gesagt ? — Glob, t Sohnellor, 
.schneller die ganze Aktion durchfiihren.Sein Begleiter, cfer Kiniste- 
rialrat Dr. Herbert Lindner hat dann gefragt : Herr Globocneo, hal'ten 
Sie es fur gut und richtig, die ganzen Leichen zu vergraban, pnstrtt 
sie zu verbrennen? Nach uns ^:t5nnte eine Generation komaen, die das 
ganze nicht verstehtl- Darauf Gib. : Heine Herren, v»enn je nsch une 
eine Generation konwen sollte, die bo echlnpp und eo knochenrceich 
ist, dass sie unser.e grosce Aufgabe nicht .vereteht, dann allerdinge 
ist der ganze Kationnleozialismus uznsonst gercesen. Ioh bin im Gegen 
teil der Ansicht, dass man Bronzetafeln vereenken sollto, auf denen 
festgehalten ist, dass *ir, r.ir den Mut gehabt haben, dieses grosse 
und so notwendige YJerk durchziifUhre.n«- Darauf der Kthrer t Gut, 
Globocnek, das ist allerdings auoli meine Ansicht!—- SpfeVter hat sich 



40 
9.) die andere Ansicht durchgcsotzt. Pie Leiohen rind dann auf 

grossen Rosten, dio aun Eioenbnnnschienen iciprovisiert wurden^ 
verbrannt w or den unter tfuhilfcn.3hne von Bensin urtd Diesolbl© 
Am finderen "age fuh ren ^ir n»ch Belceo # Sin klsiner Spezialbpbn- 
hof ssrte nar zu diesem Z«eok an oinom HUgol hurt nBrdlich der 
Ch.*?uosee Lublin^Lenborg in linlcon TCinkol der Doaarkntionslinie 
geccha.ffen cordon. Clidlioh der Chftussee oinigo Hausor nit der ' 
Inschrift M Sondcrkonmando Beloeo der <.7affen-SS % Da der eigent- 
liche Chef :. er gosaaton Toturigcanlagon, der Pclizeihnuptmnn virth, 
noch nicht da vinr, etellto Globocneo cich den SG-UnuptBturcfuhrer 
Oberneycr ( nuo Pirnnsens) vor. Dieser liccc cich nn Jenea Ifech- 
nitteg nur das eehen, was er nir eben zoigcn. aucote.Ioh eah on 
diesem (Ta^e keine Totcn, nur der Geruch der ganzen Gegend is hei6 
sen August v.ar pcatilens.irtig, und ::illioncn von Fliegen nr.rsn 
Uberall zu?;egcgn - Dicht bei den kloincn 2-glcisigcn Jiahnhof ^ar 
cine grosce Bn.racko, die cogcnr.nnte Gardcrobe , nit einca groccen 
WertoDchen-Cchaltcr#Dahn folgte uin Ziaaor nit ot^a ICO Ctilhlon p 
der Frieeurrnua, Dann eine kleino Alice in Frei*«n untar Birken, 
rechte und links von doppolter, Stacheldrnht uasilust, nit Inrc;:ri*- 

ten s 2u don Inhslior-und Bndcriiuaen !— - 

2 ^ 



10.) A\ A 

Vor una oine Art :5itdohiiU9 f rochtn und linka dsivor grosso iletont55i 
fe oit Gorani<:n,dann ola Tcroppchfin, und diinn r-jchts unci linkG 
Jc 3 RfiLusa 5 ::5 -ot'..r , 1,90 d hoch, oit HolztUron wio Gsrr— 
&an« An Jer RUck\:and , in dor Dunkulhoit ni»Jht r*i.:ht oluhtbr.r, 
Cro5fiQ hBlzarna iinrcpentUrea.Auf dora lJnch ala "ainnlgar klcir.c 
Schcrs" tor Davids t t-:rnl !- Vor dea D:m*.»crk oine Inscbrift : Kco\ 
Holt -Sti^tung !*Ctehr habc? ion n Jancm Kachnittag nioht eoherx 
k5nnen«- Am andcron Gorgon u:t *.;urs vor sioban Uhir ktfndist men : 
an: In zehn «£Lnut an kom-nt dor orato Trunnport !- Tatoiichlich V.< 
nnch 3inig*n ~inuton der ernte Zug von Lesvborg nun an. 45 V. : cs/-;or 
Kit 6.700 i:enachon,von denan 1450 echon tot warca bei ihrer An-. 
kunft.Hintor den vorgitt«rten Lukon cchnutan, cntaetslich blcirk 
und ansstlich, Xindar durch t dio Augtm voll ?ode3nngnt, fcrner 
banner und 7rauun*Dor Zug flihrt aim 200 Ukrainer reienen die 
TUrcn «uf und pesiteshoa dio Lcutt* nit ihrsn Lederpeitschan r.us 
den "a3son3 horrtua, Kin grower Lnutsprechor gibt die weitcron 
Anv.eisungoni Sich gsnz suszishan, s»uch Protbeosn^Brillcn usv; # 
Die TTcrtsachen um Schalter nb^obon, ohno Sons oder Quittance Di^ 
Schuhe aorgf/iltig zusaamenbindon (vtegen dor SpinnGtoff.GnciT.lung* ) 



denn in dem Haufen von reichlich 25 Meter Hbhe hatte sonat 
•' nicmand die zugehBrigen Sohuhe vieder zueamrcenfinden kdnnen* 
J>aan die Pr«uen und jungen Kadcheh zum Prieeur,der nit zv*ei, drei 
Scherenschlagen die gnnzen Haare abechneidet und sie in Kartoffel- 
sackea verschv<inden Wsstl'Das iet fttr irgendvielche Spezi?lzv:ecke fur 
die TJboote beatimmt, ftir Dichtungon oder dorgleichen v !- aegt mir der 
SS-Unteraohnrfiihrer, der dort Dienst tut««— Dann eetzt sich der Zug 
der Kenschcn in Beviegung. Vorah ein bildhttbscheB jungee l?adchen f so 
gehen sic die Alice eatlang, ftlle nnckt, Manner, ?r*uen, Kinder, ohne 
Prothesen. Ich eelb3t etehe mit dem Kauptmnnn Y.'irth oben nuf der 
Itespe Z7»ischen den Eammerno Gutter mit ihren Sauglingen r.nder Brust, 
eie kommen hersuf , zogern,trtcn ein in die Todesknmmern!— An der 
Ecke stent ein starker SS-Mann; der oit paetoraler -Stiome zu den 
Armca sagt : 3a passiert euch nicht dap gerin.iste! Ihr miiest nur in 
deix irammerh tief Atem holen, das vieitet d ie Lungen, diese Innalotion 
ist not^ieadig v^egender Krankheiten und Seuchon. Aufv die Frsgefrae 
ait ihncn geschehea '.tiirde^ant^ortet er :Ja nattirlich, die Kiinner QufJ- 
aen arbeiten, HUuser und Chaueeeen bauen, nber die Prnuen brauchen 
nicht zu arbeiten. llur vienn .oie v:611en f ktfnncn sie in Hausfcnlt 
oder in der Ziiche mithelfen* — PU^ einige von diosen Aroien ein kief- 

234 



12.) ner Horrnuncsschirnmor^dor nuareichx, daee oio ohnc V.idcrcynn^ Q 
die paar Schritto zu den Knmmcrn gchcn- dio Mehrznhl woiso Be-^ 
echeiflj der Geruch kiindct thrum ihr loa I -So stoigen sic die ^ 
kleiuo .Troj-pe hernuf- und dennsehen eio alios. MUtter mit Kindorn 
nn dcr Bruct, kloinc, nackte Kinder ,Ervichoeno, Kiinner und Prr.uon, 
alle naokt- cio zbgern- aber sie troten in dio Todonknmmorn, von 
den andoron hintor ihnen vorgotriobon odor von don loderpeitechen 
der IS gctriebon.Dio Mohrz^hlj, ohno oin V.'ort zu sagon* Sine Jlidin 
von etv;a 40 Jahren mit flaanenden Augen ruft dns Blarfc, das hier 
ver&ossen v;ird f iiber die MbrderoSie erhiilt 5 Oder 6 Sohleige mit 
der Reitpeitsche in's Gesicbt, vom Kauptnnnn Y/irth pero5alich,-dann 
verechwindet aach £ie in der Hammer*- Viele Menschen beten* Ich 
bete mit ihnen, ich drlicke mich in eine Eoke und schroie leut zu 
meinem und ihrem Gott.ttie. gern *Ure ioh nit ihnen in die Kammern 
gegangen, wie gern **ire ich ihren Sod iaitgestoroen«Sie hatten dann 
einen uniXormierton SS-OfiTizier in ihren Knmaern gefunden- die 2a- 
che v* lire ale UnglUcksfall aurgef^ost und behandelt worsen und 
sang-und klanglos- veischollen. IToch also dar* ich nicht, ich muss 
noch zuvor kttnden, v»as ich hier erlebe!- Die Eamciern fiillen sich* 
Gut vollpaoken, - so hat es der Hauptmann <7irth befohlen. Die Uen- 



'{ur^- 



13.) ICenachon stohon cinnnder au£ den ?Uscon t 700-800 o'uf 25 
Quadrntraotern, in 45 Kubiknntorn! Die Ift BVJiingt sie physiech zu- 
eam^en, eoveit oa Ubcrhnupt fcoht.-Dio ^ttren Bohlieoson cich^'iih- ' nd- 
desaen r.nrton die nndcron drnucucn ia Preien, n;ickt« lian sc^t miri 
auch im Winter gcm*u eo!- Ja , Jibar Hio ktfnnen eich j* den Tod bolenl 
eo&o ich •— Ja grad for das sinn no Ja dohl- east mir ein ns-'-Iann 
dnrnuf dn soincm Plp.tt.— Jotzt endlioh verctehe ich auch, carua 
die g^nza Einriehtuag " Kockonhorfc-Sti£tung n huieirU Kookcnholt iet 
der Chauffeur des Dioselootors, ein kl^inor Tochniker, gleiohz-iitig 
der Srb'iUer der Anlr.e»c # Lit don DiceolauSpuffgasen eollon die llcnschn 
zu Todo ge'o.ruoht vieriJun. Abor dor Diesel funktioni'jrt niehtlDer 
Hcu!ta»»nn ^irth koamt.Kan eiuht, .-» o lot ihn peinlich, dnet? iao g^*s- 
de heute pneaieron niins , «o ioh hior bin # JiwoYH « ich roho ellcn! 
und ich ^nrte, Meino Gtoppuhr hat alias brr.v ro.5iotriort.5O ^inutan 
70 ilinutsn- der Diesel sprin(;t nicht an!Di« i-.enschan ^r.rten in ihren 
Gc3knci'"icrn # Ver!-:<iblich. l"nn hUrt nic \ioir.on, schluchzon. ,,M rie incer 
Cyr.ngo.^o n borr.srkt der Professor ?fannonotiol 9 dn9 Ohr :<n dnr Hozt'Jr. 
^er Haupt:nunn "'irth schlil^t ait sniner ReitpeitFche dea UUr/iin-^r, -'nr 
den UntorschnrfUhr^r K«ckeaholt bcia Diaoel holfen soil, 12 f 13 r.^1 
in'o Ceo:cht, ]«>.ch 2 Stundcn 49 Minute n- dio Stoppuhr h:jt rll-s v-chl ■ 
rejictriertl- opriiogt der Diocel on. Bio slu diooea Aur.enblick IcV.rn 
' 235 



14.) lcbcn die Itonschen in diosun 4 Knnr.orn, 4 wil 750 Konochon 
in 4 anl 45 ICubikracternl- Von ncueo voretrolohon ?5 ^inatoa.lUchtl^ 

violc cind jetzt tot •Hun sioht rt«o duroh dna klcine Fonotorchen, in 
dea dao oloktricu e Licht die Kamcier oinen Ausenblick bclouchtot. 
llsch 2G Ilinuton leben nur noch ncnigo.Endlioh, naoh 32 Minuter* ist 
fillos tot !- Von dor anderon Scito Bfnnon :/!!innar vom Arbeitakornmnnd^b 
dio IlolstUren. Man hnt ihnen- selbst Judcn- die Prcihcit veraprochcn 
und eincn gonisscn Proailleaatz von alien gofundennen V/ertcn filr in- 
ran cchrccklichcn Pianist. \7io Basnltsttulen otehen die To'en.auf- 
recht nncihandegcprccst in den ICnnsorruEs Trttro *uoh kein Platz, hin- 
su^nllcn odor auohr.ur nich vornilbor zu nei£rcn«SQlb.6t im Tode noch 
fcsant zaa die Pamilion. Sio drLLck^n sich, im Tode verkrarapft, nooh 
die Hiinde, oo dasan- man KUhe hnt, o'iu auooinander zu rei8scn* urn 
die I&amfcora fUrvdie ntlchato Chargo freizumaoheri. Ken viirft die Lei- 
chen- naos von Sctoeies und Urin, kotbeochmutzt , Kenstruationsblut 
an den Boinon, heraus.KinderlelchQn flicgen durch die LuftoKan hat 
koine Zeit, diu Uoitpeitaohen der Ukrainer sausen «u? die Arbcite- 
fcosmsndoso Z^ei Dutzand ZahnUrzte tfffnon Bit Hakeh den i'und und schsfc 
ea nach Gold© Gold links, ohne Gold rochts. Andere Zahn&rzte brechen 
mit Zsngen und H&amera die Goldz&hno und Kronen aus den Kiefern* 

15.) Unter alien epringt der Hauptmann Y/irth herum Er ist in sei- 

nem Element «-Einige Arbeiter kontrollieren Genit^lien und After nao. 
Gold,Brillantea und tfertsacheno-Y/irtb ruft mich heran: Heben sie ma 
diese XonservenbUchso mit GqldzShnen, dss iat nur von gestern und 
•vor-je stern! In einer unglaublich ge^Shnlichon und falsohcsfaea 
Sprechvieise eagt er zu mir : Sie glauben garnicht, vias wir jedea 
Teg fiadea an Gold and Brillantea- er aprach ea mit 2 L - 
und Dollrir . Aber cchauen Sie selbst.- Und nun ftthrte er mioh zu 
einem Juvjelier, der alle diese SohaVtze zu ver^altea hatte und lieso 
mich dies alles aehen* - Man zeigte mir dnnn noch einen xrtlhren 
Cher dea Eaufhaus dee T/estena in Berlin und eincn Geiger: Das ist 
eia Hauptmaaa ton der altea Eb'iserlichXb'niglich Osterreichischen 
Armaee, Hitter dea Eisernen Kreuzes I.Klasse, der jetzt lager- 
aMtester beim jUdisohea Arbeitskommundo ist!— Die naoktea Leichea 
^jurdea auT Holztragea aur \reaige Heter ^eit in Grubea voa 100 r 
20 j: 12 Meter geachleppt.Nach eiaigea Tagea 8&r"fcen dio Xeichea 
hoch uad fielca aladnaa kurze Zeit sp&ter atnrk zusammen, so daes 
man eine neue Sohicht auf dieaelben draufvierfea konnte* Dann ^urd< 
10 om Sand darliber gestrout, so daes nur nooh veroinzelte Ec5pfe uad 

Arme herauaragtea. Ioh ash aa eiaer eolchea Stelle Judea ia dea 

236 : 



1C.) Grlibcrn ;:ur den Lei^hen hsrunklcttern und rrboitun. "ristf 
e-cto air, daes voroahnrtlich die tot Ansskonrroncn cines Traae- 
portce aicht catkleidct %orJcn ceica. Diso nUoso nafcUrlica r.ecea 
Aer Spinsstofre and Vcrtcachcn, die :1c const nit in f e Grnb ntih- 
nen, nachGcholt-"«ordcn*-.7eder in Bolccu noch in Troblink- net nan 
cich irgsnCsine 52Uh« £'\<;<:ben 9 die Cetbt- ten zu r-eiotrieren Oder 
zu ctfnlen. Die Znhlcn uaren nur Schjitaunf^n nnoh dem Ve2»oainhsrU- 
Auaserden Juden i»ua oiler europ&icchwn Hcrrftft £Uhdera burden ins- 
becondaro £cch«chen und ?olen Kr.III in den GaBkanworn p,«?tKt-t» 
Soamienionfin von SG-EUaacrn- teilo nicht <?inroal nit konpletter 
Volkoechulbildung- fuhren nit feinsn Licuoinsn und Urztlichem 
Geriit in v,eienen iUintdn voa Dorf en Dorf , li-Bsen die Bevolk*- 
runs vorbeidefiliorun, taten, als Yie'nn eie oi« ttrstlioh unter- 
suchten und bezeiohnaten diejemigen, die bioloainch *ertlos und 
darun su tbten nci«n, in dor Hnuptesohe Ait« t Schwindotiohtige und 
Zrsnke#~Ja t ea^to mir ein So-Sturcnbnnnfilhrer, ohnc dicse rase- 
nshasn wUre cas UbervSlkorte Polen fUr una vdllig' «rtlos« v:ir 
holen.nur nach f «ina die Katur Ub*rall in Tier-und Pflonzenrsich 
von selbst boeorgt und bein Itanoohon loider vers Sunt «-Der Kaupt- 
nann VTirth bat nich, in Berlin k«ino . Andcrungen seiner Anl*sen" 



17.) vorausohlofion und dies so isu laeson, «ie ea v?hro" und sich 
besteao eingaopidt und bovi&hrt babe.- Die Blausiiure bribe ich 
unter msiner Aufaioht varfiriiben lanoon© da s ie aa^eblich in Zersc- 
setsuns goratan oei.-Aca anderen Sage -den 19. August 1942.-fuhrcr 
wir nit den Auto deo Hauptrcann Virth naoh 2reblinka 120 kn Kj;o 
voa warsohr ft u.Die Kinrichtung war et«a dieaelbc, nur viel grSneer 
ala in Belceo* _8 Ganknnraorn und-vuhro. Gobir.ro von ftoff ern f ■ 
Textili«?n und YHiaohcZu unsaren Ehrcn vmrdo in Geraeinsc-hafte- 
Saal in typioch hiramler-schan Altdeutsohen S*.id ein Bonkett 
eti-«ft9ei?««-^w«m a eg ebon. Das Dcoan war einfach, ober oo etand 
allce in jeder 2oag* sur VerfHsung. Hinder hntte oelbst ansa- 
ordncte, dass d ie manner dieoer ICo;ar:ando3 eoviel ?loicch t Butter 
und sonstiseB erhiclten, inabesondero Alkohol, \iie oie TsolUcn*. 
Profftocor rannenntiol hiolt cine Rede, in dcr er den Ll^nncrn die 
watzliebkeit ihr«sr Aufgobe und die -viehtifikeit ihrsr crosren 
Miecion klar nachte. 2u nir aelbct oprach «r von M echr husonen 
Kethodea und von Schttnhsit der Arbeit!" Ich verb'.lrse mioh dafJir, 
daec or dies ucslaubliche wirkliqh geoagt hat !- Den Kannschaf. 
tan oagte «sr insbeoondere t V/enn nan dieoo Judenkbrper sir.ht, 
dr.nn-.Tird elnan orat recht klar, viift dankensvsert cure Aufr.sbe. 1st*. 

237 



18. )Boira Abochicd \;urrten una nooh rcnhrere uilograr.a Butter und viv 
Liktfr zura J-itneha-m wv'.obottsn, Ich batto H'.lho, glaubhnft zu cricfe'e 
dnon Ich von meineo - nngeblicher."" -Gut Rsnug von n linden hiittn, 
r«uf Pfannenoticl beglUckt ouch noch Bain* Portionon einctrich* 
v;ir fuhrtn dann ait clem Auto roich Wnrach'nu.Dort tmf ich, els ich 
vergeblich oin Schlnfttagonbrstt zu erhnltan vnreuchte, in Zu;*** dc 
Sokrctlir der Sohuedinchen Ge3andtachn£t in Berlin, Baron von Ott^ 
Ioh hub*? noch untcr dera friachea j&indruck der ffntnetzlich^n Er'JLr 
niaae dieoen alien erz&hlt mit der Bitte, di*o a«?lner Re*t*rur>r 
und den Alliiertea sofort zu buriohten, da joder 5og Vortf<5^r»ru."?^ 
Tieitoren Tauaenden und lOTa'ieendcnais Labon kont*n oUsna* S r by;' 
mien un ein<i Jiof"renz f ale welcha ich inn Herrn Gen^r^laup-jrint..' 
dentcn D.Otto Dibeli.o, Berlin, Brttdornag 2,Lichterfilde "«:est f nr... 
einen vertrwuton Pre und dea Pfarrnra Hnrtin Wientfller und Jwitgli-. 
der kirchliohon Vidcrctondabettegung gegen dan Nnzismus # Ich trof » 
Korrn v.Ottor nooh 2 mal in dor ochoediaohen Geaundtsohafto Zr b- 
inzuischen nach Stockholm barichtat und toilto cr.ir rtit, dsse di?i 
Bericht erhoblichen Kinfluaa nuf dia Sohwediach-Deutochen Bszi?:^ 
gehabt h«be« loh versuchto in ftleioher Snohe dem Piipstliohen Nu*V 
in Eerlin Bericht zu cretatten. Dort *urde ich gefr^gt, ob ich Vc. 
dat sci^Darnufhin wurde jade *weitor« Unterhultung nit mir eb3el?'- 

19.)und ich zum Vorlasscn der Boteclioft Cein«r Keiligkeit aufg«:?' 
dert* Beim Verinasen der Plipstliohon Botsctiaft ^urdc ich von .ei.n 
Polisis'en mit dem Rnde verfolgt, der kur;: an cir vorbiifuhr, sr. 
etieg, nich'dawmbcr vollig unbfjgreiflichfir 'ieine lnufen lie as? e 
Ich hnbe dann aline dies hunderton von PeraBnliehkrtitsn bo rich - 
tet, unter undereta dem Syndikua dea katholischcn Bifichofs von 
Berlin, Herrn Dr.^'inter, mit der auadriicklichen Bitte um '.Ve-iter.^ 
an dea piipstliehen Stuhl«- Ioh muse noch hinzufUgen, done der s:?-- 
SturcbannfUhver Glinthcr voa Keichacichorh«itohauptnnt- -ich gl^ubt 
or iet der Sohn doa Raa.:ea-GUnthsra— Anfang 1944 nochrr.nls sihr 
grosne ^en^en Blaualiurc von mir verlangtw flir einen cohr duckle-r 
2v;ock. Er acigt*? nir in dor Kurf;lrstonatraao« 'in Berlin einon £c) 
pan, in dem er die BlauaUun! zu ln.^-jrn ged:*.oht. Ich erklllrte ih,^ 
darauf , daeo ich daftir au^geochloaaenerMoiso die Ver:snt«ortung 
llbernebsssa kbnne#Ea handelta cich um nehrore -aggon?, g^nug, urn 
viele Eillionen ilenschen damit unzubringen<Er as ••.t«5...mir, daac o* 
celbs't noch nioht «iaae, ob daa Gift gtibraucht viirdo, vsann, fli? 
wen, auf lelche '.'eise uoi? # Abor ea mUano atiindig verfiigbnr gehal^- 
\*erdcn#Icrj habe apJtter oft an die Worts von Gorbbsls denken sUs.-c 

238 



Vo:kco ttften ^ollten oichcr einschliooclich dor ?fnrreroohwft c/itjr 
der mif.'cliobif,cn Offizi«>rooDas oolite in «iner Art L*re6tll©n Oder 
Klubriiunon ftoschchcnj, ooviel cntnnhra ich cten Pra^on der technirchen 
Durchi llhr-ngp dio Gllnther an nioh riuhtotiuSo krmn such rein, daco 
cr dio Prcind:irb.".itor umbrin^cn nollto, odor Uri^R^- fanseno- ich v.-ei£ 
es nichteAuf ,1«dcn Pall riohteto ich eo r?o oin, dnen die BlnucUure 
eofort n.ich ihror Ankuaft in den bcidsn KonzentrntionslLiCsrn Orani- 
esburg una Auschwitz fUr irft«nd*olche Hvsecke icr Deeinfsktion v-r- 
Gehv.-and«Dns war atvr.ia gaf&hrlich flir nich, nbar .ich heVtte cinfoch 
sa-^cn kdnnen, dans das Gift oioh ber«itc in ein-sr fcof&hrlicV'en Ber- 
oct2ung btffundan hube.Ich bin sicher, daas QNnthsr das Gift beschaf- 
fen r.olltej, um Millionen Llenachen evsntuell utnzubrin/fsn.KB reichte 
flir oca.8 liillionun Henschen* 8500 kgo Dber 2.175 kg hnbe ich did 
Kechnunr>en ein£*raic't«Die Rechnungfsn lieae ich etete cuf cniaen 
Hansen aucatollen, nn;;eblich v^c(jcn dor Distant ion, in V-.ahrheit am in 
ineinsr Verfiiftung freier zu \ein und ua das Gift versebvrinden lsDsen 
zu kcJQnen.Vor allcm vermied ich es, durch Vorlego von itechnungen die 
Sacho imrnor wicder in Erinusruaj: zu bringen, aonclcrn liess die Rech 
naa^en lieber vlillig unbesahlt,unt::r VertrHstung der Firaa, 



21.)D©r Droktor Dr.Petera der D oge a ch, Frankfurt a.M.und Priedberg, 

dor dieae Lieferung ausgefiihrt hat, hat mir erzfihlt, dass er Blcu- 
saure in Ampullon zum Tbten von Menschon geliefert hat# — Ein andorez 
&al fragto mich GUnther, ob es mBglioh sei, in den Fostungegraben vor 
liaria-Theresienstadt Juden, die dort 8pazieren gehen durften, im Preion 
mit Blauaaure zu tBten. Ua dieeen achrecklichen Plan zu veroitel^, 
erkliirto ich dies ftir unmoglich, Ich habo dnnn split er erfahren, dass 
das SD-Koraraando Haria-Theresienatadt aich auf andore Weise doch 31au- 
saure verachaf ft und dio Juden uagebraoht hat — Die soheuaslich- 
eten Xonzentrat ions lager *arcn Ubrigend nicht Oranienburg Oder Bal- 
een Oder Dachau, eondern Auschwitz, vso Millionen Menschen umge- 
braoht *orden Bind, teils in Gaskamraorn, teila in sogennnnten Toiee- 
autoa, und Mauthausen-Guaea bei Linzo In Auachwifcz rjajrvea ublich, 
Kinder dadurch umzubringeni dasa man ihnon Tupfor Bit Blausauro un- 
ter die Kaae hielto-^- Ioh habe im Ubrigcn aolbat im Lager Ravens- 
briick boi Pueretenberg in Keoklenburgv dem Prauenkonzentrations- 
lager- Veraucho an Lebonden geaohenoDicse burden auf Veranlnssur^ 
von SS-GruppenfUhrer Dr-.Gebhardt-Kohenlychen duroh S--Hauptetura- 
fUhrer Dr^Gundlaoh durohgefUhrtoAuch in Buohenviald vjurden derarti^o 
Yersuohe en lebenden Menechen z«b,mit bia zu 100 Tablettsn Pervitia 

239~ 



22.) durchficfiihrt, bis unt«?r UcustLLndon zum ttfdlichen Auogsng,]^ 
diecc Expericente hatte sich Himnlcr aelbet die Zuatimmuns vorbo- 
halten.Insbecondorc viurde PlcckficDcrimpfstoff und Lymphe ooviie 
andere "Sera- dort nusprobiertoDic Vorsuche urafnaaten bis zu 100 
Oder 200 Lienschen im Einzelfall, und zuar von der lagsrleitnngb' 
sun Tode Vorurteilto * — Ion vmndcrte mich in Orflninnburg, dce>? 
inncrhalb Tagon alle Homoeoxuollon.- vielo hundert*- verschwr.rvl 
und zv;ar in don Ofen — loh habe es in ttbrigen verni^den, allzu 
oft in Zonzentrationalagern zu eracheinen t denn os viar marichmol r 
lich f zu Enron der Beaucher Lcuto aufzuh&ngQn odor Exokutionen 
vorzunhhmen© Der SS-HsupteturmfUhror Dr.Fritz Krantz, der aolch* 
Dins* in groasor Zahl erlebt hnt, erz&hlto nir oft hiervon nit 
tiefer Entriistungo Z.B. burden in Guaoh-Mauthauaen fast taglich 
zahlr-iicho Juden f die in einon gros'sen Steinbruch orbeiten sol: 
ten, die stcile Wand he runt ergo etoaaon und unten ala tb'dliche 
Ungliicksfailo rogistriort o In Auschwitz eind derartige Gomein- 
hciten obenfnlls in viel grb'sscrer Zohl bogangen worden, • la in 
Bolesno — loh hatto das GlUck, in meiner Dienststelle einigo radi 
kale Antinazies zu treffen, so den SS-Hauptsturmftihrer und Sta^L 
soharfvihrer Hoinrich Hollander, einen guton Kat ho liken, und de.r* 



23. ) eben gonanntcn Dr.Pritz Krantz* Hollander gab nir alle in- 
tcreaeanten Sachen zur Kenntnis Seine Prau hat einial bei cincrr 
Eacen den Reiohsarzt SS und .Polizei f SS-Obergrupponftthr.er Dr«Gra~ 
T7itz,Borlin t gloichzeitig President des Doutechon Rot en Kreuzcs ? 
heftigo Vorwvirfe \iegender Judentb'tung gemacht* Sie orhiolt da- 
raufhin einen erbeblic hen Rfiffel und os wurdo ihr vexfboten, die:: 
Saoha jo wiedor. anzuriihren-* 

Alle meine Angabon sind rcbrtlich ^ahr# loh bin mir 
der ausaerordentliohcn Trog^eito dieaer meiner Aufzeichnungen. 
vor Gott und der gesamten ISsnschheit Toll be^ussS und nahmo 
os auf neinen Eid* dass niohts von alien, nas ioh regsitriert 
habe | erdichtet Oder erf und en ist, eondern alios sich genau so 
verhcilto 



240 



24.) Alo Roforenzen Uber ooino poraon ftebc' ion on s 

Prou Pfarror ilnrtin Niemcillor, z.Zt. Xooai am StornborGer Soo 
Qcnoralaup-jrintandont D.Dibelius (Otto) ,:Jorlin-Lichterfeld©. 

Pf error Dr. Kartin HiomBller, Dachau ????? 

ZXarroT RehlinSi Hagon, Y:eetfalon,Luth2r!ciroho 

Dorothea Sohulz,Selcrct&rin von Ptfarrsr Ilia m811 era. Xeoni bei Mttnohen 

Dr.Polix Busb, Justitior von Talcfun&cn, Borlin SH 11* 

Direktor Alaxaador Zlcnne,Diraktor dcr Giaour it-:/ erko t bis 1939 in -Eng 

land in der Pnrbiadus+.ri* tatig, von Juli 44- Pobruar 45 in SD-Gefans 

niso 

Praejrcs Dr.Soch, 7/estf .B9konntai3ki3?cho f Bad Oeynhauaen 

Pfarrar BuchholZfAnstaltepi'arrer von Borlin-Gef&ngnia Ploetzenseo.Er 
begleitot© die Offiziere dos 20. Juli 44 zum Sohaf*ot« 



241 



i£rE- s Inr.ur. 1 >-ii i li\ ;jalo-.'j i;.:t:* i-.;h ("inn iJlndruek,'.:^/ 5 Nils v>irK- 
lioh to t • wi»rffn t ob'.-Ghl uir i;».u^tnnrji 'ir-h «r::iihlt-». t due?: sic 
til* ^rtOsidorlii.M-.itwcM; ^i^'? '--r.Vrbi h!it*un p 2.B. eic, ountar le- 



ten *iiicprk&c!.ulu, 1»; di«s'uiia«G rcit iCocproo»or«a »it?jf7,epr«*» c, t 
^urie.viie died?: zur: Aeph.il±r<i2?rttl&.'Hia llblioh s<ii:ii«~ la Ircblir 
Scttc ioh dftn Kin;lr;:ck t fl*sft rs:mah« uoch lubtwa. ifuat a*11« h :..t 



Ii«.rfT,c:un- 




Ergttnzuasoa Blatt 2. 

una Jaria gl««bt ej ». Ba *,orf ton aio ait «1 M . foet-n Bokanntai- 

-toon... Dies Storbon Ml oreroi , oa(1 und abarzeU£;ond ^ ^ 
s= S to .or «„ r Br.vuiins.- A . en .^ mtellektuio I„ ^ 

Einc air r. rbBsEt erzahlto *od ooart Wf dio icu^ dio *' • 

:.7l. iTTr su totoa unti duRn ia «•» *•»"**»-.; \ : 

son.Auch in « Wlfli r«» a « <in .alien rl.1. **.<*„ go t8t.t un" 

c':2 , r,ss:.:• 4,u,,l •■• noino — - "*- — - 

n-llS' 1 .^, r * 20X J" 10h0 * V ° a 3r ° UbarS ' S S-Oberstur,ban„fU, r o r 
..!». *!«««.« in Bronb,r g Ga ao , t Ublloh Judcr , clna „ r 

habo dleson Un/us absoetclit u ad fa, Eroehi „ *""»»»n...- 
242 ..... 



Leseabschrift 



Erganzungen: In Belcec hatte ich den Eindrucl;- daB alle 
wirklich tot waren, obwobl mir Hauptmann Wirth erzahlte* 
daB sie die absonderlichsten Dinge erlebt batten, z.B. 
ein munter iebendes Kind morgens in einer iiber Nacbt 
unausgeladen steben gebliebenen Rammer vorgefunden batten. 
Namentlich sagte Wirth batten sie bei den Geisteskranken 
die merkwiirdigsten Dinge und die unterscbiedlicbsten 
Empfindlicbkeiten festgestellt. Die Erprobung der ver- 
scbiedenen Totungsarten wird sicb nicbt auf groBe Zablen 
erstreckt baben. Aber versucbt wurde mancbes. Z.B. - wobl 
aucb in groBerer Zabl - Tb'tungen mit Pressluft in alten 
Dampfkesseln, in die diese mit Kompressoren eingepreBt 
wurde, vie diese zum Asphalt auf reissen ublicb sind. In 
Treblinka batte ich den Eindruck, daB mancbe nocb lebten. 
Past alle batten die Augen offen und sahen daber entsetz- 
licb aus. Bewegungen babe icb jedocb nicbt mebr geseben, 
obwobl icb darauf genau aufgepaBt babe. Von einem geradezu 
beroiscben Sterben erzablte mir mit tiefster Ergriffenheit 
der SS-Hauptsturmfubrer Dr. med> Villing aus Dortmund. 
Es betraf tausende polniscber Geistlicber, die sicb selbst 
Gruben ausbeben muBten und dann ausgezogen vor den Gruben 
erscbossen wurden. 



243 



^.iirgunzurvjon. 

Bsoondcra tragisch soi ihm in Erinncrung, viio zv;oi klcieno L'iid_ 
chcn vor ihncn niedcrgoknict ociei^und gobotct hlltten- 5 und '8 Jo 
alto — und vfio Bio dann doch erachosccn Tierdon "muooton" ! I- lla\l 
cagte fcrncr: Bci den Kaoaonhinrichtungan dor Polen muesten dieso 
cich laago Graben aucheben und aich dann auf dom Bauch in diese 
h£uicinlegon« Sic vsurden alodann von obon mit I4as chine npiotolen 
or3cho33en«Dic Nlichaton musatoa 8ich c 1: dann ouf die noch Tjsrmea 
leichen drauflegon und burden glciohfalla eraohoaaen. Viele seio 
noch gar nicht tot gevieaen und mussten -dann beim Vorsouh, aus deia 
5-6 lagen harauazukriechon, an Grnbenrand erschoascn vierdono- 

Ein hohca Mitglicd dor doutschen Regiorung in Xrakau arzahltc 
tnir, vjahrond* er die Puts trenchicrto, von einem besonders gliick- 
lichen i'aag, donde gomaoht button. Sio batten eia ftthrondeo Uit- 
glied dcr polniachon Wider:- taadabevjogung gofaoct, einen Juden Dr 
ocr batto sich bcim Vorho*r in Schvioigen gohtillt* Darauf habe iaan 
iha die Handgelcnko gebrochen.Auch da noch habe er geachvfiegen.D< 
rouf hatte man ihn mit dem HinSsrn auf oine glttheade Hordplatte 
gesetzt: Sio batten mal sohon sollen, *io aer ^erl geoprSchig vjur- 
do Ml — 



Ergiinzungea Blatt 4« 

Bei .linden Bonuch bei dar Brtlichcn Bculeitung. 3 or v/afffsn-Si: in 
Lublin aa 18.August 1942 crzaMiltcn linn d£e boiden Bausondorfiih- 
rer von siner so Voraittag stattgehnbten Baeichtignnr, der Loi- 
chonfcalle eines SS-ICriegsgafangennnlagori* bei Lublin. Bort tsr.i. 
ca die Loiohea zu tauaonden nuxgotUrait ge?»ofl«n # V'l»br^nd cie vjegsr 
dos Umbaus Uassuagon durchgoftihrt hattsn, batten eich plBtzlicv. 
2 i-icnachaa beuogt* D e r begleitendo SS-Rottenftthrsr hsbe dnrs^f 
nur gefregt i V/o denn??«~ Dana h*ba er oin b«r'*tli'jgcndos Stiicft 
Rundeiaon gononraen und dnn beidon don f:chiid.el eing^achl.-jgon. 
— iJicht die' Cataacho, mointea diu Baufiihror- nab* oit uborrss-* 
sondera die SolbstverBtandlichknit , mi'; de.« ds»a <r?schihl — 

— Am Sago mcincr Bcaichti^ung in Bolceo pc»^sierte es, da::. 
oin« Jildin niit eir.om verborgsa gehaltflaen Hneinrraoascr 
eiaigea Judoa doa Arboitakorr.r.-.;;ndoo oinigo Schnitt? ia *d^n little: 
beibrachte.Y/irth bodnuorto lcbhaft f daae die rrr.u sohon tot ce;., 
aie hitte oxetaplwrinch bestrift cordon m'depen.- Bi*; verlotstca 
Arbeitsjudca liena er corgfiiltig pflegen und arztlioh betrcu 



or 



244 



Drgiinzun^n Blatt 5 #l vto 

v.ie er aagte, uci den Glauben vnach zu hwlton, daaa oi* ange- 
ciedclt, belohnt und nm Loben erhalten Tierdon eollten. Er-.'irth- 
konnte sioh aolbat nioht genug doruber vmndorn und amliaioren, daas 
die daa glaubten. . . . . .Und daa glaubon die Hcrle , das glauben die Xh 

Serial 1 1- riejf er vor eich bin II 

~ In Bolceo burden nach doa Cffnen dor Vaggone und dsm Entklci- 
den die Manner und Jungen duroh don lautapreoher aufgefordort, 
die Ubcrall heruraliegenden Klcidunsaatiicko oofort zu den 7/'aggond 
zu bringon, rait donen sie in oinen groaoen Lager vareohwandaa. 
»V/er am beaten aohfiflft , kann boim Arbeit 2 komsiando bleibca ?l- Nun 
beg.ann ein Y/ottlauf auf Isben und Tod dioser mckten Kenachen 
beim Aufraumen, unter dem Hohagelachtcr dor Mannnohaf ten. Hatttr- 
lich vorachtiandon aie alio nachhor in don Gaaknmmorn.- Lodiglioh 
eiaigo ganz alto urtd aohtiaoho *eraonaa vmrdon aoitviurta gotrogen 
und dann craohoenen.-Ioh donko an einigo flir raich tief orgrei,ond« 
Bilddr 1 An daa 3-4-Jiihrigo JudoabUbohon,dem ronn ein Biindol Bind- 
fadon in die Hand driiokte zum Zuaammenbinde ri der Sohuho f viie ea 
varaonncn dio Bindftidchon an dio Louto auatoilte. Oder an oin 
kleinea Xorallonkettohen, daa oin kleinea Kadohen einen Motor 



Ergiinzungen, Blutt S 9 

kleinea ]Jad oh en einen I5et;r vor der ^anknmr^or verlor: ^ie rich 
ein Biibchen von vielloicht 3 Jahrun danach bfickte , urn es sufzu 
heben, *io 00 aoine Proude doran hat - und dnnn in die Xammer 
feuatoseen, nein, in dioaom ?all nachto hinoingedruokt vsirdl — 
SS-liauptsturmTUhrer Obarcaejrnr erzUhlto air 1 loh habe in cinem 
fiorf hier in der Gogoad einen Judon nobst ^'rau sua seiner ■ 
Heizntatadt Pirmasen8 aaaotroffon^Dor i^.nn^Dr in \7eltkricg 
Waciitmaistffp und iat oin aohr ordantlicher Kerl.Ala Kind hat 
er mich vor dem Todo deo UborTahronderdona gerottet.Ioh werde 
jetzt die Xeute mitnehmen und in dan Arbeit ukomraand o oinglie- 
dern.-Auf m'-»in^ Prago, *ao \*eit«r «un ;bn balden Vu\rde f aa^to 
Oberaeyen Nachhor gonau *tlo ;ie andern, da dar£ roan aioh nichta 
von anaehmen, 6a gibt'a nur oins I loh Tierdo aie iramerhin er- 
echiesaen laason I — Ich bbo auch innvrhalb dor CO cine grOase- 
re Ansahl von leuton angotroffoa, die dieao i'.ethoden achiirfatena 
vcrurtciltea und dio dartiber sur Ablchnuas Oder g^r, zu einem 
glUheaden ^aan .^en den "ationnlaozi.-ilisau- fselan/jten« "ich non- 
ne- auch Tiiodcr in letztcr Verantviortung- hicr eiaige I.'anen t 

SS-SturnbannrUhror Dr f mod.Pocht aua hagon i.'-eatr.Chef dcr 

245 



Lrr/tlnzun^un Blrtt 7. 

I nacre a Abtcilur*£ deo SS-Lazaretta Borlin-«. 
3C-l;auptaturnLTiihrcr Dr.. -cd. Iliac a a, Itcehoe. 
S-j-Ob^ rat ursi* Hirer Dr.ci2d, Sorgo rud Jona, 

Lc-Iiauptscnarfahrer, 3tabsachai?fHhrer beiia Roicfcsarst 3S. Hcia- 
rio:* Hollander, uatinazi-Aktiviat uad ffltihnnder Haasor dea Naziu 
UauptaturafLLhr^r Lr.?ritz ICrsntz, bai;a Reichearzt SS Abteilua* 
CS-Gruppsaftiarsr Dr«pharnu31urfloarauth*r # Oberat&r Sahitatazeug, 

star bsim- lioichaarzt S3 uad Polizsi, 
Dr.Eudolphi, SiS-Starinbannr'Uhrer ,ebjndort 

Dr.Behmenburg, ebcndort.Rudaiphi "5 rat Oktobar 44 d2& Hitlcrbild 
cea j?LiGoen. 

uterhaupt iat ;. a vioit gexehlt,die SJ-> auch nur einigennaaaen ale 
ctiacn oialvsitlichen HauJTen anzusfthan« lea \ieisa, » ie senior es j 
da Uatoraohi-i'de zu machea i^ der Beurtcilung und 3ehaadluag» Ici 
verstoho, daaa man aich m irgend ein« Forraation b^eonders halt*, 
mochte und kaano die von der S3 bogangcaoa Grauel v;obl nm bet 
Abor dabei ist aicht zu Ubsrsehen, daof? z.B. mindeateno 2/5 der 
hollaadi'sch«a S3 g«zv;ua«ea sur SS duroa Lug und Batrug durch t 
gaaaauta Sportkurse gepreast «urdu # Ebenao giag m vie lea Deuts* 



i^r^aazuraViMi Bl«tt & m 

aeutflflhcin. «i« mrt ,ittir.h ttUB dor Kitl«.r3«igiin 3f di., ahawtloo Ubor- 
rno^lt und Kbi.rtWip.lt i. urdwa . ,*„« ocn vlnlca, ci„ vcnbr 
Lrtt*off« ,dcr J'.«ritt.t * u r atoil*™ V«rnnl«,cua- oin-v.cta in die 
Zl y.^pror-t wurdaa. las =wc« ua <i« r iroDr^it und Ocraohtis- 
koit willnn borsiokjiohtisst. wordtttti 



246 






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■J* p~^> l<n~~^ i / e p "Iff ytlZA **- &**^ "-^^^ J- 

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256 



ynysniorgf^rps sur L'AtTOB t o rapport 

turt OSHSTEIKj infieniijur diplent, eijoiirt du aerrict de» dnea, harp 
aervlta* eloip* da eerviat dt I'Stat P<w aetivitt aaxti-*fttioa*la-aoaieUBtt 
ta profit dt r^LlM Refers** (pnfli«r pogoaxgu 1* **.«•«)• J* aide 
e*-proprietaire d* la dim* *• US« ILC2US tt Cie,, febrigu* dt aeahia** 
pour greieeagt atrtonatigu* dot 1+eeaotiYaa* : 

Itoa pare* Ui&dLc *& QXPjnzTB, prieldait da la Cour d* Juttiae ea trttrsi 
dt Hegm (Ytrtphfclie) . 

yji a^ret Cera GERBTZIK, ci* S3322U5Z, d^dl* ta 1933* 

Jt 0tii0 natit dtpuii If XI l^xxi 191T «*e* Cfriedt nit ESSCH, dodeilK* 
a Tubiacca, Oericaatrea** 34. Boat avrortroit create, Xmulf e*4 de 5 aae, 
icelhaid, 8 cat V*f G 1 ** * ***• 

d* 1905 k 1910 1l IM&ffitr (gteiphalLt) 

da 1910 ft 1919 a Scrrebrueek 

«n 19Z1 * Balberetedt •• k , • _ 

dt 192$ * 1925 * Keuruppia, pr&a dt Berlia, e* J^ei paesS ea 19B» »tt 
befibot eu lyoie* 

dt 1925 4 1930, travail pratique d«ad dei fiine* ■lttrnati.Ytctnt avec det 
t'tudee a Varburg, daabea •* Berlia. 

ea 19219 exfisea d'iagaaleur diploaa, 

Dtpult 1925, aacbre eatlf dt la ^eaneeat proteetentt patieulitreseat dans 
ltt eerclet Vifellque* dtt i*etittttt pfdegociquei euperieara, 

■t/pjrm POUTic^ft 

partiesa eatif dt BaUBOEJ et dt STBSSSLfiKK. ^,^, *t 

Dtpult 1951, eonetaaaest poureuivi pet la Sett apt P«r activity esti -ac- 
tional* m profit dt Vi&LB* dt la rteietcnee ebHtienae (papieur Ecrtin 
KHMOIZXER, Bcrlin-Dohlt-I>aOhaB) at pour eontfauatiox; del reunion* interditee 
das jemtfistt protectant**, 

L* SO Janvier 1935, J'ei eH* celaeni et bles*4 pour avoir protect* 
eontr* la representation dt la ii.*ee aati-chretieane *CLttecind5, to tfadatr* 
d f £tst dt Ebgiu (Wo*tpnalie> 

U £7 Kevotbre 1935, iutpfrorttwr-adioiisi da terviet dw XJintcj «acuitt, 
fonrtionntirt dt l>A<fainietr*ticm dot X^utt dt la Berrt a Barrtbrueck* 

Lt 27 Septaabra 1936, errcti par Oa Gtttcpt, daat ma bur*aa, pour avoir 
•avayf '8.500 broehurtt aati-aaritt a tout let ksL'tt foncttoimelret dt l»£tat| 
VoUfi eci adt en dtat d»arreeiatioa dt •protection" pour **.frtrt Hvr< k «ae 
actlviti aifarte pour l^rtat, eclcr^ dt nocbreux tvertiaecscrtt, en orcaxdtont 

K 1* 



257 



uae etttque rycU=^ii<r-i«r eonocrlrique ci crcrjile'-e dtio le dsrxlno litt<$r£i 
eontr* l'rttt natiocil-aacielirtc, 

lyaat qtdtti le eenriet de l°Etat B J© pa* re'aliaar an d! see dieire pt 
rM* 9 Jtudier la cSdcelae" tropied© a fcibiagca m l , Inrkltut Preteetast alia 
pour ndetdoa nidietlea, Lae IfcpOOO carte emu els que ae proeurtit Ik aaieoa 
LXKCK PUTHL2 t Cle. ae readaiocit iad^peodaat et e*eoaasdqucaoeit libra) 2/1 6 
sl*b rarenue e*tait '.dapeaao' par »ai.* 'depuit 1$S1$ pour aea idJeiixreligieux, G 
tat t set frtit que J'ei fdt ioprinar 8S0»OQQ VreeJburaa.relicieaBaB aVastl* 
aexi** et d fe^rari leur diffusies* 

Le lt«7 38 cat lieu ns deuxiise errtstetioa far la Otitapo a* 1* 8.D. 
BtuttetrV J*ei d'ebord paee* 1 qutlques aeociaee dens adtarteB prieoaji da c 
et fue eonduit enau*te mi eccp de ©one ©Qtratien de Vel ratio* Zapcrxrsai 9 j't 
It* iaterraea' et averti, deux dsusainea de foia, p&r de* estate de la Qesttpt 
da S»B» Defease at fut donate de prendre la. parole ear tout It territoiri 
da Reich et ted a M acinteni ^aeqa , l la fia da aysteae nariU 



Larequ* J»epprie l # a*eaaeiaei aatcir dee alieoit a Badeaar* Oraftneex-. ' 
et eilleur*, je a f eut plui cu # ua d$nir> tair juiqa^ea ftnd de eette aaradte • 
de eorciera et eoacsmiquer m peuyle et qae J*/ Varrali aarcit-ee ea'rieqat ; 
de navie, ^t a'ayaie pte a avoir da serupulee, avast dti coi-acae, a deux f 
la victise dee ageste da IVS.A qui a»iCtcieat eux^-eaeiiafiltr^e dtaiilta**'-''' 
adlleux lei plus ferais de l»I£liae proterteitt tt qui ardent pri* «&>#-*• - 
eote ere* aoi* . 

Je peafieiai *0a qua *oue ©ie* eepehlea de Lira, je It j>eax' adtax "•*-■ 
que you**, et jii&i eoartitusit voloatalra pour ecxtrer deaf let WW • J^el 
prie eette dSeisdoa d , auieat plae facileccot cue fia j>ropre a^llt-eeeur^ :-./' 
B«rthji F^Tra sreit <ti aaeossinie a Eadaaart - ' • - 

A 1' aide de deux reecassaadationa d'ageiti de la Oeatape aai armieat iti 
ehnrs*e de rxrn ce», U oe fut facile d'etre aacepte* daaa lai Yaffea.£S>.aa de 
tee Keenleure K^cvait diti *^re« rotre doee d'id^alifiae,' ywti devritt etrt •; 
Safoacl Juequ'au 'toa ftane le parti"«N C^eat aiaai ^u»ils'»e ntsatrireat •ua-^ 
oesee le chesia k prta&v, aa foractiaa de anao ae fut doaa£e a BeBbart f ' '-".' 
Leaceaaoora, dcae ua etace que ^e euiTie a^ee «0 m^deaiaa, Basuite t araham'. 
ea Bollcade, at k Orirafiaburg. JL arnaezsp Je fut ads inxidietcaeaV n rtla- 
tioae eveo la r^cictDnce hoUaadidoo per aoa sad. d'^tudeai le fe^riquaat 
Ubaiax DO^SBUKJ, " 

Uef ^iudte doualee* aa taut que »<5decia «t teekaiclea ce toaduieaat 
Westot a 1*S,1^ dee S.E., sectiaa n, JSyeiln* U fact avouer que eetU 
eectioa ©"tcit d'uae lerceur de coaceptlan reoarquBale pftr/eiteaect coaselactt, 
L* cbcdx de ass oecupotioa a»eet laical fotUraceat etlibrmeat. Je ae 
nste I eonntruire dee iaetellctione de d^dafoctioa locale* et noailee pour 




« cela, y „ - 

tort, ect=e ua c*aie ttcbaique," Je dispoee -tout aicplaBeot.d'im eolide aoa 
ecas et d'uae craade auret^ d'iactiactai a partir de ae aoaeat, je ecia. 
f arteeeat txtiUei pour dee prejete da liiiiietire da TrcYsil et da Klaieter* 
de r<Me Je dale ae charger de reaettre daae le Voa ch«=la le ejeteat da 
£±T Or 



258 



i> * 

dfcinfeciioa tris irruf fiarxt du O.K.T:. Ce ffye^tct at ait Ll$l tdle=:e:t e&bot* 
qu # U E'y a pai CT^ad chose i asoliorar. Tcutafcia Ja recede a etoppcr la 
terrible vague de typfcua de l&U qui oeuea quotldi«ui«=ext plus! aura disaiaee^ 
de ciUl&ra.de »©rte dans lea cccpa de priKmniare at de oonoentretion. Blast & 
Je devic*»a eoue-lleute=aBtp pule lieutaniaxi. 

Ba d*oe=bre 1541, J© ado a nouveau «n Erend deader. La Tribunal du perl 
qui areit decidi* aon excretion ayent apprie.que Je settle inmtre 4iaae ta E.K. 
da B.C, ' Creee I «*• rauaBttea.et i l f eetS*e.£en*rale dont J a Joule, J a aaii • 
protege" ' per »a# cbef a et mainteatt* . ' . . • ;s /.. .:!.V' £ IT . ; '..,= . '•"• '. '/".>"." -.•*;""■. 

E& ferHer 1942," Je'iade D«ame , 'ebef de la auction technique eatitaire .qui 
CDoprend, en etc* tcpi| tout It eystfcae da l f eeu potable at teute li dicbifao- 
tion technique,' aoae el 1 aide de gtf trU tojiquea, .:-; : ' 

Lt B Juin 1942, li UU Cturx^BJaifHehr«rlBUI2:?EER da B«£ T R,1« At la 
rurfuerieneireaee vieat dene rwa Weaa. II eat .en ciril* Je »e 1'ai jamais 
tu* Avee beancoup d , allus±oni nycterioueee, il na donae rordre ^e lui pro- 
curar 260 ksej d # aside prueaique art da ae re2re aree ca poleon, **«».«»• vei- 
ture du P„S»K«JU dana un bndrolt ooaai seolnsent da opaducteur. *•"".- .W ;:•.-.'. '" 

Quelque teope" ****** J* »e raaca, avee'eatte Tuiture, 4. C giln, proe da .. 
Prague* v Je pou*aia n^iaeciner, apprwdBfitiTaoaot la gecra d a deal on dact £1' 
^EClaasAt, Ja l'aaoepte toutefoie, cor Kui<mr£ , hul aawre 11 ca arable qu*ia . s 
■haaard receamblant e'trengeQest eu dertin, a a ait en situation da iatar tm aoqp 
i x odl nxecieaerrt U ok ia wuleia Yoir olair de toxrtei lea fibraa.da noa coeur, 
Pard daa cillicrt da poatei poadblaa, ea tt*«r«lt aoaft^t .pansl laa peateinaa - 
d»ortreH i^^* *• P .* 1 * ^ fc'^PProchelt la plaa.da tatta aorta.da eb&aa at qrL.. 
aa chargcrEit, mol parei tent eVautrea i l j travalll«r # . .81 S % J psaMf ."oAj ■#.;••■ " t 
i sbla tncroyeblt »t aala d'actant jOLoj at l«oa tlcrnt ooryta da coa p»aa»J qid -•-... 
c^a aon&ilt p>laal«rra foia den* laa prlaoaa da la Oartepa *t da S.D. .aeur meti^U 
cBti-aatioatlaa. «A,' U n*J •• P*« «i lonctaazpa, dca» un eazsp da eon* ant ration, oaal 
<tcnt caaaa largacant da naf abafa, par wxlta da la dtoraeiatloa ta^crtU .. 
Traiacast la '&B, «t ion pairan la E.BpB*JU .pat jaesnifianeaent doi^Aana ^ aa cu 
at cart xaadu ^ d'una faaoa aacasjialra la boue *.jar^ijd«p # ^ • : 'T\ C :V : . : . 

Tout «f ola "w axaaixtion A'ua ordra r«m^ ja tarda la tacrat abaola aar 
cetta claaton icena dana la buraaa at na parla a paraocna da octta cboaa, Aama 
douta «*aat poaaibla, al dana sa altuatiaa it ■• livrt.a una Inniacr^tiaa, ja 
aula tno a?ra« das torturaa «f^ro>*ablaf .ad ma fscdlla aara ax^cutfia en Baza, 
tasjpi qua x»i#-" "'•" _ / : ~ : > : . -":.■ . ; .. : ' ; . ..:-J -" : . *.» 'i >\"--.. "- ' : "'.-''- -: 

Je n'al pan la toixifira acrupula d'aaocyter catta adacicn, car .tout antra 
l»«2rat sacoia a biea dBsa" !• atprit da B.D., tandia .qua col, conatdor^ cesat- • 
cutorite dana la don tlna da l^aida prueelqua et das gas tra toxiquaa, ja 
peux trea fecilaoeat tcir* dlapcxatra taut la. ahtrEcent twn pritaxta qua 
lacatibra eat abicie ou d^oospoala* C # aat alnai aaulcaeitt qua l'aqplol d»a- 
cida prucclqua poar l f axicutton d^Vtra* huadna paut aire «cy?cb6a, &i tout 
ate Ea tzLt la ngeaaafdra/i partix da oa nonest, j>our arolr au be«ia aur 
coi; pour bob uaage j)araonnal, tmijoura cu .poiaon rur.coi, aind qu an piatolet 
biaa cbargi qui na a* quittaat ni da . jour_ni de truit* ....-.' 

Una place rart ant Ubra'dana la yoiture an question Jo aula aaaonpacnl 
par le S.G. Obarsturnbannfuabrar Frofcaccur Doct ear rr&ZnWTKZ., tenant la 
cbaira d'hyciona a l«UniTercit< Ae Htrburg (Laba) 

b| U 



259 



A Vxllin dt^c It ftbriquc d'ucido prucriquc, J'qVriic fiit ccrrpresdre 
TolovrTni regent en porsonr.&lf per do cclairoiies qorticcft ttciir.icueo, quo 
l^cide froi-caique e*tait dertin* k tuar d«* ctres fcicn-jltic. J'al pratique* 
alard i chaquo fois # oesl ©Hurt Is. neiUsure ftdcon de laaoer das rumours 
d&aa le psuple. Lt Y^hioule fut Kurvdll^ tra 4troiteaeat a. Collin,. 

A Lublin nous sondes rocue pas lo S3 Oruppenfuehrer GLOEOCKD5 G6nlral 
do 1a uaffon SSv - Celul-ci diti "Ct secret d'Ztat est actuelieaeat un de*. . t - 
plus Isportftntt, on prat dirt trap quill emeai le plus import ejit, cheque boost ? ' 
qui on parlt oara IscuSdleteaoai furiHe"! Mar fcfca jagtacoatj aoue avoas fait 
taire deux brtvarde*. Actuelleaeat (nous tarao lt IT Aout 1942) rtfui aYont i 
Installations* • .... - : . .".■".. ■. 

1* Bole eg, situe cur la fcocte Lublin-Lcdberg, den* l f eagle nord 
Jurtt a 1* ©droit oe la ligaa do desarostion russo eoupo la route, - 

KGadaecrt ouotldign l eaviroB 15*000 ex^eutioae "- • . . ."_• /;". 

Utilisation noyermet jusqu'a par deptiis Avril A2t 11*000 par jour, 

3* Bobioor* pres do Lublin ea Polo^ae, jo no sals .pas' exact sm eat C&* 
20*000 cxicutioat par jour dpuis environ Juia It -■*. 

*• Trebling a * . eta Pologatj " 120 kns nord-nord-cct do YareoYit', 
2S«OO0 exiciitiotts par jour, depttie rrr^riBxfrtrrtt Hat 43 . 

4, Eaidsnaedfc, pr&s do Lablin t encoro en preparatitty . 

ABCO^pagno* du ebef do tout *s cos febrlquos do Borto 5 1» Capitelno df n *.%!.'> 
foiloo yTRTH » 3**1 vitdto' a fend tout ees eadroite a l # exso?tioa do Kaidaaao«i£ -* 
'^IKTH oat cltd-ll B2co chargi par KXTliES et KHflT.^P. do nisidca, qai a «upprin»'.. : " 
los cli^nlB k Hedcssr. Grafcaeck ct sill ears, ' .\> • -J -'* 

. ; ;•>;. \ <v - . . ... r 

5« totirasrt vers col, gy^Tn?^! GLQ30SKIC diti • *Votro dovair ost eelix!/ •«...., 
de d^oirfoctor let inaca»0B qaoatit^o do lginrgeoi lia^os, yfltoaoato ot .ooulloap. 
quo produioent nog tioinoa, 81 touclos aa» noui eoloctono doe voteaacsto parsi',v: 
lo prjpl* dcuaoia, oola a f oot fait qfue pour ccBOuflori Ttfr-^-TiB du pouploj #t" r ;•' 
dot ©uvriore itraxger» f la prorcaanco do oob lraeaaea e^iantitio do f ripoxioB* 
Un antra napoct boaucoup plus important do votre ndsrloa ott do modifier lo[-v 
femctionncsost meat de ttov insrtitus do usrt* Actuollosoai oala ra fait, JSTaoV 
box. echspresocrto do gtx d'tm Tloux cot our Dlosel ruooa," Cool doit so .tsodifior "r, 
et allor boanooup plus Tito. Jo poaoo ourtout a l § ecido prue=l<p:o. Irat-liior 
(lo 15 Aotit <2) 9 lo Fuehrer ot EDSiLEa ^talent lci» J'ai rccm 1'ordro do at 
pas doanor do porcis eux gess <jul cost obliges do Yist^ar cos inctallKtioas : 
pour dpo rrioxmt de scrrico lndiepcaesblos t d«1b do Iob eocospesacr perpoaaol- 
lc303t ca tuo de la coaaonrctioa du oecrrU ' . • '<■ '; ;.-^. ■ 

JTilxXaiSIXn. doc^ndt elorsi *Qu , cct ca quo lo Puohror a dii do taut »ociT* . 
r^penso do CL0B0CHEC% 5touto l^trtioa doit ctro aealo on plus Tito, ' 21 e*tait 
accocpr^ da Coaocillor rdnioteriol, Cr; Eerbort LBCJ2;, da adnietfcs* do l»Za* 
tcriour qui £tcit rGBpontr.blo, corao nidocin, do l , ar;5catioa dot ali€aisw OoluS* 
d £r±t l*ld6o do brulor los eadaTroo plurtot que do .lcs ontorrer. XI 1st ,:. 
poetiblt qu'imo g^nir*stioa nous auocodo qui ao sous cossreddra pea trop Hon\ 
La-dec cub CLCQOCSC auroit roponda SHossicurs, el jtssis.uae c^n^rntloa doit 
nous succeder qui ao coi^r«idreit pas fcotre grand deroir si adccstdLro, 11 • 
fcut Trainost croiro quo tout notro nntio-cl-adoitliczzo a it6 irrtile, Jo rule 
rJ coutrairo d'avis qu'il fcudrait e=tcrTar ca neca tccpB quo los cadaTroe dot 
tablcttos de bronio cur leequellos 11 sorait iaocrit quo e^st ttous ^ ayonn 



260 



5 

cu 1* course dt CC cr t bifen cdtto oeurre d. lrpcrfata ct el indigene tile*. 
KITLIa riponditt "0111, CLOBO:!^, ctcl tct ^tltaent con opinion* 

Stamina, qu.Hu, ta=?t a^a, >«l l«rl. da »n il»ffll ^*^ 
Ha. let cadarrat dijl eaterr/a furent bruU» w «•» trU*" fabriquJti 
ltM dec rallt a l'tida d'eaceaoa at A'fauilt* lourdai. 

Let tarnui dt eat ua±ntt dtaiaat II TJBblia daaa •• qu'on appall* 1* 

•Caaero* JULXCSSCHRBCX% ' " „ 

to B » praaeat* aax nattiturt *d a*y troinrant la Jour wi***. Sou. 
aliens etw la voitura An Cat TOSH a Beleaaj tma patitt B er# »?felala eat 
Smc^, tout prli dt la mitt a. proxiBLil d'uaa mUIm dt aabl. jm 
jui rud de la routt a* trouTcnt quelqutg betiacate tree I'lneerlptlaa BEoa- 
»sndo tp*eial" det *tffm SS dt Baleec\ 

CL0B0SKE5 »t a*t ca report area It respleeent dt OE2H. It BS Hau*rf 
sturttfuebrer OESBlsna do FirB*aeoa» 

At** uat dieerJtion reo xoueble, eelui-d at- fit f tire It tour da 
propria aire* 

Derribret A»*paiaaei r «ms*et dt fil dt fer bcrbele', tout; 4ti nit* 

■prlf It CETt# ■• trourt d'abord.uat grendt barwpiaaTi* rinacriptioa 
»Veatiaire\ X l»int£rirar, 11 y a un grand grdebet bit lequal 11 ast 
narquti 'Dipot d'or at d'cbjrt. dt ybIW. Vleat caeuite cat- ****« 
aveTeaTiro 100 •<: ibesnx, It "aaloa da coiffure"* &wit» 9 «nt all<t 
bordSt d'erbree d'eariron 150 & bcrdSa * droit t at 4 gaucha da fil dt 
farbarbel* double area une inacriptiD* Tare ltt loem x d'lab alfctloa at dt 
baine*» Bout x»u§ trourant elors deri-at vn batiseat axngx aoane tme 
nsieon dt beint arc tm ptUt eoealier deraat en f.er f org** to It 
£S£Lt* u^grandr PnnSarte ere* rinaeription, "foadatlon HCTW Hffl.T% 
Jt n'ei pti w d*T*nteg. eet epH«±di. ,*£«?«* *~ «^ r " * ^J 1 **" 
neat a droltt A* eouloir »t trour«nt dsat 1* ■tarf.Rm At b«lwr% 1 droitt 
«t k ctxicht troit ebtabrtt eoanit dts gsra&tt 5a mxr 5 «t l f 9o k. dt h^W 
Jt aeToit pas dt »rt *tt cprt-ddl Bait Pjarloiit^ ;««•«- It routt rftgt 
uat pucateur Irrotpirable, pectil«Utll.t f ladowriptiblt de etdETrt. Dtf 
sillioaf dt Bouchti TolBitert ta I'eir* 

Lt lendcsaain quelo^iet einxttt aTsat T bourea, jt *uit pr&raxm "Stout 
dt cultt. lt prosier transport doit arrivar *. Eff eatirenot. I T heuret 
frcppentcB. un trxda aYec <5 ^oni viaat de Loabergj derri.ra let oriTicta 
ccrnla do fU do far berbeld f on apcr*oit dot enfant a d'une palair effroy 
eblft f aucd puelques bpesta «t qualquot fesatff arac lot traits C£fonaSa par 
la freyaur. 

200 Ukrainieaa arrncbeat let portei at &Y« lfRira foucta ea tvlr, 
fouattcat las ccia bora das *tgoaa, 6»VO0 paraornea, doat 1»<50 coat d«Ja 
nortec I leur crrivSc, 0a haut parleur doano let InctrucUoaaf fit 
d^casbiller ©oaplataacat, at d£bcraa8ar dcdcaiest det lunattet at dot pro- 
thiaes (ua c*rd* dit 1 cat Jcuao filial dfpoatt traagallleaeat ^j» 
luaottts, Tout an aurtx d'autrot L l'lstdrlaur) v d^poati lat objata da 

ku 1» 



261 



▼tlc^r c^ r^ichci r:st b=n ou ^jLlttriec Us c" c ~ct juif do tr^ic crc 
recoit undo brtcc^e do ficelle* qu'il dirtribe pcdvccit lux tutreai 
e°ert dofiintf a lier lee ehcus&urcB, ear J red e parsenne ne pourraii r&» 
trouYer let pairee eaeorties dans Is las bairt da 35 & 40 a} ire a, Eneuii^ 
lot fee=et st lei jeunea fiUee pestent m "coiffeur** Avec S »u S soups 
do cleetux, les cbeveux aont coupes st diffpcrdcccat dens do crende eaes 
de pozae de terra. 

Cm Bnterscbsrfuehrer do serTioe bo dits "Cast dertini & ua vsegs 
special pour l'isolstion do sous-oarine*. Acs Bonent dejk jo predi* e, 
tout lo icon do quo blest at ess soue-wrine eesBsroirt do roder <en aer ssr 
l'sreas la plus affieaos doit pordro son sordest id ell© a {to* souillete . 
ATM doo fleuTss do sesg inaooeni • 

£i fait, IsseTaneoents fi'ont donnl raison peu do tesps apret* 

Le train do la sort so met eloro en rȴeaesxt| es tote une jsuna 

fille raTietanta. H.deseead Valls'sv. -.Tous pus. ho=aea, fezEosj^SB-, 
rantsj pare! eux, aoutecuea a drolte et a taueEe Get Eaaaea qui cat <£ti 

obliges do diposer leurs prothsssa* 

Je co trouTS stcc le Cepitaine TOMB'sh heart do larezys antra 1m 
eheabrst do la eort* Dos caret aree leurs Bourriaaans euz sdLna, das 
petite eafantt mis, das adulter dee enfants, dot fc=ei, tout, pele-Bel*, 
nus 9 lie Bontest leaieseat*. Sieuite, iis entrant dans 1st ehcEbrat do 
eori 9 poust£i par eeux qui so trourent yderriere eux qui tant astioixnia 
. pap loi foucto.doa BSi : • .7 . 

Baca ten coin do I'ellle a* trou've xm cros SS sree ua Tisxct do 
bull-do* qui oat entoure per cat &slheurcu*» D'uzie Toix pastorals il 
leur ditt *22 no 'Tout arriro riea da tout* .- Tous drrox aealttKcxt resplrsy 
a fond k 1'izrtdtieur das ebenbres, ,1st inhalations cont indi«pensei_as a 
€8nM 4es ^pidesies at darcslcdie/V pi cela'TOue fera du bien dix j^ausont*/ 
Bsr la question* "quo Ta-t-il ftoug eiriTtrt * 11 ripoad "Ja, ttaturellaaeBt 
loo hosaaa doiToot traTciU»r> canatrvlrt daa t&aiaesia^ daa route*, suds- 
las fossae a^ont pas basoin ds ircTaiilcri seuleneat si allai Ysulsot t • 
ellos peuYeat sXder dant las uaijias it a Is cuiaino% - 

potjr- quel quee uno parsi sea Eclhmtreex* cittulxttxr d'ospoir »st 
suffiaaato pour leer fairs ftiro quelques pas jusqaa dc»s les sH«abres 
sane raaistancs, aeia la sifijorit^ sait so qui 1' attend* >L»odsur let a. 
reaaaicn^s sur leur sort. JSasL Us Boxxteat lo petit aacaiicr^t Toiest 
touts l^inatEllatioa, La najorit^ sent diro un act r^scit eczc*-x»^ — ^ 
nouton qu^on a&ne a l'abttioir* I2as JuIto d'eaTiron <0 end ere* das >^ui^ 
flrrboyants, cppells sur la tats dot assecidns tout lo sang IcEoeesaesrt 
tcts4 id par l f aBSfcS8±act le plus lacha qui so Tit tfaacia, C f ett It) 
Cepitcine OS7H pcrsamclletMa t qui la frc?ps 5 cm 6 foit do son fouet 
au Tisegs, ale diDparait k soa tor dais It chazbrs, . Qudqss Urn M 
tournoit Tsrs soil »0, Monsieur, aidef^ous, adex-nous% Becucoup 
priccU^ Jo Bs.pcux pae e&eore leur donner d'aida. X Js prie aTsT«ux 
je B-eafonco dans un coin at js sris Tars leur dieo at Tera eoa disT 
a n&uts Toix* * 



262 



I htiriG rzLxo J© j-eux u 1c jcr^ctire, il y :, t tcrer de br-ii L^tour do 
sol* ATee quell© jois no acrcis-jo alii vcrc sax, dens tctto c!c=bre t ltk 
quells Joia as serais-Jo a>ort do lour corU Xa trourant dane leur ebaabrs 
va cffiel&r dso,. GS sn uniforos, Iss assasdns n'sraieni Jrirls suppo^i quo 
cola pouydt sire cno protestation de ca parU Hi and-eat eorr±dir£ ec=s* 
tin accident si con ^pittpbe eureit Its* Tort por con Fuehrer bicnaims'. sn 
sjc^cution do von devoir icpcrtsnt pour It Fuehrer*. 

Bon» eela as 7& pes* J» n'si pas encore Is droits de elder I la tcit» 
tion de Bourir avee eta gens, J* an sals esses* *TR2H no 1'a diti *U B*y 
a pas dls psrsoenss qui out tu e* que J'si to trt qui It Yerraatj It person* 
Bel £tren£cr auxilialrs sera sxjeut4 a la fine 5-t ruis ua del 5 hccate qui eat 
tu tout OB c so installations. JX n*y en a eertainaaeni pas %m $ *. part moi| 
qui to it sola ecanso.adversaire, coca a snesl de ectte bads d^aseasains, den* • 
Je dole viTre eneors st burler'ce quo J'qi tu id* Ea Ttfriti eela doit stirs 
beaueoup plue diffieils* jo doit Yivra.st designer* 

Lee eheabrss so rocplieBcatj •Charcex bi«a* a ordonn© Is sap it tine 
sTKTB. III es Eercbent sur Is* piede lss una ex aire a, £t TOO a 500 strsi 

buskins cur Ei ZbsZ 9 sur 45a3. Js rlsapit uls, plus ds la moitil sozxt dss 
anTants, poids noTea kxtVwi en ncrintra SO tgs. Polds spldLflquet 1» dans 
25»SS0 fcge d<Hcuxas par chanbre. ■ THESE & raissn* exes 1' aids dss SS, T50 
pereonnee peuTsnt etre eas£es sn 45&S si Iss 55 eldest arse leurs fouett* 
st tnf oumezxt ' sutent qua cala est physiqueseni possible* Las portss S* 
ferment, Pendant ce teg>t t lei sstres aitsndeni dehors'.. tat» fixtrs 
teqpsj Is B&as transport si^ errlTs* On me ditt ^iaturellecest lit 
attendant rue dehors Bone par la&rvals tszps, seas ea hiTar"« J© &*al 
Juequ'a present rien dsasndsg js-parals B a 7 ixxt&resser, xsale'iin *»t »*#• 
cheppe beteaeatji . "Hn root cttrapper lti.a»rt" *Hs »nt biea la j^our st,% 
so dit tzn SS dazxi sot pete: *> Ett ss eclair js eonprendi casal pourouol 
touts eett© lastsllstleB s^rpello fTundstiOB B05EELCS00% HO0na/3iOC ' 
est 1» ebeDuffeur du Bisssl* On petit tactile ice sttrarsllleur lafatlsabls 
salon TISTSj 11 a dijt asquis dst mlZLttt l^srisseblsi lors dt l'sxisu- 
tion dsf sliiz^s par soa ardour st sa fertility to Idoss, U sat auaxi 
Is soostruetsur dft touts l'l&stallatlon 9 stso si Tfipsurs ds son Bisisl v 
touts t ess etreo IscuIjls daireat »ourir» - Kais la p.r.cMns Itiesal no 
fozietiosno pas, Co. bo dit quo ssci sst asssi rars« ." 

nR^'trriTO. On to it qu'll'lxd srt piclbl's quo sola so fasss justs 

Qj^ourd'bul su is puis li» Ouis js vols tout st J i sateads toutt aa &octrs 
& tout bies enrcglsirsy 50 jdLcartss,..70 diiutss, Is Sitael ne cincrrs pas) 
l r huaanitj attend dase ess eberahrsi'sa vein* On les ent end pi surer st 
xsn^lotcr *so=as t la Evnacr^Pis" reaarque Is prof essfor FT^inZ^SXUL qui 
a colli l'oreillt eontrs la ports sn sols* Ls eapitains TaZRTH frtppo da 
fouet l»UtrcinieD qui doit alder H0GEELCK00 ca d&sarress du IHsmI, 

J&rb* Z heuret 49 dsuteSf enn cbromoastro l*a bice ears£irtrj 9 Is 
Disscl d£mcrr6. . Jus?u 9 fc est Inst est ess etrot humrliis vivcat dans lss 
chenbros d^je rcspliesi 4 fois 750 stres dsns -4 f eds 45 Dstrsi "5»* 

A Bovrsen £5 rirmtso so passant* 3Z sst vrci 'quo /bsaneoup sent &i}k 
sorts} en to it eela 1 tr&Ters la petite f eairs delairnst un instent la 
ebesbre de lurdero £lectrique» tlRffi c'a iuterdsTo k fond pour sayolr 
si ^'srtice preferable do 1 tit cor isourir ess gens dans une soils obscurs. 
ou del re. XI drrtnde eela sur Is oeno ton quo 1'on dencadsi Traferejr- 
toub dordr arse cu ssno coucr±Ji* 9 " aim or -to s Is eefl ,rr« en sans lait* 

26 drat os plus tard* rarse sent eeux qui viTest ancors. &ifln» 



263 



tprit 32 cinutet tout eat rsartj on ce dit que cela est le tecpt norcal pour 
tuer» 

Do !• autre eot* dee bonaea da ooxaando da traYail ouYreat let portl&j 
on bolt, Euxt Juife efcaleaeat, oxxt mx la proaesce d* avoir la liberU e 

tm •ertain pouroeatece dt tout 1m objett de Yeleur trouY6* Troit eoaptal 
tieanont un Uyto itm une exactitude »crupuleuea at calculeat ee peurceatr 

Ooaae det atatuet do narbra, le* »orta oe tieanet pree&St lea imt tau 
autrea. Bant 1* ebasbre U n»y * pat do place ^our toaber eu neat pour rt 
peacbat. Koat dant 1a twrt on peut reoonaaitre lei f aallleaj 11* ee tiesr 
lot caina raldlea par 1* sari et 11 eat difficile do let arrecber 1m una * 

entree pour libirar le» cbanbres, pour la charge proofenint. 

Let eadaYret'mt et busidet per la transpiration et l^urinejdu rag d 
neattrustioa aux Jaabes, *«li» d^exenSncnta, tont Jetea an debora, dot eorp 
d f eafeate traTereeat l'fdrj il » f J * pat do teapa a pardra. Lot fouctt dot 
Ukrainicat toabeat tar le dot dn xocKondo do travail* * doureinet do deatl 
ouvreat lot bouebet aroo dot crocbett at abcreheat do X*or» Or 1 drolte, 
a reuoba, Dtastrot deatletet arte det placet at det Bartesux arracbeat lo 
deatt en or dot ttacbolrea. Lo caaj 1332 KIR3H eautillo pared tout cola, 11 
• oat dene con eliaeat. Qualquat ©uvriert ©ontroleat lo organee cdaitaux at 
lot emie pour obercbar 4e l # or f dea brillenta, on dot objeta do vdeur. Vim 
no fait ei£ao "Soulrrai YoLr cetto bolt e do conaerret arae dot- deatt an or,ce. 
n f eat qua d'faiar at dUYent-fclart Ayoc una vulgarite' extroor dJnrlr a, 14 *c 
ditf "Voua no jxnrrst pat voat ina£ia«r eo cue l^oa trouve tout lot Jours 
oossa or at *x=»o brOlsnta, aaia regardex* at tl bo conduit vers an bijetrfc 
eharrf d f aifainirtrar tout eat trJwra, ot Beaortre tout ecle* 2 eroeaes pi; 
do 20 dollar* ©eableat partisuUfcreaoat plairo k OTTEi qui let f dt dlsparsi 
dsna ca pocbo» 

Cb bo aontr* ^ffal«Baat va ancioa abaf d»no crando aalaoa d»acbatt a 
Barlln, Oa fait Jouer do ton lnttruaant ua petit Tioloritte. C'att ta»u 
e«?itaina do raraSo autricbloanet proprietaira do la eroix do far do l*r# 
claaaa. Tout lot daax aont abaft &i J^oaaado do tr«nrail Julf. 

Laa cad e %xat rma furaat Jet* *ual<iuei aWaa plat loin, dana dot foaa* 
do 100 x 12 X SO fiHrw. Qualqu«»« 3**" *P**»t J e » oadtvras eafleat at 
.•affoadraat fortaaeat cnaoita, co tpii perm at do lea recourrir d'uao nourell 
coucbo. 10 « do table environ »ont ^etet >«r .deseua, 11 n»y a plue quo quel 
brat at quclquet tatet qui aorteat, Le jeur da at Tiaite, 2 traaaportt am 
' neat &tcc toiTlron 12.S00 peraaaaat arriYcat k Belkec, 

Cetto «ufd*e« foncUeane dopula aTiil'1942 at •fabriqut" oaTiron 1UOC 
norta par >ur. l^raqua le oercle da w»t eaim ou nsi-^eae catcidioaa l'eatf 
da Loadre. ou I*. Volx do 1'J^rique nouo <Uoa« aouvaut carprit par let angc 
taaoooatt qui parlaieat do acatalnaa d« rilliera de mortt alort qu*ta Walll 
U J avcit d^Jk pint do BIX iOLLIQSS* 

Ihxad l'aaaoe 1943, ; la Rixlataneo bollandciaa &a fit dire per U33B0: em 
i«ateit prie do no paa feurair d'etroaitet Imratlet, Btit de ne conteaterd^ 
raproduire la atricto Tdrlt£| Bslcr* eet ladicrtlont de cee ebo.es, ea lout 
1*42, aupree le r*=b*e.ede aa^doiee a Berlin, en ae refuea a frolre eat 
Slffree, XUlbeureu«eacat J'aa repondi aoua ocrscat, eet cblffret aont 
excata, 

D'ayrat ««• doeuaeatt eart*i::t J'eatlBe le fccabrt det etret taaaiat 



264 



L «.Tiroa 20. nlllion& II ae e adt r*« <?Yidcr=er.t ewlcr-eat dec 5 ou 6 nil- 
llloni de Juif t d'Europt qui ©at dtt eiaai aaacaciaia, teia eaeoro dt tout* 
riatelliseafl* tebecae et dt l'Olt* d'eutre* peoples eoaa* de* Sorbet <sj1 
calTlront It ncao cboaia. Easulte lei Polonds, In pine nanbr*ux *t *• » 
petit naabr* d* tcbequ** bo. 5| 11 ••-dt do et que l»on eprell* let -ixmtil*t 
blolodque*" q«i» c ^ Lcm X , »^« ee la £»6, nosiest plut 1* droit d'exieter 
pui»qu*il* *• poursleat *lu* traraillerw 

XVtt connittioat d* *oi-di*e«t srfdecias, fquipft* d* szaeaifique* >oitxxr*s 
et d f ua *GuipeMOt d* soreelleri*_.^dieai»i v^yecealest *• tillac* « rillas** 
da rill* ea Till* et oieultcieat tout* la populetiea oa aeatesa aleae, 1* • 
etbatoeeope a la RciaT Qui n* eesbiait pfct capable dt traYailler, car ua . 
jdaple coup d'oeil, dtait ale wr le liste del ioatil** et eta^t eberta* 
quelqu* ttcp* ipr* et ease** 

0* saat le* Jeuaei goal ©berf a PTTHT . ra qui oat Juge, qui trie sourest 
n'sreiest cena d* aaa* Vouilleat, pa* caeor* eubl *at foraatioa d'eeole 
prittair* et qui ee coasratulaieat de "cisTS eollVgues* et de -K. le rrofeaseur* 

•Seat tei aecurea, n* dit tax Cturskemfttefarer k Laalin, toute la PologaJ 
serait eahJ vtlcar pour aou** ear #21 • *st trop sarpeople* et trop naiads. 
Ecus ftieaae seulencxt ee quo It. nature ftit pertout alllaurs et eo qu'ell* 
oublle Bclhtareu»BLeat eber let autre* tires fcuasins.* 

Eeae ua gtrdo cbaee ce eoafirot quo l' fUn'in etloa dee faible* et de* 
alieai* Ot Justifl* eett* canure aw beaucoup d# eoaYictioa, Pour beaucoup 
oela devaaJt telleoeat nature 1 et iadiseutebl* qu»U dereaEit difficile dt 
diecuter cred uat grcadt partit dt l f e*lit#. 

ZraE ne deagndc do nt pas propoeor i Berlia de BodifiesUoat deaj let aitboder. 
de cart dest let chciret k Etx eoploj^et Jucqu'e priaeat ear ell ot cat fcit 
leurt preuT#t (eic)» Ot qui eat eurieux «••* que l^n «b'i poei aaeune 
quectiea k BerliA* 

/•ai fait ent errer 1' aside pruaciqut esporti# 

Le leadeocia, 19 lout 1941, la foitur* du Oapitaine nMH aout ecaduit 
a Treviinet- 120 km nord-aord-eat dt Yeraorie* X»iaatallatioa #at a pe* 
pres tedbleUe ncit tesacoup p&uc iz^rttcte que celle de Baleen E chcsiiret 
t gax ct plueicurt rsntasse* de Tcliaea, de texlilet et de liaxee, 

Ea aoirt hocaour, ua f crtia rrtiaicat Urcleriea, dcat le jlut pur ctrle, 
Tioux ■rerasfiicuoi est doaa^ dcaa It sell* cos=uae, Lt repaa est tdcple c^ii 
^r#rtl U diipocitioa dt tout le aoado m quaatitf llli=±t«i. EDmLS 
lui-acat a dcaai l»ordrc dt doaaer I -Tolast* cux basoei de et rosscado autaat 
de Titmde. dt acurro, et sirteut d'aleool qu'ile le d/cireat. Le Prj FTAEKEHS? 
ILL tlcart ua AiBCOura, aoulicaaat l'iaportcnce et l»utilite da devoir dt cat 
ho=>ee, 5e toumcct Tcrc col, 11 pz^Le de &Uhede* -tree huardaet" et dt 
•^eaut^ du trsTcil". Ccla a able Irvrcieezcleale, eaie je-eceatis que 
pr/JuiDJBTI2L» Iti-acre pire de 5 c=fcrte ae ptrldt ai co plniaaatcati ai 
iroaiqueaeat. n&it qu'il trtltcit cosct nedecia cettt cbote trtc x= slrieux 
eaaoliu Plua de 1c Boiti<$ dti tasaariaat etaieat del eaf aste| le te=pi 
aomil pour tucr tprU le trtneport et I'atteat* si p£aible tttit dt 12 
ciantes. JTAKK!2JSnsL diatit encore aax bonnet du koicuadot -2a >oytat cm 
eorpt de Juift, cet leseatablee figurca, on eos^read moort Kieux oo=blen 
aotrt deroir proToquera dt reccacilacaact\ 



265 



- lo - 

All depart pluaieurs hilogc dc bcurre ci de norbrcucct feoutcilloc do liqueur 
nous eont of forts poms etro aqportea, J' el crtad peine a rcfuccr eec abosos 
en ergus eat cnt .que, soi-dieest, J»«a dirposcis asyleoerrU Tree beureux 
FTAKKIHSTXEL ecpoche encore res porticnE. Jioui retumons en Yoiture a TARSOVIi 

Au deport noue voyone cacoro un proupo do Juifi au travail qui s* active dens 
une des fosses cosrmnes rJtr un tas de c adavree ■ cm arait oublit do deababiU 
©eux des arrirants qui cialent deja aorta naturelleaentf 11 fart rattraper 
cola, a eaust dot ©bjets dt valeur et des Teteaents * ■•explique la One YPtftj 
A YJ&SOYXZf attendant en rale un wucon-lit, jo reaoontre It secretaire da 
legation da VAabasaadc suedoiat a RKF?T.TK f It Baron tub OTISR dsns !• train | 

escort sous l^inprestion f relets dt bos creatures ef£r©Tables f ~jt ltd ai tout 
racontt cvec la priers exprccst do casczmiquer insediatercsnt tout cola a ton 
OouTcrnecest at eux. Allies cnr $ claque jour de retard ooute la vit a d*eaitres 
dixainfes de cilliera, Jo lui dig t ■• Ei lei Allies envoyaieat a la place dt 
noEbreuces bombes* des Billions dt brochures tt dt tracts Intelligent* tt bits 

felts to informant It peuplt rll fiamd dt tout et qui at pass*, £1 est probablt 
quo dens quelques seoaines eu sols. It peuplt wTlengnd -ec finirait areo 
Adolf HITLER m m 

Lt Baron vob OTTSR • a* a deasndo dee references car eette coirreraation 
etait pour lui r ea test qua diploaate f tres delieate* Je lui indiqual It 
Dr PIB^LIUS a BSHLS^ Bruederwes't 9 S , est aeobre ersine&t de la resistaast 

protect onto, sal intiat dt aon erd g lt Pasteur KIB*OSLLSR« a to aonent a 
DACHAB, 

J'ai reva It Baroa vob OTESa t a deux reprices a la legation su^do'let, 
Intre teqsa, 11 a rendu cospte personaelleaent a STOCEEOUf et at dit que son 
rxpport a eu une Influence eoaedderablt sur Its relations suedo-aUoaandes* 
Quelques jours plus terd pour eoulacer aa conscience, et pour avoir felt tout 
ot qui est em con pouvoir» J'ni esesyt dt rendro eosptt an Konot du a apt a 
B-FIJM f des aes prederes persles, on bo docsnde si je suis saldat | la-dea 
tcrutt ooaversation arte aol est refustt et jo suit prit dt quitter laaedlattB 
la legation dt Sa Saint ste» 

Je die eel a uniques cart pour prouver eoabien U etait difficile, aeao pe 
un Alleaand anneal iapitoyable du nazlsme do trouver une role pour discredit 
un OouTorneatot erixdnel* 

Dane cette situation eu tous lee jours dos dizeiaes et des disal&es de 
rim.ers attenddent 1* assacsinat^ ou une atbnte de quel quae heuree eeuleseni 
bo sesblcit cricinclle 9 si dens cette dtustioni dis-jo f un roprosecrtast qual 
do Jesus pur terre refuse touts eonTersction arte Boi» que peut on donsnder ( 
dtoyon royen eostre le nazisat T Quo doit -11 f clre lt£ qui no eoanait ces 
trreura* en general, a peine de oui-dire T Lui quip coa a e des tdllions d f ertrr 
gers ( telle la Resist anoo hollendaiat J tient cos cHses pour terribleaent 
ezasereeSp qui ne dispose pas dt aon habileto t qui n*a peut etre aucuno eeca 
telle one sol d'ecouter la radio etran£are f quo doit-il f aire eozrtrt le Uazi 
Si seat le reproBestant du Papt en All eaten e se refuse a eoouar d^t info recti 
do cette isportanet extreordinairt sur eette Tiolatlcn unique eontrt la bast 
do la lei de Jesus * Tu dole aimer ton procbain eosso toi^aeot *• 

iun 



266 



n 



Terribleoeat decu et ebattup Je quitte la legation ©u Je n'ai pu trouper 
eoneeil nl sd.de* A peine aorti p Je euis auivl parun polleier | qaolques Kisnite* 
plat torde un agent cycliste bo suit soibsU J'ei pane des sdtmtss d'laaense 
desecpoir et de deception 8 j'ei enler© la eran do eurete de aon rcvalTer dens 
ca poeie et je venais Bentalesent de oe preparer eu suicide. L'ineocpreiieaEible 
cut lieu | le polled er ee frola & S>oe»s prea t errata "on inetaat ert • •»» e'en 
alle» A pcrtir de e© jour riequent & ehique heart aa. ^ie* J'ol rendu ooicpt* 
do coo CDrts rtroeee a dee cectainoa de peraonnea inflnenteat •> la feczille, 
^jTTL«n^.T.T7j > a a I'Atteehe do Jreaea do la legation Buiae* a. ESSLXK, Pr E035 - 
SS?JLSSER v 01 ^yndie do l^rv'eque Caibolique do RT?-,T.TK t T >n wmtxjai en dcaandjo& 
rmo trcnE=±efdon a l'JDvecue et an Pcpe, an Pr, PIBELgS at a. beaicoup d'antrei 
. «JLncl dea cillier* ont eta inforaee par awl* Jo dot* ajouter qua OUZLTHB i da 
KaS.E.A» ( Je erois qu*il a'a^Lt du flit da PUBnHER dai Etude* raciale* ) 
«• a red casnde, m debut 1944, de grosset qaeartitai d'&side prueeiqaft. La poiiwa 
drrelt etra liTre a. aon bureau dana la EarfuerrtenatraMe a EESLIK et etre ' 
conserre'dana un h&xcsr qu'll ne aontndt. H a'agleadt dt tras sroaaes quaa- 
tltee, enaedble de pluaieure wtgone qui dsYBicat etra estasaaaa peu a pea et 
tenia* a aa diepoEition. Ce poiaon auffiaait pour ^uer pluaieure idJJLiona 
d'huacinB qid einei eurcieat diBporu' eana beaueoup do bruit* GUQnHZ3t_ sa 
diesit qu*il no aavait pta caoore on, quendj eoaoeat, dans quel but| pour quel 
cdliau ce poie:m derelt etre utlliae* 2a toua eaa* 11 deveit etra oenatasnent 
diaposible. J*ei deduit de plnfileura quest! era technique* da CUSKTHgR qu^una 
•partie f tout eu Doine* de oe poieon f denreit etra utiliaae pour Kippriaar una 
grand© qunntite d*ho=n»e* dans dea clubs et dea aellee \a lecture, Weprts lea 
BEigrea indioctiona je euproctia qu'il r'egncezit d^offleiara ou &• pratraa, am 
toua eca de ceEP cultlve* et le poiaon dareit etra employe a BZHLIH nasa* 

A,vant Tidta lea lieux c fond, it declare & gPH 305$ qua jo no paux 
jjreitro la responeibilita do atocker de pereHlea quastiteK da poiaon a eat 
endrcit, dEnc la CBpittlc, p^oqu»il j rrcit cceaa pour tuer deux fcla la 
nozbro de tone lea hebitents* Aree beoncoup de d ifficultety J*obtiana la eoneai* 
V2.tion de ee poiaon a 0RAKIQ3U33 et a ADSOH^ITZ, dana lea eoxcpa da oona art ra- 
ti on. Je ic'crrcnse aaroita de faeon a fcira acppriBer le j>oiaon dot l'arriTea f k 
TOi-diaejrt f penr la dasinf ectioa* Las t aeturea de la firae tyent litre, la 
Soeiate Alle=ande pour la Lutto eontra lea Perajsitaat a TRtXJFOXT et a TKIEDBSRQ, 
ont 'ate etcilien, aur Be dananda, a tsn raza soi-fiiaant pour r±euz carder le 
aecrct f en reelite pour doax feire diepcreitre ce poieon* Four aatta raiaoa 
y exit o de preaenter en pdeaent Xe8 nombreuaea ferturea courBrtes pour ae paa 
rappder conBtc=ent'm S.D. at au R.S.K.A. lea crosaee quantitae do poiaon 
qui demient aire diiycnibleaw Ja fail p£±i enter la firae at leiase las factu- 
ree noc prgreeE. Le Dirccteur do ccte naiaonj le Drt ?gn?J5 o*a dit f aoi eoura jda 
d'une ccnrercction qu'il u litrre de l t acide pruasique aa anpouleo pour l'axe- 
cution d'etrea fcuacins, Jo n'ai jcatia eu execteaent quel etrit lo nilieu qua 
GUnnxna dcrcit encore deiruire cur ordra 6m eon chef ggXAKK • D* cproi lea 
qunntitc8| j'el penae d'abord cnx occupants dea ca=pa de c one eat ret ion, e'eat 
pour ccla que J'ci rcponiu neectivecent em file Jochep . du Parteur U?L t OZLL^a 
aur ec cuertion I rcverrR-t-dl Jasaia eon pirt fivant T L*or&r» do KTLTTiTft da 
tuer toua les occupesta das ceczpc de concentrctlon eu beaoin; atait e preroir 

» • • • •/ • • 



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- 1Z- 

dejt a eieract^ H eialt ec»leo«rt dolr <r j »t t^u* «n noina, lea e^uipee 
\i±rrlr±crj\i* daa ecsz^i da wrt atr;dant eacrlfieea pour *uppriaer dea teaDlne 
Conartf* Je pcccda e£tle-acnt a. I'erastutlite de Ifcaeasrinat dea prioonciera 
de c"ucrre ccr^ja raoycn dt ch&stsse, 

Lorjqut plus iardf GOZ5Bg*S M indiqua. que, s'il lo f cXsdt, la Eational- 
Sodelisae elaquersit 1& porta dezriort lui do faeon a aeoouer le laonde, J*a± 
Yerifie cnoora una fol» f pour a* voir si las reserraa da poiaaa artdeoi bien 
detruiiei* .••."••• 

• '. • j 

Quelquee teapa aprea, pt?~nK£R _ xe rappola eci IUS.K.JL rt no doc^ndi ooaaant 
.11 pourr&lt flftra poasiblt.d'aapoieonner laa ^uiff iirteraes a 1££5IA-!IHE12SIIE- 
STJLDT en j at ant da 1* aside prisctqua du tent da fortification*, Four eryoohar 
1* execution da e a plan, J'al declare celui-ai inexecutabla» • v 

J'ei eyrie *>lue iaxd qu-'ll a'aiait procure de sard ore diff crania da . . 
• l'teida prueslqua trt ou'il eveit tout da soaa execute 1©£ Sulfa qsi, aoi- 
dlsantj Eeaalont una e± Donne vie ft KIKT^-THERESIEKSTADT j 11 a^osiBetit da 
Julfa perea da file tuot ou dotesteura da liautes decoration* ct ayairt rendu 
pariieuliercsi-at service. 

Las CExpa de concent ration lea plus borroblee n'ctticzrt Bullesest BS L S S E 
ou 5UCKSNiWLD J /ISCEEITZ et KJU33UDS3< etaient biea pirea at dea nillicSifi ilfan 
d'boasoi out difrp&ru dr.nn dee ehanfores BTETTTrrTrtT^ fc rixT i T-llrTirzTTV&m ijx 



268 



/:• 



& Ctx itX diJii ciuf voiturufc & gca v chizihret a pta. obtlei. ) u AUi-CanlTZ 
£,culi 1 *due ^il.ioae d'cafantt ant ete lues p<J- nn t-*v«oo d'acidc ,TUBciij: 
l«n roas lo nc^ # cicnj« lo eucp da conetatruti.-xi do 2JLVj^S3iRniXX* 

J'ai xi^ti^tc a ccb CiL-J.b tux dee ©trc.- viriiitt exuculuy jxj 1* Ir 
pUBPLACH Buipt5turcfUuhrer # wir ordre du £*E, Gnip;«enfueanxr, fr-ofcrt.cr.tr 
Ilr, GKHH.JJS B:*uqOjxben # 

"Let ciLtls bkt let fcazw cttleirt, en quel^u* aorle, encore >laj 
repu^n/intc ct odieux quo dnn£ les cotjj de 'concentratl-si j^sur hacaet t 
*u BDin_jiiax hosi-eg on di&tlt bsuijotenent t fbSt attention^ ta va* reser 
T?"*> pi^fc re i;t tu yws crever | eu carp de concentration >our Tensas dm 
JU.Yii£BJ373C2j on .rocedait auwTcseni t Yoilaj Kae V.rTP.Ef nous Ynnnnfl d* 
coasWLcr quo Youa cye» v ^bce* su foie^ an va T-116 ftire puirre tmo 
cur* de quel^ues pi^tt ree at yoris all-t voir cuv Yotre etai Ya bice 
c'taeliarer» Ce yu'il y ~r^it d* ,.3 us hcrrible, etilt lo cynlsj&o ct la b 
re ironl* tvtc lujualie tout ecle fce^r^-iaiit.. C'rtrrt est un veritable 
concours purUint de I'Stoilo du Ikviif cur les chsfebrwc aor t a s Ir es rt 
allint Jm^u'a ces dit^noetic* huaoricti^uBa* 

*^>tiditair.uafcnt # des experiences out cte fult*-* a BJCHx3iJ?XLI> car 
detcent^ine* de dttezua uyoc 2c 1 t lao tablettes de j*trritino d/i-utre 
pcxt, injections d-- t/^ius.. KHflCLER a© refierrslt lni-n3*s l'sutorieatio 
dc iXJtiiiles ex;;^rienoefc ejeercd-e gur d* j percon-je* ccmdAJEn&«B a tart pa 
le £«,D* Lsf ccevtes-r--jiiU6 da cat e^uit crt*J.ent toux ccntrcli:.eE dan* 
A3n boroau* 

Lo Stabotcinrfuehrtr )J3£ . j'Ji]yh . / loa donnait r*julierc3sant» 

On autre io'JT t c DfiiKli2CE9RG 9 J^ai yu diz>>irid.trc ^az*f "trao»a dar 
BiHiers de prcurtstcc d'j» un f ourneaiL, 

A KADTdAUCHif il «t*it ccrjrant deTalre difperdtre dec Jaifp d^na 
des ciirrierej: en lee f tleuit *tosb«r do ha.ut e 

"Ce ^u'il j a de curi^*uX| e'eet cue ce-e ■ occiJdenla d» traYail * 
etticnt toojours ;-rorus ^uel^uer. gtrr.ites aupoxiYzjit p^r dec {&rdea« 

-a C^S. SUuptBtuxrfttehrcr, rcr, rriti PIA^TZ 9 cheT de cikeian 
tupi-cs dv; BJi-cis &»£» du I»cich, n'a rendu coa^te do cos X^itc tree u a 
cc&ourez^at cinoerc ct u rendu publicjUcc ce^ cbosc£» H>J.AT7. ect un 
^ra'ical Xanatiquc d«s )iaiii, 

Z EELCCC, j'av-JLe l»ij^^*»B6l3n 1c jour de b-d iiif^ctis*! ^'aj-rvj 
nnu l1 lon^Ui tltunte dUins let cbi-ebrer, lout le is and e ctiit yt-^IbkcV 
sort 1 .-par coatro> le Cne 7?IKTH # uii etre wini eucrune inclructian ct eti 
iucunc notiyn do cLitiw et dc- }J3jxiclo^ie is'a racontt: lcr c^iOioe let ^ 
pint ctrange6 a;r.iirt«LiCTrt. V.'D^H et^lt doue d un caour jaaaiculicr jjouj 
exhale diYerc pour »^n«r les cena dfc Yie a tre;^©* H &a ^..rlait olnst 
d'u petit enfiint ^u'lli; oat troure n Bo.tiu dtns une chaabrc a gtx <.ui 
n»^Yiit paa vte ridec 1^ Yeille et qui ot*±t pdrf^iteotsat Yivtnt et £0!^ 



inn 



269 



• 14 - 

TTETH ce scrcit Utto a dee aaporlcoces pfcrtieuiioreajent intereBBantes sur 
deB faiblee d'euprit 5 c'ect but ©ux que Jftan pouvait axperin enter le xcLeux 1©« 
diver* dejres de eennibilitc* De* eesiis ont esaleceat ete faite e l'eidc d'elr 
©ospria'e I dee geae ont cte nlo dan* de aieilles VoidlLeixes reaplieo a l°oid© 
d§ eo=pr©e»our f <TsdLr conpria©* ' A SESaiKCV j'anda l^inyrocaion que ccrtaiai 
rival cnt eaeor* eft etaleat aeuloaent aaac conaciseanee, e© qui n'cxnluait pas 
qu^au eoure de la cuit, il* pouxaieot so rardner et eouffrir un aoii7e.au tartyr© 
Ju6qu'tt la xaort definitive. 

Preaaue toue avaieat loe yeux ouvcrt* et offraient im acpect effroyable* 
Uolcre oon obBerratian appliques, J© a f ci pa* pu a S t i g jdx observer do xsouveaent. 
Dana l*ea*«=blet on ne e'ect pa* dona© la noinde peine da feire ce* exacxrticaj 
de facon hirsoine ai tcl est qu'on ait le droit d'ecplofrer ce not par rapport a 
ces faite. Tout eela a ete fait tain* par aadiene que per indiff erenet total* 
at eoT=»"ditej 

L© EauptEtunBfuahrer Pre VILLUS , de DOHMJKD x^aparle d'une cbow . 
qui l f « partieuliereaent inpreeeioBae f '..ecviroji 2 f ooo clerieau* pojonaic oit 
ote obligee de croueor dei foceoa | ila devaicat ensuit© ** dei&abiller f 9% 
pleeer devcrt cca fosses ct fureat fuaille* hub... Sur le* question* iroaiques 
a'ile croyaicnt toujour? a JcBu*-Christ* a Uarit at a lour peuple polonda^ 
ilo repoadiroct avec une affir atioa de fol serein© qu*ila croyaicnt pin* qua 
jsaeic an Chriat, a la Saint© liere de fcieu at a use resorrectian de leur people* 

Tttj.twt. n p pcrlait de eela area eeotion. 

D* autre* Polonai* aoat aorta de la Bene feoon exeqplaire, eurtout de* 
inctitut cure at del inctitutrlce*. Eaeocrtecdsatparlor de tou t eela* Je no ads 
aouresa de ma prcpre prison dann la Bueeiiaeastraaae a STOTTCART j tme main 
inaxperinestee emit crar* dan* It aetal de nan lit 1 • Prib, la Uare de Biea 
aide "« Ce ci a ete pour »oi dan* de* Jours penible* tme crande coneolKtioa 
ct xaa cellule rae eesblait une petite WiM. ^ Balait aveo reconnaiBBfaioe 0© 
f rere inconnu qui B»a #nvoye ce ai^ne «rt cet cnsouras«=«=t dan* aa peine 
profoade. Que Diou le reco=5>«aae» • 

tin autre Boyaa de tuer du aande ©a rolocaa etcit do feire nonter les 
prfcoiniee en hoit d^echellee de hxsrts-f oumesux ct los Jeter a l^interiear 
apret lee avoir tueee d*un coup de pistolet, Docucoup d'etre* sureiest dispartt 
dans doe foure a oriques, etouffoa par lee sax et brulaa. Peas cos eae, Je no 
diapoee pat d # une aource abeoluaeat |^raatie» 

Un dee chefa de la police de Bftl/B™, le E,S, SJumo aaafmhrer EILI31 
reoontait au txedocin qui euivsit le coure aveo =oi qu'il etait d»uea5e a mm 
crriree a E^CnfBSK} de prendre lea ©nfasta Juife par lee pied* ct de leir ca^seA 
la tcte contrele t=ur de lour a?parte=:e=t f pear critcr le bruit de la ruclllade, 
II eurait fait oeeeer ce non-aeoa et ciirait obtemi la fudllade de ce* ofertB, 
II Btirait trouve perticuliercaeat pesinle d'aBrister, ltd-ce=e, eu fait de deax 
petitcc fillee de $ rt de 8 zzm 9 totabent a geaoux et priaaU Ktturallecicatt 
conc^ut RAL!i^ il fallcit eaeuite que Je les farao fueillor ^c^lcscst* ^ a^c» 
parli ecaleaeat de 1* execution dec intellectueli poloaaie -i, ile etaient 
oontrcirte de feire leur toabe, do 9*j coucher ear le reatre et fureat fuaillee 
cvoo le piatolet cltreilleur | let aaivanti eUeot oblisee de.ee eoucher a^ te 
lei endavree diaude et fureat fueillef a leur tour 1 certain*, pa* easor© iwrtat 

/•• 



270 



- is - 

est ete fueHlsa eu eours do Itetr tentative de sortie entre les diTerecs 
eeuehea, 

On del ehcfs du Oouvemeaent diamond de KRAILAD b*£ parle en decoupnnt 
una dinde d'une prise partieuliereaent bonne qu*il rorait felto I un boeree -de 
lm resistance pcfconelee # tzn Juif f cYcdt refuse de parlcr f elors on lui cvtit 
briee les potgnetB | 11 oontinuelt de ee teire 5 le-dossus, on l'a felt a.e»eoir 
sur fcie plaque de f er ehauffe* a blsno^VouB ouries du voir, na dit-il B 00 que ■ 
6a l'a. rendu ttrard "• 

Lore d'cne Tieite a un bureau de court nidi on da la Yaffea B.E. e LUHLIBp 
lee 6txx Erehitectes ae feieEient part d'une visite quelle rTcieat felte la, 
Tcille e. la ccrgue eVun eeap de prieotalere de rcr«» « vue de l'egrandiry 
■ Bet dlliere de cad&Tres* en general de typkieues, on* ete eotaeees la 
brusqueaeni | He so rest epercus que certelne renueiect encore | le Bettea- 
fuehrer qui portait la cjaf, s'ert cent ante de dearmder eelKcsent 1 * Du ea 7 ■ 
puis a prie vn si&rtesa de fer rond tout prrs, ert a esfonee le crene' des perecma 
indiquee*. " Ce n*ert p&s le felt lui-neee qui a etonse lea erefciteetes| xteie 
le nature! exec lequel le geste & ete execute* 

Lore de xaavisite e. BELGEC, tzne Juire eveit coupe pludeur* dea Juifi de 
trsvsil» a l'eide d'un rasolr each©, ^BTRTH re p -ettcit TiTcsient que eettc 
feme eoit deje scrta, car elle curait du etra punic de f aeon exmplaire* . 

Lee Juif e bleccfis one ete p erf alter rat soignes par luij pour leur faire 
croire qu'ile enraicnt It Tie eeuve e t qu*ils pcrticst rteoirpences, * et 11 
ercient ecla , cec idiete ", c* eerie YIKTS en riant; 

Oe qui et&it pert leulieran cot .repugnant a B£LC£S. t etalt le concours 
orz&&*t entre lee hotrnee et les geroons de ire ns?rt pour trainer les 
rffeti d'habilleaeTrt verr lei rsc&nc. Celui qui traTaille It xdeux felt pcrtie 
de rysaando de trrreil* Ainai est constitue ua c-orcDurs pour la Tie et le mrt 
entre ees etres xnie qui transport est lei vet crests sous lee rires des E.£» | 
nsturelleaenti He diBparticeart tous aans eroepticn, dent lei chazbres t gax g 
Eculs, quesques etres tree Tieur et tres caladei qul 9 coae vouteaue par les 
autree f ne pruveat ee trainer Juequ'anx chcabrer etaicai deposes apart et 
fucillen, 

Cuelquee inar^f pc-ticuliere=BTrt crldesEntoc ne ar ^jitcrt plue 1 le 
gtreonnet juif de 3 ene qui, renreur, dictribue lee norcecur de fieelle pcur 
Her ler pair*e d* esuliers* He=e cet ecfant a ete lnconrsie.T=cnt de a contri- 
bution dene In aaehine dc nsrt cpourentatle de KITLI?^ 

«Te penpe cli&ai a uno petite fille qui t un r-etre de la chcire a perdu 
eon petit collier cm cordl | cc collier est retrmrre ptr un ssreomet de 2 
and 1 11 le rinaerei le concLdcre c=ourevrcnest a c , e= re J suit et ru nszcert 
culvert est poucee 9 je coic le dire rrec douceur, par cn'gardian eonBerrcnt 
un reete de certiccct y a l'irtcrirjr Cc la chj=bre« 

i iiim 



271 



- 1£> - 

Lo S? nruptatunifuaHrer OBv 2TSYGI < c» ■ r«oonte l'hietoire s-jivtste t deff 
ira villase-a proadcite, il rvtlt rencontre u fi Julf Tenant de FIraL&SIKZ, sa irlA 
netdo. Pendant" Is guerro, e* Juif EVtit ete esufi-officiar, va tree chic typa, 
Cs=:e cdTcst»| lie joutdttit caafcible et ca=.*, 11 EVtlt a^UYo le. Tic, uno foiB 
e caiT:;rx1I> CSrrr/aSTJr; dctltira qu* 11. ell sit prendre s:dLnt*ncat oeL ha»e 
trto sa fcas* dank ewt ko.ii end* de trateiJU Je lui dexrjedai ce qu'il allait 
dcrcnir Flue tard« Il Be re^arda d'un tlr etoEnej * ^ie youI&i-touh qu'il . 
derteme t la cc6 choc* que lei citreaj il fc'y a pas d'autre solution, aafint 
peat etre ipu Je le* ferti fuaillar *• 

Je dale dire, pcur .ctre jurte que j'al rencontre etriaiiif £,S. qui 
conduced exrt fonaellenjest cee cctlfldec et eont dorecus defc adverwdree forces** 
dn Sari. k=6, Je perse r-urtout ca Kcuptaefcurfucircr H3£LLA.Qg} qui a*a toujour* 
tie biz eouract de tents It 6 a&crcta ct qui a tou^oure fait diEjaraitr* tout c* 
cui aurtlt j-u etre oosprosettcirt pour sai* 

Un autre e=ti-EsLi± eteit le Cfcaf de Ik Section Icterieura de l f Hojdtal 
de *£»S de BSHLTR| le 5,2, gmrgbenafuehrer Sri rOJHT qui depute 1941, ft. 
frtyqueswert critique euvsrtasent ceo netbodco en risquant ecieocneirt *a tete» 
Lc acne chase «st Tclcbla pour le etirursiea 5S Eaaiptsrturttfuthrer Z>rt Kisag . r 
de ITZCHOZ ct 1c ?> n SO^CrtJS de Ji2U# Lot toil i.hara»ciens «a ofcef de la . 
VToffsii E.C. SU^-yjy:^^'3»B3:!££Z3Ua3 et RTOLMg _ oat fait partie du Ereupe 
dee ofridcrs du c*o cuillcrt. Pared lea C.J* hollar»dei¥ ct balcea, loe yl wsX 
cte eacnea par force et per rues kus prettxle de -jura aporiif. S^ile refusal* 
par la cuita, d^^eiri lie i-triient iirrodi at ascot fuaille*. 

Tsutc porsenne quij scne de l'extorioiiri d'tc: ^eete Ispradant, touchadt 
mi psntdox d*un ccotrnde crtcit ^rra*^.^ n'-cseut fusu le* C«rfe onilre oaexsit *iree- 
touoct de pnt?ff.-^_ et c coute Ik Tie a beeiicoup do toxrt jtftines S.S., sorteat 
de la Ilitlcr Juccid et sMneu par foiree sux £•£• 

lie naiLr«ix appirtencat a I'avittloa et a la narin* ant ete In-ueqtiflQetft 
cutea tux E.S. II oareit ii^uLto, cclcre la hidae tres coaprafceislble qu»cat 
dcchidnce l«ts H.U, de ne pn» feira de differenca, 

n fcarl dire id que* fregueoraent, la police a ate Idea pire que las UU 
Le rresidcErt de la Craix-Tiouce dlt^snae, le S, S» Crgr>pcsifuelir£r. 2>rf GRA^TTI 
ect ua def princirmux rarponrjibloB Ac 1«l EitnAon des eeszpn d6 coaceitrstion. 



'-ca :-;: /■;■ : . -s .-.-- 1_0_8J_3. ! 



272 



from 
THE NATIONAL ARCHIVES 
Hecord Group No -- 



Cc-llectici: of iVcrli Vi'ar II 'iter Crimea 



f« 



ELfl/J. 



273 



7—/// 



IJeTtfAS* ^** 1 ' a.D. Kurt Cere tola 
*>>p$ca -Iaceaiear 



Tabia«:ca f riirttcabcr£,dca 6.!!ai $945 
5.Zt. P.ott-oil. Hotel rokrea. 



"ur 'or~ca cGoroteia, Eart Ecreacsecoor a.B., Bi?lca-Ia£saiecr aaa 
dca Staatadleaat catferat tro-ca aatiaaticaalcosialifltischer Betatisaas fur 
dio Eckcaataickircho ( 5icn>Jllcr ) aa 27. Scpteabor 1936. Seilkaber dor Fir- 
=a Ba Uaoa Flukao A Co., Eaochiaeafabrik fur tatcaatischo Cel-.aad Fott- 
flchaieraalagaa fur Lokoaotivca. • 

Yatert Lci-uiff E. Gerstoia, LaadserichtcpracidcaS a.B. 9 Eacaa, ^estfalcai 
Kuttera Clara Garctein cob. Scheaaaa, ccatorbca 193U ' ••'.•' 

Verhoiratot salt 31. Aaeast 1937 Bit Elfrieda Gcratoin ccj>- Ecasch . 
la TCLbaacaao Harteastrasso 24« ' ,.«,*.' 

3 Eiaderi Araalf 5 Jahro f Adelk9id,£ V2 Jaaro, Olaf 2 Jakro. 
Lebeaalaaf i 1>C5 -19.10 la EBnater/ Vectfalca, 1910 - 1919 la Saarbruckea, 
1921 Ealborstadt, 1922 - 1925 in Eeurappia boi Berlin, 192$ Abitar en-; 
haaaaistiochea Gyaaaoiaa ITeuru'ppia. - 

' Studieagaas S 1925 - 1927 CaivcrisitSt Earbcrcx Lata, 192? Aachen, Tocha. . 
Eocaschalo, 1928 - 1931 Techaiache Eochcckale Berlia- Chariot t cab urc, 
dor* 1931 Biploaiasaaiour - Eraaea. Seit 1925.aktiYe3 Eitfflied der ovaa-o- 
lischea Jnccad, iasbescadcro der Bibelkreico aa ESkerea Lehraastaltca* 

Polisischa BotStieaaffj Aktivor Aahaaser Tea Streseaaaa cad 2r2aiaff*-; 
Seit 1933 eeiteas der Gestapo vacea ctaatsfeiadlicher Beta tigaas fur 
die Zi-cho dos christlichea Siderstaadco ( Eckeaataiakircke, Pastor Cart la 
ITioaailor ).uad ro^ea Portsetzuar der aaterdrucktea •Taagelisc^ea^Joffca-- 
Terbaado uatcr daueaader Yerfpl£aas a in 30. Jaaaar 1935 -egrea i-ro*es*ea - 
geeea dio ACifruhraas dea aaticariatlichea StCckca ■ ^ittekiad ." aalESlica 
oiaar Partci - ffeihofoier in Stadtthcater Eaijss/ Costfaica Yerprusel. 
cad vorlotsto Aa 27. Bcveabcr 1955 Bercasccoaor - Eaaaaa beia -irtsc-aLtcaia.; 
rioa. Aacchlio'cad Eeaator der Saarcrabea - Verualtaas ca Saarirfaxaa. Aa 
27, Septcaber 1936 Yerkaftuaff aaa dca Bicastsiaaer kcraaa darch dio Ges.apo 
rogoa Veraeadaaff voa 85oo aatiaaticaalaosialiatlQcher Erocchurea aa ala.1-- 
cho Staata- cad L'iaistorialrSte ccrLo aa alio hoaerca Ja=ti=bcc=tca, Aaa der 

Beschuldicaaiisccbrif t •• • • ■ l*,*i # " '*ll*_ 

" Trird^esca fltaatsfeiadlicher Eetttleoa^ trots iaaer Triedcr.er.olgter Yer- 
TO=aaa ff vesea eiaoo koaseatriscaea, Sycteaatiochea uad crssalaljrtea ^era- 
xiBchea Eacsaaaagriffa gegea-dea aatloaaloosialictiscbea Staat la Scaa.saaf. 

ceacaaea ■ In Erfullnrs einoa Liebliaci^uiscbeB stadierto 

lob aladaaa aacb aeiaer Eatferanac aao daa Staatcdieaot aa eTaaceliocbca 
Beatecbea Iaatitat fCr JLrstlicbe Eisslon ia'Tubiae^a Bedlsia. Als Teiha-er 
dT Firaa Do Ltaca Flaaac* L Co. rar ich bei eiaea Jabrcceiakcaaea voa rd. 
EH 18 ceo,— (Heichoaark) rirtcchaf tlich ftrei aad aaabhSacls:. Bia Eritt4l- 
aeiaea E'iakca^cas pflogto ich eeit 1931 fCr asiae reli^iosen Idcale aassa- 
gcbca, Ich lieS aaf aclao Eostca 230 ooo ontiaatlcaalsosialistischo aad re- 
l^Cicae BroccaOrca drackea aad vert elite oder eeraaadto clo aaf ceiao Ko- 
stca. Aa 14«Jali 1933. A= 14. Jail 1938 erfolcto ceiao snrcito Yerhaftaag 
daroa dio Geboiao Staatopolisei aad SD Stattf^rt aad aciao Yerbriaguas sa- 
a£chat iao Gef2acaio, daaa la daa Zcascatraticasla^cr wclahela trc^ea otaata- 
fciadlichcr Botatlcaaj. Ycrher var ich c^roi Batsead aal darch dio Gestapo 
aad dea SB Terhcrt aad yerrarat irordca. Ich vardo fur dao gaaso Eeichsffs- 
biet ait eiaea nedercrbot belcrt das bie'-saa Eado des Sjoteaa aafrecht cr- 
haltea blieb. 

Ala ich rca dca rasaeazcrd der Ccictcakraakca la Eadaaar, Grafeaosk aad 
aadererorto hSrto, hatto ich aar aoch dca ciaca ^aasch:" La ca2t la.dieaoa 
caaaca Zcreahocaol alaciaachaaea aad tea Gcochphcae cater Eiaaata Boiace 
Lcceaa ia Yolk bexaaat aachca! " Ich braachto hicrbai^kolae^ 

Skrarela . 



;ta 




**r-peln su hsbcn, da ich celbor cTOinal das Offer rca U2 Accatea cerardca 
unr^ dio In den ca^atca Iraicrrat dor le-icnataiaicirche eich eia C ccchlichcn 
fcatte^ tai co^ar dlo eacaten GebctcGcacInachaficn, dcrt cit aaf dio Eniee 
jriEscn end oitbototca. Ich dachte cir % raa ihr rcnat, daa fcaaa ich ochna 
laae* end coldote nich frciwillic so Eiatritt In dio SS. riea na do cahr, 
ala no la© SchnScerla Bertha Ebolinff cno SaarbrQcten la Eadaaar ca£abracht 
vordea rar. Anf Crund zreior Eapf oaluacea rca Costapobecatea, dlo neino 
Sache bcarhoitot hattoa, xrar es air dn Lcichtea, In die XTaffca-SS auf ecnecaaa 
pu verdea« XI© EerrcaVtLrea nabediafft dor Aasoichtp dafl ein Idcaliraaa, vio 
der c3lno f nnbedinfft flip dlo liSUlP nut star ecaacht . rardca c^coo. So Beictca 
sio sir oolbst dca ?es$ da ich aladara ^inc« - '. • 

Coin© Grandaoabildans erhielt ich nit 40 Iraten caaaaaca in Eaabcrff-Laascn- 
hoorn't daaa la Amheia-Eollcad and la Cranicabars. In Amheia naha ich dnrch 
celnen Stadicafreand f dca FaTsrikaatea-Ufcbinfc aao Dcecbarc, £ipl,Ia£. f sofcrt 
die Fahslxaff cit dsr hollgndiochci Fiderstasdflbnrecnas auf . rc^ea coins* Ecy- 
pelotadiaaa in Hedisia and Technifc rurdo ich alshald ias SS-Fuhraagseaaptaatp 
Antserappo S 9 Saaitat sires en dor ~affca-S3 f Abtciloaj Ej^^ae, hemfca# Za^s^o- 
haa 9 dicECP Betrieb war ven oiner heachtlichea GroSrilcieaait. So xrardo ea air 
TSlliff oolbst ubcrlascen, air eine EctEti£aas ca enchen. Ich Eoaatmicrto, aa 
©inea £aas driascadea BedQrfaia ahzuhelf ea 9 Xesinf citicasanla£ca f fahrbaro uad 
loaalo* la croCer 2ahl# aaacatlich fSr Cefaagonsalaeer, Zoascatrat ipnalacep cad 
fur dio klLapfcndo Truppe. Chao coin Terdieaat hat to ich hiorbei aa£ercrdaat 11- 
cha Erfol£© and ^arde roa da ab fSr ein s^aa boocaderea tcchaiochea Seal© gehal* 
ten* Ich rardo daher aach fEr C leicharti£a Frojelcto des .0otcinietsrlB=3 cad iea 
Eeichsarboitaaiaisteriuaa hEafig hsraaseaoeon, Taaerhia ^laa^ ea in dcr 5at f .. 
dio catsotsliche Flo ckfi eb enroll e voa 1941 1 die in dca Gefaacenea-" and TTcasca- 
tra Icasla^ara scitrelse tl^lich a3hrer =ehataaceado:ca Tcten-forderts, rccht 
erhobllch hcrahsusetsca. Teh rurde daher" schr bald Leataaat cad Oberlcztaaat* 
la Lezaaber ^ariot ich aochaalc In eiao c=roco Cerahr, da daa ?artei^richC f daa 
nsisen' Aaasc&lofl aas der Fartei TcrfUjt hatto.. reaataia vca calasa Eiatritt la 
eli rahrcadea Aat dor SS erhielt. To^ea nclacr ero£cn Srfol^a nad ragtai aaiacr • 
allccaeiaea ^ertachatsoag vuxde ich jodoch aeiteas cainoo Aatoe ffsaphutst aad 
gehaltea, la Febraar 1942 rarde ich Chef ter Ahteilaas Gesuac^eitatechiLD:, dio 
Cleichaoitis dao WLnteassenresen and die ceaast© tochaiccho Desiaf eitica, aach 
dio ait hochciftieen Oaoca, nit anfafito. • .' •_ "•.. '.. ./• ? .'K- v " '' 

Ad 6. Jnai 1942 erhielt ich in neiaea Dienatzlaasr ^esach Ton aca SS-Stara- 
banafShrer GQathor voa BeichsBichcrheitahaaptaat in dar ICurf ursteastraaae. C» • 
kaa in Zivil, ioh kanato iha bio dahia nlcht # Er gab air uatcr allcrlei fi-ahaia- 
nicTOllca Aadeutangea dea Befahl, ein Quantua SlaasSaro ( .-260 kg - ) en be- 
aohaffca nad ait dleoea Gift nittelo oinoo TjtcS tra^eao dc3 SD a an eiaea Crt sa 
fahron t dor aar dco Chaaffeur behaant aei« Dio Sach© liefe ala olae.der zarscit 
cehcicctca F.clchaeachea, Eialc© 2cit epator" f ahr ich cit acsefftea Tcjaa aach 
Eollin bei Pra*;. Ich kcaato cir die Art dea Anf-tra^es aaccfihr deai^a, Ich Cbcr- 
ynhn ihn jedbch, roil 6oh aich hicr der £afall an daa 2iol fChrto", in dicao ge- 
oanto Kaachiaerio dea laag crBehatcn Einblici; ca trhaltea* Ich hatto auch alcht 
dlo leiccctea Ecdonkea, Dean trcaa ich dca Aaftras alcht Eboraoaaen hatte f hStto 
iha eia aadcrer in Siaao dca SD ausgofuhrt, vflhread ich ale Aatorit&t aaf daa 
Gebiot dor hochcifticea Gaoo chna Schwicricheitcn dio cs-^o Laduac — ala xer- 
setat.odor ffofahrlich ffesc-rdea eder Terdortca — Tcrcch^riadea lacaca hcar.tc» 
So,koaa'to aar ich jeden HiCbrauch dcr Blauaflnre aar T5taa£ roa Eeaschea vcrhiade: 

ta.. 



275 



- 3 - 
Da acch eia Plats ia Ta^a frci rar t erUSrto ich aica ccrcit, fiea SS Gbcrstara- 
texafUtrer ?rcf. Sr. nod. Ffaancactiel, CrdiaariuG fur I^eno aa der -aire*, 
oitfit Csrborc/LaSa, sitscnohssa. In Tollin bat to lch in der*abri* den tacho- 
chiachoa Personal cccentocr durch abcichtlich tinseachicato tecbaioe&o Fra^ea tar 
blickoa laceca. daS dio Blsasaare si=a ?5tca von Senachcn beot*sat eel* lea ha bo 
daa in Folso otoio oo echaltca, die fccate *rt, dio Stckc In Tol* fccrcasabriassa. 
Proapt varda-ia Kollia daa Fahrzcaj aortitis bcobachtct, -la Lublia raruaa - 
vir daroa dca CS- Grappoaf Ctref General Globocnec esjfeasen. Eieaer sa^to sa 
cuss liooo Gehcina F.eichaaacha ia* 2. St. eina dcr ccheisstca,. cca fcagn f gg£ca», 
did echofcasto ttborhaapt, dio cs gib*. Jcdar der daroa echtfitsta vird erseacsaen. 
Gorado coat era habea vir svei SchwStser still ecaacht.- In lu^abiic>, daa ttst. 
aa 17, Ac^aat - habsa vir 3 ialaceai ' .■".•/.,. -~ r- "*!. .'"-'•* 

l.Bolcoo. aa der CiooMoo Lublin- Lenb»rz 2a aGrdlicaea Sinkol eeaan on dcr Stol 
ro dio Deaarkatloacliaio nit dca Easeea die Chaasseo schncidet. *a£oa lei Swansea 
etra 15 ooo TOtanffSU. Durchacanittlicho luaaatcaas.Maaor celt April liooo pro 
ja^- - /■''.-'•••-.-'.••■",- /J , . 

2, Sobibor, bai Lablia la Poles, cah wei£ aicht ioaau «o« 2ca ceo Sotassea pro ■., 

Ts.£>' .'■ . ' '.-",-'..•- ..;• ". r: . .•" ■'•;.•:.- • 

3, Trebling, '120 laaKSO van rarachaa in. Pol on, 25'obo Wtaagen pro Teg* Sarch- 
echaittlicha Aacaatauacotwa 15 5oo Totan^cn pro Caff ooit Jaall^* • 

4, l^idanech cci Lablia. T7ar dacala noch ia iufbaa# ' .. '.,'_..-_... 
Ich hats Selcec, Trebling and l^idanec* in Se'fileitaas dca Chefs diesor gaasca ' 
TStaacssalftffca, dca Poliseihauptaaaa MrU sasaaaea aaa ahrlich in ^--ea 
boaioatieU Wrfch ia* derselbe, dcr in Aaftra^c von Eitlor and Staler dio *c_- 
stoalaranaen ia Eadsaar, Graf caeca aad aaderrZrta ua^obracat tat, ... .; : - 
Globoaaoc ca S to sa uaa, d.a. er rcadcte sichaar aa aiah: Ihrr Aafgabo 1st eo 7 
die croCca Ilaa^ca 3;iaacto3KTo t rascho, "nbidcaffsstacia aad Scahot.alo in dca . ^ 
i^lagea eafallea f aa deoiafiaicrcn, X1g Ccseea nachen daa lo - 2ofach3 dcr i^- 
eoaaisso dor Saiaastoffsfisalaacca aao* Jicoe c^^ca Saanlaa^aa tardea la trescat- 
lichca aar deohalb darchscfUhrt, aa dca eaxUadischca Arbaitcra...aad dea 2a*atBC-i 
Tolk die EcrlaaTt dsr cro£ea Ilca^ca aa UtiJ.eid^m eiaiccraaasa plaaaibol sa ca- 
chca.- Ihrc aaderc, aatSrlica aoch achr viel vichtigero. AttTefia-bo .irt die, dea Bo- 
triob dicser Todccaala^ea sclbst aa=astollca, Die Sache sascaicht jotst ait Die- 
CGl-'JLaspaffaasaa Tea eiaea altca rassiscaea l/ieaclactcr*. Saa. caS>af etea.aaso- 
stoUt *crdca, ^as acanellor £eht 9 aad da deaha ich Tor alien an SlaasEaro.- , cr- 
COBtcra- aa 15. Au^ast 42 - *arca dsr FUarcr and £iaaler hicr* Ioh d^rf dca Lea- 



caasc Aktica sell raccacc*»cas iarcajci -ari Tcrcezii o^^* 
cich aoch dcr Ittaiaiarialrat rr. Herbert Linden von Beicl 



>zz 



ob 03 aicht bescer sol, dio Lcicbca za rcrbreaaen, aaata-tt cio ciascaac=^:ci. u 
^daato dsc v . aals aach uas eiao Gcr.cntica kocuen, dia das caaza aicht Torst2ads# 
T^r^sLf habo i-h Glbbccr.oc ccscct:" I'.ciac Zerrca, rcaa Jo cias Gcasratica each 
ar- '-ca. a- —11*0, dia uazcrc c-=-° and ao daalbaro aad aatico aafcabo aicht vcr* 
cloaca aollta, daaa allcrdiacs, itt anccr c=Laacr Katicaalecaialiaaao vcrccblich 
/^recea* lea tia in Gcrcateil Ur la^citb, da£ aaa -rcaeotaTcln Tcr.eakci wll.o, 
acf dcae- r— v -icbcn 1st, caC trir, c^C trir cs rarca, dio dca L'at gcaabt haben, 
^30^^ ra^calicc aaa'kchti^cri darcasaf--c=.- Laraaf Eitlor, Gut 

Clobocncc *♦ 



276 



- 4 - 
Clo>oc-c=, daa 1st dlerdlaca uuck neinc iaalcfct.- t^toeiricsr Zeit tet .ieh 

SS: IIS aaS.^'taaa £ STS^SS- »**«..*. «.« gj^ 

&^£ 6 ortanaaof «r- tot an .la» colbca CaribO^l In Ecrdcn B i £*£i . 
der Chaaeseo coachaffca wrdca, sadllca ea dcr ftsan ocfardea eich eini*» Ea- 
-trlrt»«>«nflo alt tor Aafocbrift, » Con£oric=ss4o Eeleco *ar.tfetf*a -» •• . 

slch alt feTaBcTsarfSaaltaii*- dio Anlasw coaea UcB. Masa* "£*«*«£„ >, 
olr*eciea hart sa Siiaaof *ar BaaSebst eiao eroEo rcraeie ait dcr Attfceiriftj 
S £*Ya rV»" T^rt tor** eich .to sroser Salter- Cold cad Tcrtsacbea- • 
rtfiatt." r^a fblcto ala Slsaer nit etra bandart Eocicra, 4« Irlaecrraca. 
Sana elne Jirbcnalleo yea .t» 130 Setaa. «f *• Ff ^^J^ '"- ' • 
Stacbeldraht ussScat nit Seailderat - Sa dea I&aalier- cad Badc.-.-ea ! - 
iaaartaad vor o eia -CeUafto. «fa» «i. oia Eadeaaca, nit etnea Uoiaaa Craj?- 
ehm d-rca recbta cad liafca io cin cro3er Eetoatopf Bit Coraaica. *cf dca 
£acb\lVrLL'aaao dcr llvidatem ia Sctaicdeartcit.- 7=r dea CaUaco .la* In- • 
,*<« - reckeabolt - st«t« s .-=ehr bate lcb or dieaea Haehaittae aie&t 
=aiSen cc*e=ca. laaaaaeaScro tataa lea aicbt olaca Tetea » eaS«. Ato 
Escr dca CB&sea. eneb acca War der Caaaacco lag ola pcaterti C cr laiaaaaco- 
ateak ed ElUloaoa niaconedarfirtaa OfcoraM beraa. In dea Eaderaan celts. 
• TOrca roefcta cad llaSa vca oiaca Flar jo 5 r ««« a - ot3a JI « 1 * ^^VJ*^- 
tor grcS, 1,50 a keeb, aa £ ocxdaai.Aa aadcrca Eor C en rardo air wa.eaa .--a-aa 
rcr f ar-'eecacti Olcich fc&st der arata Jraaspart.l - la dor Sa. t?a ,-_. 
7 V cia 5ae ait 45 =*cca Tea to=».r C . Stater d= c it StacbeldraM J^- 
torUa inlea cab aaa eai^t-lici tlaicba '^^'^^^^Xi-O^ 
ea. alt aasstrersorrtca 2i£ea. Zer Zus Torcchrfadet bister dcr Soc^a, 2.0 

cchar aaa dca SCcca harass, 67W rerscaea, vca dcaoa 1d50 ^crolto^tai lira . 
Eiati.fca to*, aiad. Ha iaataaroehor glW die ianlme« Slch cans B..=n- 
alehea, aaea rrothc=oa,2rillca ear. atXe 6 ca. ( 2a aiaca StdchcaeastB e^ 
Foatea! Sea :ie dio Grille «rt>, Slo teicsaoa daxta oias eadoro Ertlle! } He 
Vertsaeaoa an Schaltcr arsotsa, ohae £ca eder ^ nittBa «r3 E ! a i ie j7 e3 ,^ d ^ 
eSoeaea kriost alas Eaad Toll 21a=f£ldea aator d«a Ara C*4»**» «*• *« *;«? 
j£hrlA-e Had Tcrsoaaea an dia Lecto anstellt .1 Zca Zaoeaaeaolaiaa der Sefeaoe!- 
leaa la dca Haafoa Tea J5 Oder 40 Sotar E5aa hfitto tslsar aachbsr dio P«cca- 
dea Sehahe rlodor sascaseafladca JtCssea..- I!aaa dio JTauca cad Jt=s C oa. t-d-- 
ccaa caa Trisear,' der alt 2 - 3 SoheraaacalEeea dio-.Eaaxo hcrotcrschaeido. 
cad -slo in ero2c3 rartcffclor.ci.oa Torachrinden l£C3." lao 1st f-r lrcead»ol- 
cao rpeilalSTscio fSr C-Eooto ocsticat, fur Ilcttaasea oder dcr £ lelchea! — 
csrf air dcr CatcracaarfSarcr, dcr dort licast tat.- Ich 8i:ete ccbca dcaala 
rlclcn t«tca Tcra-.o, d^£ dieso U-2sete aald aicat aobr febrca «=rdaa, rail 
£*o =o"h c' siaareisho ^-ffa ctu=pf «crdea cUsao, ceaa aic clt StrCaea ea-. 
cchal*i £ oa rlatoo beaadct -:rdo. Cott ^irio ca ir C ead*l« co clarichtca, daS 
cio nicht acbr f Q h r o a ! - la dcr '.'at bate ish dealt Ja an=a tcrac £cit 
c --., r rc " c v» tchiltca! - Taan aoiat cich ccr 2cc ia terecaar, Tcraa cln w.ld- 
at-£rcicc <za-co Vildchca, ca sihea cic die i.Uco catlaac, tile cacJct, C.iacr, 
rr-ccn* -iiicr t ven be ides Coitcn Ten ^ndcrcs ^ctutst, i-c^e- ci^ ^rcv^o^c;, 
die eio hilxn ctlcrcn ulccca • - • 

Icb celba. stebca nit rci:;t=i=: Tirth cbca cof «cr ?^=r« srisebca 'des Todas- 
ks^crs. JTlttcr sit ihrcs CIu-li=c== L = dcr - rc3t » cie t -— cn tcriu^ » fi-cc- - 



277 



Arm troten cio ein in dio Todecs.c=cm«- in dcr Eciie dcr Sirheaallce ctcht 
•In charter Bltcrer CS-^a-n, n=ria£t tcs den iLraen. Hit pastoerale Sti=e sa£t 
or oza ihnoni Es pacsicrt Each nicht das Geringsto J Ihr cfcUt ncr in dca Eac- 
ccm tiof iten bolcn, daa roitet dio Laaccn, diese Inhalation ist notcendiff . 
vcccn rraafcheiten and Scachcn.- Aaf dio Pra^e, ttbs nit innen esschehen rOrdo, . 
anttrortot cr : Ja natOrlich dio KiLnner sQceen arbeiten, ESnsdr end Chanaoean 
baaen f abor die Praacn breaches nicht cu arbeiton# Far ~zzzi cio trollcn kCanen 
sio ia Ectrieb odor in der JMcho nithelfen.- FOr eini^o ven diooea £mon oia 
kleiner Eoffncncoschinner, dcr cus relent t da3 cio ohno Tidergtand dio paar 
Schritto su den ra.-=sern eehon-, dio Hehrcahl *roi£ Beschsid," £ex Ccruch k'Cn- 
dot ihnon ihr Losl So eteieen sie die fcleina Troppo heraaf- end dam sehen 
eie allcsl Gutter nit ffcren ESalinsca an-der 2ruot f »kloins naciito I'indar, Er- 
vachseae, IZnner and Fracen, alio nacit darchsinander - cie s5^em- abar dio 
tretcn ein in die Todea&anaem, Ton den andcresn .hinter ihnsn Tcrsetrieben, • 
Oder T-cn den Lcderpeitschen tex 22 eetrieben^Iie Kehrcahl okno cin Sort .za 
ea^en. Tie ein Lann, das ssr SchlachtbanJc gsfGhrt xrird I < Eina JUdin^ rcn etai 
40*\jahren nit flannanden iu^uca raft .1 das £lnt f ■ das hier gencachelt rird in 
den ^eneinsten lieachelccrd, der *3 darchsofShrt vurdo, £bsr die Hordcr, Sio 
erh&lt 5 oder 6 Scalane nit der r.eitccitsche infl'gesicht, van. Eacptnann 7irth 
•perscnljlch, daaa Yersch*indet auch cio in der Earner,— rancha deaden sich . 
an nich Eerr helfen sie ana dech, helfen Sio uns^doch! '— Vielo Slenechen 
beten. Ich 'fn ihnsn dech nicht half eh f ich beto nit ihnan, ich drilck.0 nich 
in eine~Ecke and s*chreie laut an ncinsn and ihrea Gctt.Ea ist.lant geaas en 
nicn hsr, ich lann nir daa leistcn, laat za neincn C-ott su Fchreien. Eie g^mo 
*Zre ich nit ihncn in die 7Ta=:cr cscangsn, cie cernc rare iwh ihren Ted nit^- 
Btorben, Zip hSttcn dann eincn an'iicrnierten SS-Cffis'icr in ihren Eacnera. '▼or- 



fV? seinen ^oli . _ 

fuhrcr ctarb in Sitae t ...'* Tein, co ^eht3 alao nicht. Coch darf ich dioEer 
Yerauchuxc, nit diescn tauten ca sterbea, nicht nachffahon, Ich. reiB eenan* - .. 
Boch nicht 1C Pcrccnen schen, ras ich echo und gesehen haba, der das canso 
hier abcroieht, alio Lnsttiten end ihre Crcanisatica, Sicher r.cch nicht einor 
aoScr nir eicht disc als Cscner, als Feind dicser Heachelbande. Ich caS also t 
nqch leben und suTor Terkilndcn, ras ich hier orlebe! Ce^riS, eo ist der viel»- 
Tiel' sck-ercre tienot! — Jio ^e=cr fallen cich« Gnt rcllpaciien, so hat ea . 
der Eauptnann TlAh befoKlen, Dio Hcnechen cte'hen eiiiander auT dsn JCLssen, .700. 
- 800 ilenschcn aaf 25 C.aadrat=etem in 45 Eabiznetem. Ich uberschlaea irarch- 
schnittsj-jricht hBchstcns 35 hc«i cshr als die Ealfte aind Tinder t " spez.Ge^". 
richt 1. Also 25 2=0 i^. Eenschcn pro T.cz^zr 9 Tirth hat recht, venn die SS 
etra3 n:-.chhilft, '^anr. can 750 r;en^chen in 45 Eubinetem unterbrin^cn! - End 
sio hilft aach, nit ihrcn P.eitpeitcchen and zxaii^t cie hineln f cc^eit ee 
physitch Ubcrhaupt £;sht.- Dio ^-Ircn schliaecn eich.' rLhrcnddoseen trartea dio 
anderen drauaren in Froiea nackt. lamrischen ist auch dor svelte Transport . 
ein-etreffen. i:.'-n ca^t air eeibstverctandlich aach in Winter, oder bei kalten 
Setter n^cKt,! Jr. atcr cie kcnr.en aicb ^a don Tot holcnt •"ea^o ich, der ich 
ocnat Tcrr:ichtic bin, Cberhaupt nichts fra^c, unintercsiert tae, dies Tcrt 
ratccht nir rcuo — .- Ja c^ad f-r die cic*i cs ja doh! — sagt nir ein rs- 
y-n* darcuf in seines Jlatt. — ^ 

Jctzt endlich rercteho ich auch varan die eanse Einriehtcnx n Eccaenholt • 
Stiftuaff " hei2t. Ecc^cahclt irt der Chauffeur dea Eiesols, ein kleiner Tech- 
nikcr and snerc"dlicher C chaff er, L : chcn bei d.GT Totcr.g dcr Geietea'^ranton 
hat cr sich • aach tirth uncrhorto Tcrdicnato onrcrben 

darch ..» • 



278 



darca ceiaoa Fic!£, ceiaca IdecareichtLa. Er ist cash ccr Lrbaacr dcr c*--cc~- 
Anlac^* El* dea £b;pccn ccinca Ticcels collen die Eeaschan hie ca Tcac c&- 
hracht warden. Aber dor Eiesel f ankticaierto nicht. Eaa *£ae YerhilltniEnEEig 
eoltcn tot, ca^to can air. - Dsr Eaaptaana Eirth kcaat. Eaa eieht, es 1st iha 
peinlich, daeo dae ccrado hoate pascicren caii, ro ich Mer bin* Jacohl ich. 
' sens alio* t cad ich Trarte. Eelna Stoppchr hat tlloa brer resistriort. 50 Ei- 
natca, 70 Eianten- dor Eiesol cprinst nicht en ! Pie Eenccken rartcn in ih- 
rcn Gackcanem. Ycrgeblich. Una hcrt eio vciacn, flchlnchacn. -Tie in dcr Sj- 
nesoge! " bcaerkt der Frcfeoscr Pfcr.rirantlolo dao Chr en der EclstCr. Ear 
Eanptcann rirth ooblast cit dcr Eeitpoitache den Eiraiaor, dcr den Ecckerholt - 
bein 2)i03el hslfon coll « in 1 Gecicht.- Each 2 Stnnden 49 Einatei die Stopp- 
chr hat alios uohl rcjietriert!- eprinst der Diesel en. 21s ..ca diecca An^ca- 
blidc leben die Eeacchen in diescn bcreiis ccfulltea,4 Ea^ani '4 2 750 Zen- ■ 
cchen in 4 z 45 Eabikaetera ! *- Yen neasa Tcrstroichcn 25 Einntca; Eichtig 
vielo sind Jctst tct. Ean eieht daa darch ess kloine Fenatcrchen,' ia den dan 
oleitr'i3cho Licht die Feaner eincn An£enblick erleachtet. Eirth hat to rich 
eingehend interrie^t, ob ich es fur richti^er halt©, die Leate in den beleuch- 
tetea odcr ia den fcabelcachtetcn Zaaaer uterben su laccca. Er fraffte.des in 
dea Stiel, in dea can frafft, ob csn cit odor ohno Eeilkicsen bocser schla£o # 
Each 25 Einatea icbt^n nar ncch Venice. Eadlich ns-ch 12 Eiraten ict alloc 
tot I - Yen der aadcren Seito effnen die EEnncr von ArbeitcJicaaaado dio E0I3- 
turca. Eaa hat ihnen, - eclbst Jndcn !- die Freiheit and einea klciaen Pro- ■ 
aillessta von alien esfandoaea Vert en fur ihren ochrocklichca Eicnst ver- 
sproehen. 'Erei Bachhalter fuhrea nit ercEcr Erahtheit Each end beTechnen ca- 
eta-ilich die PrcnilleoIItco^ Tie EacaltcSLnlen stehsn dio 7c±en e^einsndcr- 
ffepreGt: in dea Eax=iGm# Eo T?2Lra &aah heia Flat's hinsa£-allen eder each nar . 
oich TcrZbcrcaneisa* Selbst "ia Tc^o ncch Usant can die Fa=ilien. Eio drd- 




Eeinen, herana. Einderleichcn flic^en darch dio Laft. Eaa hat fceino Zeit, dio 
Eeitpeit3chen der ITjcrainer. caucea aaf die tpboitsicsnaxdoa. £-ci Eatscnd y Saha- 
firsto offnen nit Eaken dea Eand and echaacn nach Gold - Gold liak3 r ohno Cold 
rechts i - Andero Zahnarste brcchsn nit Saacea cad ESnasr dio GoldrStno and 
Eronen aas dca Fief ern. - Enter ell ca eprinsrt der Eaa?t=in ITirth heran. Er 
let ia eeiaca Elencat. Einic« ^ Arbeiter kcntrollier?en Gcnitalien narh 
Gold, Erillcn'and Ccrtcachcn.- rirth raft cich hcraas, Eebca £ie cal dieso 
Eonservenbuchse nit Gcldsahncn, tea lot nar von c^stcm aad rcr^stcmi la 
einer cneUablichoa and falschen Sprechrcieo ee^t er m xair t Sio glaabea . 
esrnicht, TC3 rir jedca' 7a C finden ca Gold end Erilllanten - er spruch ea nit 
2 L chno J^Laat and Toiler.- tber schaucn Sie fielbntl - End naa fwhrto er 
cich sn eiaea Jarolicr # dcr alio diesc Schatsa sa Tcrreltea hatte and lieS 
cich alios cchen. I^n ceirte cir dara ecch ncch eiccn fruhcrea Chef des Eocf- 
haasca dec tectens ia Esrlin 7 and lie2 cir ca Ehrca von ciaca Lleinea Ccigcr. 
aafcpielcn: lae ict ein ebcaalljcr Eauptaaan der EaiBorlich-Ecniclich Cster- 
rcichicchcn Araee cit dca EE I, die bcidsn Chefs der «udiachen Arteitsaczzan- 
dec 6- Eio nicatcn I-eicacn Trardcn saf Eola-?r=.£^a nar -eai^e Ectcr ceit ia Grabca 
Ten 100 : 12 : i 20 n c^Tfcz. Tach ciai^ca Tac" c'-rtca die Eeichen hech cad 
fiolen aledaza harce 2eit cpatcr ctari sa=ar-cn, ocdaG can cine ncao Echicht 
aaf diccclbca drtafvrerfca kCnate, dana rurdea ca s 10 en Sand darker ^estreat, 
codafi nar aoch voroiaaclt Ecpfo and #.rae hen*.aarac*ca.->a dca T&£0 ceire3 
Ecoachcs trafea ia Eclccc nar 2 Traaaporto cit laaaaaca caccfihrv 12 500 
Pcrccaoa ein« 



Eicsc* 



279 



Plane ^alar- car oeit April 1942 ia Gaace «^ cchafft ia Icrch-chaitt pro T*c 
!^d 1CW f«Si«. *™ "IB Frouadc^eis cad ich don Zoadcner Scader odcr 
dlo Sties- Acerifcaa fcSrtea, rcadcrtca irir ens oft Ubcr dlo ehaeaffaxoaca Easel, 
Ala nit haadopttaBocadsa. rca Tot en auf carte tea, ro os echoa sie Killloaea rarea. 




Bie 'nit dor etrcacatea I?ohrhafticii — - „ , ». - 

Dinca la Aasaat 1942 aa die Schtfodiccho Gecandtochaft la Dorlin fiXcavte can 
anacheiaead eiafach dio'ae Zahlcn aicht. Uai doch aind eie leider - ich Terbtirse - 
sich dafur ait neiaen Eide v a h r ! Ich achats© die 2ahl der a< Yeraalassca 5 
Tea Adolf Eitlor cad Eeiarioh Hicalor eeaoachelten vehr- uad TOffenlcaea Eeaschea, 
die ohae jc.de ES^lichheit dos Uderstandea in dicao Eecchelf alien, eelocict cad dort 
cacehracht rcrdea "siad, acf aiadestens 2o ooo coo Eenschca. Dean es haadelt sich 
boileibe aicht ncr aa die vielleicht 5 odor 6 Eilliocea Jcdea Eoxppaa, dio so cz- 
gehracht rordca siad, acadera vor alien aoch ua dio polniscto uad eiaca gro£ea • 
Toil der tscheehiachon latellicssst eenrie ca die ffiarcadea Schichtea aadcrcr 




„w .*** «*** «w - Starahaaaf Carer ia Lablin, rare £aaa Pclen f ilr cxa Turtles* , 
rail es sc^ieso atari bevolhcrt cad krenh lot* Sir holea nur aoch, ?aa die Sa~ 
tar aoaat fcborall son eich aas becarft cad leider eerada bcia Sor .chea Tergcs- 

«*en hat ! In Trebliaha cah ich en caderea Ta^c eiae cr8£ero Anaahl Arbeit or, 

die ia dca Grahera anf Lcichca hexuatoratea. w Eaa hat Tercesaea, * dio Lecta aaa- 
sakloidea, die beroita tot aagekoaaea eird, Daa aa2 natOrlich nachsshalt Trcrlsa 
^orea der Spiaaatoff e cad rosea der ?ertsachca " Bagta ai* der Eaaptaaan rirt-.- 
"Cirth bat cich ia Derlia fceiaerlei ladcraag? der bichcx ublichen GacLazacm- cad 
SStcassaethcdea vcrauechlacca,* da cich Ja allea basteas beTEart uad einscspielt 
haba/lch bia cortarf^dlcoryoiea ia Derlln aie nach dsrartigca eefract vcresa* 
Tie citceacsaeae £laueacro habe ich vererabea laacsn. " ' _. . 
Aa aScbstea Tae«'t ^a 19. -Aucast 1942, fohren irir alt dea Acto dca-E^aptnaaa 
Uirth aach 'nrobliaki 120 Jca r^O Tea Tarschsa. Dlo I^arichtcn^ rar et^ra dieaelbe 
aor"c3«eitlica c?" 2 - - lc in 2?lccd. Aeht Gaaliaaaexa cad T=±ro Coblrsa Toa Tcf- 
fcra uad ?extilica uad ricchc, Zu. aaacrca lirca rurdo ia Ccaeiaacaaftasaal ia . 
typiach'hiiralcrisch.ja-altdoatcchea Stil cla £*aiott ceccbca. Tas Easea var cia-. 
f^chp abcr es otiiai illca ia ^cder Ceaea cur VerfUfi^ac. Eiacler hatte aelbst 
aa-cordaot, da3 die iOaacr dicker ror.v.r.^cs Ecviel Fleisch, Batter cad ccaatlctjo, 
'^-v^^-^r—o *2Jio v ol c-«altca coll tea, ^ie cie volltea.Pycf •rr.acd.Pfaar.cactiol 
Licit olae'p.cdc, ia' cer cr tea iZaacra die riltslichJceit ihrer Aufe=.be cad dio. ,. 
r< „v + 4.^. c<t iv-r.--— ecca ri-cica ^1'^r cachtc. Za cir cllcia cprach er vca " 
c-hTh-'GLaca ilethcdea " cad rca Cch£aacit der Arbsit »• la klin^t ▼Bllig ca^- . 
cUabi 5f abcr ich verb- rjc cich dafar, CaC cr aicht ctrra ia Echcra, aendcra la 
vollca rrzxtl ols Arst dic=c Liac? cc beseichaet hat: — Dca fcuMcfcaf ffea . _ * 
ea^to cr iacbcacadcrc acch : r.aa caa dicco JudcaLCrpcr cicat, 



280 



cans TTird eiaca erct rochtklar, trio danbcnstrert care luffiabe- i»t. Seia **- 

ochicd warden nns noch cchrcre Kilogram Batter and Tiele Flasehen Likcr saa 
maohaea an/jebotcn. Ich hatte Echo-, dieco Din^o nit Hdcaaicht dsraaf an f^ff- 
SCToicca, dafl ich rca aaaerea aacoblichca -'Oat- ellos dies ejaas Mtto« 
XToranf Ffannanctiel be<;l&c£t each noch. coins. Portioned einstrich.- Sir fuhrca 
dana mit dca Auto aach Snrschaa. Dort traf 'ich, alo ich Ycrccblich co* ein 
Sohlafiraibabett cartoto* la fcoc» den iecatioaflaekrotSr dcr Scfeodicchcn Co- 
aandachaft Hi' Berlin, Baroa von Ottor. loch enter den friochea Eindrneh coiner 
enteotalicaea Srlobaicse habo ich dioeea alien dice crcahlt nit dor Bitto, dies 
oeiacr Bcrfarnaff and den miiertea eof ort nitsntbilca, da 3©der Ta ff . Terc^ceruac 
rciterea Taaeondoa uad Zohntaasbadcn dao Leben keaten cues©. Von Otter bat nica 
ca cine 2eferons 9 ala trolchb ich iba Ecfra. Coner&lsapcrintondenten Er. Otto.; 
Eibeliaa, 1-crlin, Eriiderscff 2 encabo, eln fuhrendea Eitelied der GYacselisehea 
?idarBtaadabcuoffWff f - Baffle ich einen rertraatcn Freand noiaea Freandce, desPTcr-. 
roro E*rtin I?icn311er. Ich traf dasa Eorra -roa Otter noch 2 cal in cer Scbtfe- 
dicchea Geaaadtscaaft. £r hatte in^ischen pereoalich in Stockholm **?*** €r ~ 
etattet und teilte air sit, daG dSocor Sericht crheblichen Biaflcfl aa* die _- 
Scbjredioch - Eeatschea Bwichaajaa .gehaht babe..- Ich Torsachto in E^oicher fa- 
cile den pSpstlichea Hantiuo in Berlin Sericht su erstatten. port wde-ich ce- 
Srart. ob ich Soldat cei. Ifcraufhin TTurdo Jedo waiter o Uaterhaltanj ciV=-r *«-- 
»lehat. Ich rurdo can eefcrtlgen Yerlacsen der Eotecauft Seiner Soil i£: C it jef- 
refcrdcrt. Ich sa<re dioe bier dsswecea, roil dars.ua erhellt, *io coheir *3 eiaen 
Eeatschea cc=*cht rcrdo, sich in ociner Hot irtenfieio .Eat an schaff en, rsna 
er s *ar boi dea Tcrtroter Seiner Hoilitfteit tie den Ctellvertrcter Christio 
wxf Lrden nicbt cinaal in cb entsotalicber Sot Sat end Eilfe firdea hcante! - 
I©in 7eriaescn dor .pSpotliehaa Eotochart rnrdo ich ven ciaon Folirictan nit dea 
2^de verf olrt. Ich hatie neiaen EerolTcr entoichcrt. in der Tcecha cs dch csra- 
de t: ;=aachieJBea f ale dieser Poliaict yollic Babefireiflichewcise zzar dich. 
-n n-ch heraitfuhr, abor dana "rehrt cachte. Ich Laba denn alios dies anter t^cli- 
chea Eialiicrca cein 2 a Jlcpfoe untcr den BiciJto, ce5.aUt.tiad cohan^t ca ra.^ea, ■ 
hen^^-ten voa einflafircichen Pore oalichtci ten borichtot, untcr andercn dea wyri- 
dilne'dee kotholischcn Eischofa Yon Eerlin, jEr.rintor, her Toiterpbo an dea 
EwaEerra Bioohof undonden PipstUchen Staal. Ich'naS noch hinsa^a-en, ■ 
daB Cunt^er Tea Eeichaaieherhoitshasptact- ich elanbe 6a let der Sohn de3 Eac- 
eea • G^ithera - ^nftn* 1944 nochnalo cebr cro£o Ecncca ElaasSaro rcn clr fur , 
einea oehr danklen C^ecit verlen^to. Ens Cift oolite, in seine Eienatswclle ^a dcr 
vnrfSreteaetraaae' Relief ort rerden and dort ln.oinsa Schappen, den cr nir soiff- 
to f rervrehrt trorden. Ea aand^lto cicb an cchr groiio Sca 5 en, ins^cant an cehrcre 
Ta— one. dio na£h und nach aufcchSaft .and su cciner Verfucaa- c&^l-=a rcrip 
soil tea. 25aa Gift £ca--cto zun Uabriacca Yea Ticlcn ^illionca Keaacbca. C2atber 
*--*:te f er Trisee nechLaicht end ^c-ano noch nicbt ubertchen,. cb, r^rn, *o=a vcl- 
c^ea "ceck, fir volchea rcrsoaoaircis das Gift' gebraacht Oder each nicbt c©- 
h^aa-ht verdc. Jeionfallo cuseo ee dort etSadiff Terfuchar eein.- Lv* cancben 
?k^n 2^= Cccbniccbc, dio Giintber stellte f cataaha ich,. dafl rebl beabsicbtiet ■ 
- cr c— -c 4 n na£, in einsr ijrt Icoo - odor Elnbriiunea eine eebr c^c^o *ahl Yen 
J: e ^ n ^:^ unsabrinccn. Ich crklLrto C2ntber nach ciacr cia-€bcnden Crtetesichti- - 
/— » n. li c c*>- die Vcraatrcrt'n-r dcr Lacsranc dee Ciftes in den ccaaaLtcn Ccbap- 
>ca nittea in dcr Leicbcbf-aptetadt Lcincwcca Sbcrsebaca Tcmccb.e, da dna G^*t 
aasreiaho, an ciadcatcaa 2 ml dio ^scsic Lcvclii£rcn S Tea Scrlis denit enra- 
brinr-on end ciao Scraotiazc uad 2craacua 5 sancatlich in Sc^or vtbrccbciaaicb 
ooi.'l^t Z^o ec-lcirc co air dcaa f iba su Cbcrrcdoa, tz3 Gift in dca rcateatre- 
ticacltrcm Cranicabars uad ^.ticb^its ca Tcrrebrcn. Icb ricltctc co daaa co cin, 
da£ icb'cao Gift dcrt ocfert 



r.ccb 



281 



- c - 



asch Eiatrcffen frrsollo fur ZccciLO dcr Icciaf citica, die dcrt l^afcad TTacjcaa 
Elauciiaro branch to, vcrach;riadca licfi. Eio Ecchaunsca dcr Lief erf lira - Dcat- 
seta GesollcchAft fiir Schidlincsbci^ar.faas, Fraarfurt ft.C.cad Friodbcrc- lie2 
ich ad neiaea Eaaca auoatellea, cngoblich rc^ca dor Ceholahaltiaic, in r&hr- 
heit, ua la nainen Eicpcaitioaca uajcotrirtcr an coin uad. ca dao Gift bossor 
verschuindca lnsccn stjl ncaacn. Aco den c- cicilca - Grcndo habo ioh ca stcta verai 
den, dio Tieica auflaafcndcn Eechaungcn jo cur Bcsahlanj vorsole^ca, da ich da 
dorch dca S3 daacmd an* diccca Ycrrat httto erlnacm QOscea'tad ilhder dca crs5- 
nun^acitflieca nofuad Toa dca bcsahleadcn Stollen dehor S^acxchen enceotollt 
wordea ulrcn. So 205 ia co vcr f dlo Fima acf Eahaar-£ea Jiia cu vertrScten and «. 
Eechaan^ca uatcsihlt ca lasecn. Car Director dsr Itacccch orzShlto air Ccri^co 
gesrruchareioojdaB er far Tb'tuag vca rencchen 21aao£ara ia'iapallen eeliefert 
habo,- colchsa Pcrcoacalreic GOnthor etf Znwsisuas sciacs Vcrceectctcn 2ici=uir. 
cesebenenfallo enbriasen solltc, hibe ich ales erfahrca. Ich dachte" dcr £ahl 
nach *n dle.Insaaccn dor rcaz antra ticalaccr cad dio c.ac££niischcn Arbsiter, cl 
Guch en dio Offiziere, dio Dcutacko Pfarrerschaft cad en dio rrie£zccfcrsenca« 
ITiiaeatlich sis Goebbclo snitcr dzvon Gpr--ch scccbcacaTallc xrlrde dcr natienil- 
E03iali£an3 dio TCr c^caltig hiater sich znschlacTzn, habo ich rochnals scrc*. 
filtig coprOft, ob diese Hordrcscrvo verklica vcrnichtet Trar. Ear Befehl Eiaa- 
1CT3 car Oabria^aaj all or iasassea ron EL ia Ersstfalle.irar cchoa d^aal3 chao " 
TCiterea vcracasucehcn. - Ein endcrea nal frae*e cich CCnthcr, cb ea ccclich 
sol, ia Jiaria - Shores leas tiidt ia dea dcrticcn Fcatunccerabca, in deasa dio 
doxt ictcraiertca Juden spazicrca cehen darftca, dicso darch vca cbea hiseia- 
^eworfcao Blaasiiarcdcsen su verciften. Ua diccca schrGcilich-a Plan ca versi- 
tcla f erlifirt© ich dies £ ur unaej-lich. Ich h^bo d«aa opiter crfthrc-a, da£ cich 
dar ^D caf tadsro Teise dech Elcucaaro Terschaff t • aad dio Jtdca- die ea ia' 
There sieaatadt oa^cblich eo fccscader3 git hebca collten,- doch caccsr^cht hat. 
Ea warca dica Tiitcr Tea ^cfallcacn SChaca, Iahaber hcher Crd-a aad verdieast- 
voile Jadea.- Tie- scheafilichstea Aoazeatraticaolacjer rarca Curi^caa keiaecr^^a 
£el3ea odor Bachearald. 7eit Schiiaaer v^rcn Eaathaasea - Caeca, bei liaa ca iz 
Xoaaa aad icaca-itx • Sort sind Killioaea vca Eeaschea in GcGiaaaera cad Cac- 
aatofl ( fchrbaroa Tazz&m ) verochrcadea, Ia Ac2chritc irarden alleia Hillicaen 
Ziader dnrch Uatorhaltea ciacs BUacfiastnpfcaa cater. die Esse ^atetet, la ?rac 
iioazcatratioaaUcer HaYeanbrQca boi r^stcaber^.in Cecileabcrs' babe ich Tcrcac 




eea, Siese betrafea z.B.Tersucho ait Ferritin bia =a 100 Tablettea pro Zzz an 
ICO bi3 20C Eaftlia^sa bio cua cveatuellen Todcserfclj. iadcre dcrnrtige Ter- 
cucho •garden cit £cru= -end Lyaphe- "s#S# ait dca verschie dens ten fleckfieberiri: 
Btoffca W'CarchJ-efL'hrt, Hicalcr hatt sich dio GeaebaifcUas derarti^er Tersacho 
aa darci/dsa 5.E zaa ?ode Verorteiltcn pcrscalich Yorbehaltea.. Ich hiba r= ferr 
ner Ia Craaieabur^ ca eiaca Ta^a aehrero haaderto cder ^ar tauseade EoaosKcaol 
ler cpjrlcs ia dei Cfca Terschiadca schea. Ia "aathtuscs. ?ax ob Sblich, Judea 
in :toiabrach r-rbciten ca lacsea uad uic Blsdana - x?ie safalli- -" eia3 hobo 
:--toia«scd hsraa/erzact-Irzea. Sic blioben cater tct lichen aad x/arden cla Ua- 
flillo rocietricrt. "Dcr ~Z - IkcptsfcurafShrer Ur. Zr^ntz- eia vOater latiaizi - 
aao roan^an 2hoia» boin Ecichcai^arzt 53 uad ?clisci ibteilaa^slaiter h^t air 
cad Ticlca f.adcrea Tcraoaca hluTis nit ratrUrtaac vca eeiaoa CLhlroichea der- 
artiraa rrlcbaictea erziLhlt. 

Ich hAlto in bclcec dca i:ir-irzci: f da5 an Iccichti^ua£Ctc£*j each so laa^en Tsrt 
ia dca Saitcm trir^lich clle JJcacchsxi tct sr^rca. -ber der H^aptcann rlrth, eir 
vOlliff ongebildcter Hca-ch chnc circb car die serines Ua reaatnisco vca Chraio 
and Physiolojie, hat air die ccadcrbarctea £ia£0 crcilhlt. 



Cffcr.slchtllch... 



282 



CTcaaicbtlicb baenB Wrtb eiao erbablicbe Ycriiebe fur Vcrouche nit fceaschca 
ia T'Ho, £o ersSbloo crnlr Ton eLnca kloiaca Eiade, das cie aorecas rSllig 
ssnter cub" dor Geaknreer ff cbolt button, dio Cbcrr Eacbt e^f^a atehca c*-. 
bliobea w. £eaoader« intereocaato Srpcriacnt bat tea cio bai dea Ceiot ostrea- 
cea aasoatellt. Tort bate can dio cnterccbicdlicbstea Ezpflndlici^cUen der ^ 
elaaelaca CenscLea fccacatot. Accb ait Profile** ciad Vcraacbo jcaacht wordeai , 
*• -lento" waea In Koasel C eotec*t, in did nittelo dar (ftliehea Aspbaltetrao- 
sea- Eeaprcaocren ProsBluTt oin^drCckt rardo..- Ia ?rcbliaco fcatta. icb den 
JEindrucfc, daS aiadosteai' caacbo nocb lebtea Oder car boaiaacassloa rarca. xas. 
alio bitten did Lucon offen cad botcn einen ecareealicben ^nbiick. Jjeuescacea 
habo icb jodoob trota ecaausr.Ioobachtuacea nlcbt tab? fcatetallen *Aaaea. Ia .. 
Gsasea hat aaa oicb oo cat aie koine SS2* fieccbea, dio Sotoasea Irceadjdo ha- 
can » durebsufuhren. oo^eit can la dieeea Zasasaenbaas uoeraaapt dio a *crt £C-. 
braachea d^rf ! - Saa uobl vesica? ass Sadiaaao, ela ^us eincr vollifioa Gxeicb- 
caititfioit uad 3c % uenlicbi:eit dicccn Dia^aa s8£saEber» . / ' . - • 
Tea eiaea beaendero caatandicea sterben bericbtcto air der SS - Eacptetaraf ub- 
-cr Sr.aed.Yilliac tus Icraand. Eo braaclto etch an aearoro tacsend - icb ff I*c- 
te 60C0 - polniocbe Ccictilcho uad Prieetcr. Sieso rardea psrapa, o.cb 
celbet laa£c, tiefe Crabca aucscbotoa, da*a naStea sio »Iob aackt anasiebaa, to-. 
die GrSben stellen uad warden aladaaa crscbccscn. AcT dio bSanlscbea.cad «?„>- 
tiocbea Pracoa, ob sie aca iaacr nocb tn-Jeca .Cbrictaa, sa Earia, an ^ Fjl- 
niacbcflYcl* claubtoa, aatwrtotea eie ait eincn festea SekmataiB sa .CxariatnOj 
s r Eeiliren letter Cot tea, iaabesendoro an dio vca Tcbsactocbaa and aa eia <.sfr 
e^icben <brea Yoiiatuaa, Yillias tarichtot bieruber cater Trsaea ait tiefcter 
hSL^S i^rJ^.^acb tader? Polea aiad in £halicb Torbildllcber cad «- 
etfiadiier Toiso C e 9 torbca f lasbeecadere Lchrcriaaea uad lebwr^. Ala icb vca 
d ssoa allte hBpto , orlsaerto icb aicb ca a^ia cificaso Ccftapia la der £lc_- 
LasS, =a stattfiart. Eit bcia^he tiadlichcr E=ad vcr da arf. dea .E«d aolaer 
E?ccapritccbe nltlacoleatea.raBbsfebca cSaccritst ? fijto, Satter Cottea bilfv! 
— Eino TcrbHrrto upt, feeasebsa uasutriacea f w la Pclea dio," da^ aaa d.« 
Lento die raadSltpcppo roa Eoch8f«a barcufntoiffja Uefi f tie. dort obca i= S rbia 
nit claca FiatoleaacbaS arlodicte cad aio d^aa la Eocbcfca ver*cb£adca llc£. - 
Yiele Ecascbcn collea ia 2ie/; e 15f C n durcb Ecacbpiflo erstiea, vordca a_ aa- 
•acbl?e£ead la sclbcn Cang rertraaat rcrdea ceia. Eicr ±ct "laa r.wlla ^edeeb 
aSt h^adcSproaoatic £ uycrlL, 5 i S . -. Claor der Pollaaiebefa ^ ^^C. , . 
S2 - StmbaaafCbPer Holler orzPilto den 2rstea aeiaso throes. cad air, dafl bal 
cciner latasaft ia Eroaber/; co Lblicb co^oen ael, JcdaatladBP C lc5cb ia dea 
?toro ait dea Topf ea die Yand en klaerea, aa dea to der Schlc»erol za 
Teraoidca. Cr bebe diecea Unfe^ tt;catcllt and fur dio Ereebiesccr- der riaacr 
ccrcrrt.. Er criancrte cicb accb icbt^ft aa woi"Jtlciaa l*dchca rca 5 ca- 5 
Sbrea, die vcr iba euf die Taieo ^fallen cad .abate* ^^^^ZV^;^; ;// 6 
x:^£tc icb astcrlicb erscbiecseri ler 5 en r ea E tc Caller.- Holler era_ltG c.d 
yea der Zisricbtua* der polniocbea latellic«s* ^«^ * ift8B I«ate.aa£tca eicb 
G ^v C3 rrabes cicb alt dc= 32ucb ssaatcrst biaeiale-ea u^d «rdca de=2 ru. ^a- 
Khiaea^lstclca crecbc«ca. lie r.cbctea aaCtea =ieb al 5 d« suf die aocb var- 
zea Leicbca drauTIe^cn cad -.urdea dear cbcafaUa vca ccen creebcesen. .ielo- 
ccica dnaa bei dc= Ycrcucbs srie^ca des Lcicben darebr^riccben, ueil sie «eb 
aicbt c—= * c " 'earca, b:ia laciblettera crecbcssca vcr^ea. 

ILcr der Caefc der r.-eiaacr- rc C icra= C eraJhlto air, rllbrca cr dij Pate tras- 
cbicrtc, ven oiaca bsseaiera ce-sa-^aca P^C, cea ale c^-cat bs.tc-: at- 
fcasa vca dor polaiscacn ridcrci^r.L-bcTcraa^ - eia 

Js£e... 



283 



Juio habo filch in Ccbrcicca st*211t. lar-uf bate coa lis dio Celesco cobrcchca- 
ala cr each dim noch ochrioc, habasra iha nit dca Sinters tuf eiao e l^eaia 
Ecrdplsitto ccsotst. Sio bSttca calo ochca collca, vio der Sana scaprr.chis varv.o 
Celo-satlich oisoa Ecsuchoa boin 2sabSro dcr Eaffca S3 la Zlablia, tciltea caa d 
be idea. Architect ra nit, dc3 cio ta Tcrsitt&s dio leictcahallo in eiaes Eric£=sc 




bor--oa ^aaaltcsen Saaieraacsccs oiai-ca ixfceita - Jcaea- Scxxrtto in dca E^la be 
cebracat. Sirta bodauorto lebb&f t f da5 die Fraa qchoa tot rar, si© fcStte s-Lsscr 
exoapltrisca bestrsTt uerden J Sic versuadetea Judea lieu er_scrsfiilt*5 krat- 



exoapl 
lich c 
ca^caiedelt uad bclc 



lich batrosca, <Usit cie C laabea oolltea, cio triirdca wiriiicS an Lobea blcibca, 
"chat xcrdaa I Had daa" claabea die Leute, daa glaabca aic -cu 




a 

ae: 



£o~die EiadHdea's'ua 7-.sa=:caciadea, derScscho caateilea ca£tc - sclbat eia sc 
bca kiad uurde aiwis3t.it Ilea eiai-cspaaat .in Eitlera eatactaiicbe^^^^h-ar 




(p-ablick — Ja, diocaal co«3 ich Ea-ea: oaaft la die Zaj=er-.hiaeias*3caobea wrij 
Der SS - Eaapteturafdhrer Cbcraeyer aus Piraaaeac crsafclte air: ia eiaaa Serf .. 
dor SSho babe ica einea Judea ait seiner Fraa aaa. naiacx Eoicatstadt Ptaaacr 
■troffca. Xer rar la ^olt^riej racatasister, -cia aastiidiscr Earl, -ir asbea ? 




cab aica oratfacat cai" 7aa soil aas iba rarden, ffenra easrelbo xrio nit a Ilea a 
rea, da cibta e^icata uader-eo* ?a vielicicht rerdc ica sic iotachieasea lace 
•' adToaeita baba icb ia dcr SS eiae Aaaahl "voa Lcaiea aa£etoffes,dio. dies© fcat 
ecb^rf Ternrtciltca aad s.7. dexuber ca ^ICtaadea Eacsera dca Fasitaaa £c*crdc 
*a~c-. T ca dcaie da vor allca aa dca Ctabefilbrcr dca Obara tea Iircioaikera bclr 




fer 



284 



- 12 - 

i"©r Vercxtoiltaff d©r Bad- uad SS - ilcihodea f and and dealt BtEndi* B©iaea 
Lopf riattert©.- Ba© Gleicha £ilt fur di© Chircrgea 8S-Eanptptcxnf Uhror Br^jod. 
Ficaea and ItiDhoo mid Br. cod. Sors© ©no Jena. Bin rirXaaaer tatinaal - Prcpa- 
isndiot uar anch de? SS-Eauptfltnrctf uhrer Br. eool.yrita Irants an© Bcra, dor 410 
B&nlroichon Scheafiliohlceitca, dlo ©r In dea Zcasentr&ticaalacera sa aehea bokan, 
cater ©tSadi£©a BiBiko, cehSast ca uardea, toTol^ t<pa b«^ci^t ^chto. . ; > ? 
-2a'dor:*Criippi der Gffiaier© to 20. Jali'1944* *n roehasi Bind die .Joitcadca Apo- 
th©*ar d« Saf f ea S3, SS-CmpponfChror Br. pham. Bltacnxoather end win© boidea 
Eitaxboitor S 3 -St-erabanaf Oarer Br.Bohsanbars tad Br. Bcdolphi. letsteror trat 
ia Ofctofcar 1944 **» Fflhxcrbild eeiaba Bieaotcisaora ait^Xfcaaea* - 



Vca dcr ibolfiiBchea, hollEadischea cad Icrenborsischea 53 rarea 2/3 dor Eas> . 
aehaftca daroh taslaablich© l&coa- cad BetrapaanCTer fcbor ancoWlch* Spprtfcutt* 
nad dor/rleichea nit Ccualt heroia^aprcBt vcrdca. Eh© die Lent© oicla T©rcahea - 
noch bovor ci© oinc©*l©idot varea - Tarca do darch bloaae^toaaeahait -bel ©lac; 
Vcreidi/nasaaht nit reroidist tad truxdea In Tallo der tfeigcrtas elfl f ahneaf ltlch- 
tifi bohaadolt odopvegea GehorcensTertroicertaff c^Eat cder bosteafall© ©rockcsBe! 
Wif stream derartic© Bia^ (^haadhabt ruxdea, crhollt c.B.aca der TntDach© t . daB 
sahlxolcho raaa je&a© Jucandlicha insohSriea der 7affea $3. : ledielich des^e^a 
erochessca- irordea sind, -ceil si© eiaea racoradca vca cuosea la der. Stallp^ad 
&a dl© Eoao «fa3t habea* . Biooer Bofohl sor Ahndaaff aach near, fios eorinsatea^tt-- 
soicheaa oiacr porversoa Boi^a* wdo allca &&hcricon der Sa wleaea tad rar. 
von ElraiorVaelbat catorsaichaote-Taascado vca Eitlcrjia^ca aiad *n5 . diooelbo •■ 
telab. do oSca errShntca inaltador gecea ihrea Villea la di© S3 jpprcaai Tardea. 
Daa Gleacho gilt f Cr dlo acf Eitlero and Biralcra Bef e&l In dlo S3 eopraaatea ia- 
£0hBrl C ca andoror Whrsaehtotoilo, .inabaecaderedor Icftraffo.cad der EjMJjJj &*' 
raro &H3 falsca tad BagcFooh^- bochat tacorecbt, cbaa Fruftaj dieeor TerMl.aiafl 
jedea 53"-&asohBriesa fte dlo farchtbarea Vcrbrechca dcx 53 nltvoraatWj-llch «a ■ 
aadh8a-re3TOllca.Es cnJ hler anch noch extflhat trardca,. daB Tiolfach dlo . Poll* © A 
Tlal «bler rar ala di© SS. Si© hut s.B.bai dor Srf eaatas der Jadcn^ bei ihrcp ./-. 
Zasasacaatalltaff sa.daa toaapprtea tad bei dor Abliefenas bol Eir=aora Schlacht 
hfiasera dl© Ubolatoa Eandlancordicaato coloiatct, obvohl ©a dea cltea.tad cxTah-. 
rcaoaBeaatca ©ichor eln Leichte© ce^eeca rSro, niadoateaa.olaca groBaa Toil Cer. 
Jadea tartelcaBiff v©racbvlad©a cti laoeen # lusecrdea let ©a billici ca dice© al- 
.tea carolf tea Uaaatea, dl© ©rlaaoa anBtcapiras Bcoht tad Uax©cht iatt'.endoro la^or- 
deraacca ca ©tollea, &1© an taroif© Eitlcffjanffaa cad jtac© SS-Loato. Wo Tataaeho, 
daB Eitaler nloht nor BoichcfChrer dor SS. eoadera glclchzeitis.Chof dsr reutachc 
Polis©i Tsri wlrd Tl©ifach laag© aicht gaaaff ber&cfcaichtifct, Bi© Bl.Btochttld.dor •.:■ 
Polisel'aa dar roiboncaloaoa rnrchfChrtaff dor J'ttdoaachlaohtoaff lot cacohtner,. •.:. 
anch vena ©1© crBBtoateiia vea' cichorca Schxcibtioch ana oderau dor Gohoratta- : 
h©it derBCroa orfolffto. la dleoor Besiehunff 1st wcitcchead c^iBchea Goottpo cad 
Police! fcaca ©ia TJatorachiod an naciea. Baa echlicBt nicht ous, daB .rancher Cca- 
dara cad Policeibeaat© aich oraathaf t becuht .habca aaff, dea Becht ati dloaaa tad . 
ooin© Pflicht nach aolnoa Ceriaaea, aicht nach doa Easibefehlca aaacttrichtea » 
Baa ©bar raro ©oiao Sach©, dice aa bev©ic©a..Grcada£tBlich cllBt© ^eder PoUcoi- 
b©aato staSchot caaati ao oaffoaohoa vcrdoa, vi© Iq&st SS.-Sana.— In nolncr reh- 
nun ff la Berlin 1 35, lUtsovatraas© 47 I li^ha hatto ich ©inea grCCarca .Ercia . 
borlOirtcr loideaaohaftlichcr and aktivar latlaacio tanich voraasaolt. Ich nana©. 
hior oiaigo Sanaa a 



gajor 



285 



- 13 - 



Eajor Lata Rolfifl a.Zt. Eanhars - Clasorit - *crx©# 

DicraJrtor Alesaador Seano, Mo. 1959 i* *« eosliachen Tar* Industrie* tatiff, 
1944 - 1945 & Eonato In SD.-Eaft, Jotat Banters Glaacrit - Serke. 
Br, icr. Landsarichtarat a.D. Felix Besa, joatiaheaatar dor Ccisraliiraktlca 
Talcf oaken, Berlin 5* 1t. Zaar XHt C llfid dar IBBAP, at>cr f°i* ^34 ocnarfcr 
aktivor Antinaai, dar oica nit rid Ceoohic!: end Erfols hcsGhto, die Fartoi 
Tca^inaea ho? w coraeteen. Eiaa? dar leidanachaf tlichatca Eaasordes JFanitca 
PTarrcr Wchhola, Straf aaotaitapf arra? "daf install Flbotacaaco. :■ * -;•': '■- ' ' 
Buchhola hat taoaeada ven Loatca, dio van Tolkcsari cat chef sp Todo Tsrortsil 
raren sua Schaffot odor can Caiman hcffloitet ante? aadcrea dio Cffisiera deo 
20. Jcli 1944. Enter eiganer Cefafcr hat Buchhols dio Gcfaa^nea cit ffahrcasar 
tel, Kodikaaoaten, 2ot£abunc3aitt«l tad Bauchcarea aim* varscrct* 
Fr&alein Bcrothea Schalttnd Fran amdt, SahretLrinnaa cad Eilf en Toa" Pasta? 
. nicaOUcr ao3 Dahlea uad Bachaa* •-".-' \; - : .;" .• . " 

Er.Earaaan Ehlera 'and Br. • rboo Slao, Jostasiare dor Bakanataiahircha and dez 
tfiedarstaadsaeuosaas Biea311ar. • *- • : - .■"-.•>;*.'.•.-'■..-- 

Pf array Eochalcky, Yertroter la lot von $*&??&: asrtin-.ffieaSller; • • 
Atzssordea. atand in nit fol£eadea Feroccan sua dor. antiastionalsosialibtioche: 
Pasajung in eager Puhlaa(j» t ".•".. 

GGncralsaperintancent rr. Otto Dicolina, Berlin- Uchterfeldo, BrCderrcs 2 * 
s Pasilio Ffarrcr Ilienbllcr, a, St. 'Icon! a.Stcxahorccr Sco, Villa Saycer, . 
FrSooa D.roch, PChror dor *eotf aliachen Bakenntniakircho , Bad- QynHaasaa 
Jrofe33or Froihor? ron Haeno, TJaircrsitat Ttfbinsea. - • ••— - ' * • 

Pfazrar Eohlinff, Eagen. Lutharkircho,, fShrendqa EitcUcd da? Tea -f. Be^caa.- 
niokircho. '" ' . •-' • •'■* -•*-. v ' "• '-'.'. "' v ••., 

Pfarrar Talpertaa Ea^ea, kath, Earionkircho. ; ....'• . 

Pfarrer Otto IfchrV SaabrOdoBaV Chaf dor fifldwotdontechen ^chlichcn *idcr- 
fitaadahoxTOcanff* - ..*.'.•■• ■■'•.** ■ .. ;..••.•.•.•,'. 

Pecrifcnat Bcmhard J.Coodccler, Sicnancatraaoo 17» .EBschen. . ; : . '/•;■* 
rirektor Frana Banorlo f i.Fa.GoedecJiar, ©aeadort f . ; 

Architect u. Schriftatollar Otto TClckero, BCncben* StioYcsstr* 9t • 
Br«ccd*Earhcrt Straah, Arat 8 Sotaingaa, nehst Faailie a .- ••••.•••, * ^ 
papicrcrofiaandlor Eaina Bebsnthaa, Barlin - Dahlea, c.Zt. nrehcntollinafcrt 
hei TUoinsea nohat Paailio^ 1-- *• . 

iilo noina Ln^lcn en*prochcn in vollca Aasaaii" der rahrhait, Ich hin air dar 
aacscrordeatlicboa traffwoite dieser coinsr Anf-ceichnueen top Got t end dar 
eoaoatca Ecsachhait roll heTa5t and nchao ca auf noinca Sid, dafi nichto voa 
allca, rao ich hior aaferosoic^not haha, erdichtot odor arfcndoa 1st, aondera 
lilloa 3ich eoaa^co Terhi.lt. 

£93t Tart Corstoia. 



^c 



286 




Ii° fill i 



Wl 



\ from 

| THE NATIONAL ARCHIVES 
j Accord Group N o, 



EG 238, Records cf the National Archives 
Collection cf World War II War Crises 



&\ 



IWO-fS 



287 




/^^- 



Appendix II 
Kurt Gerstein 

His Life, His Death, His "Confessions" 

11 August 1905 Birth at Miinster/Westphalia. Father: President of 
the Regional Tribunal (died 1954); Mother: nee Schmemann (died 
1931). 

1911-1919 Father working at Saarbriicken. Kurt attends primary 
then secondary school. 

1919-1921 Expelled by the French, the father is transferred to Hal- 

berstadt in the region of Magdeburg. Kurt continues his studies at 

the Gymnasium (high school) there. 
1921-1925 Continuation and end of his secondary studies at Neurup- 

pin, region of Berlin. Easter 1925, obtains his school leaving 

certificate. 

1925 Joins the Evangelical Youth Movement and the college bible 
circle. 

1925-1931 Probationer/trainee in the mines and student at Marburg, 
then at Berlin and Aachen (Aix-la-Chapelle), superior technical 
schools. 

June 1931 Passes the examination for Certificated Engineer (specifi- 
cations: mining and chemistry) at Berlin. 

1931-1935 Courses of practical instruction in the mines. 

2 May 1933 Joins the Nazi party (NSDAP). 

October 1933 Recruited into the S.A. (Sturmabteilungen — "Storm 
Troopers"). 

30 January 1935 At the theater in Hagen, Wittekind, a play in the 
pagan spirit, is performed for the second anniversary of Hitler 's 
rise to power. Gerstein demonstrates his disapproval; he is man- 
handled by the Nazis present. 

289 



November 1935 Passes the examination of Bergassessor (Mines 
Assistant). Engaged to be married to Elfriede Bensch, daughter of 
a pastor. 
From May 1936 to 27 September 1936 Employed at the mines in 
the Saar, he prepares the "Day of the Miner," which was to be held 
30 November 1936. He sends out the invitation forms accompa- 
nied by inserts in which there is some talk of train compartments 
reserved for mad dogs (!) and contagious people (!). The police 
are alerted and search his home where they find seditious pam- 
phlets of a religious coloration, ready to be mailed to prominent 
persons throughout Germany. He is arrested on 24 September 
1936 and imprisoned at Saarbriicken. He is freed during the latter 
half of October 1936. 

15 October 1936 Expelled from the NSDAP for anti-state activities. 

December 1936 Begins his medical studies at Tubingen. 

9 February 1937 Loses his job as mines official. 

May 1937 Forbidden to speak in public in the territory of the Reich. 

31 August 1937 and 2 November 1937 Civil marriage, then reli- 
gious marriage to Elfriede Bensch. 

From 14 July to 28 August 1938 Second arrest. Interned at the 
camp at Welzheim. 

September 1938 Opening of an official inquiry for high treason 
(involved in an alleged monarchist plot). 

October 1938 Proceedings cancelled. 

From July 1939 to June 1940 Working with the Soci&e Wintershall 
at Merkers/Rhon. 

25 October 1939 Birth of his son Arnulf. 

From October 1940 Working with the firm of Limon Fluhme & Co 
at Dusseldorf, in which his mother's family have an interest. 

From March 1941 to May 1941 Joins the SS as a volunteer; 
military instruction at Hamburg, Arnhem and Orianenburg. 

June 1941 Assignment to Institute of Hygiene of the Waffen SS. 

September 1941 Birth of his daughter Adelheid. 

1 November 1941 Promoted to Untersturmfuhrer F (second lieuten- 
ant specialist.) 

January 1942 Appointed head of department "Public Health - 
Technical." 

8 June 1942 Receives the order to supply prussic acid-based fumi- 
gant (Zyklon B) to Belzec concentration camp in Poland. 

17, 18, 19, 20 August 1942 Meets the SS General Globocnik at 
Lublin. Visits the camps at Belzec and Treblinka. 

290 



20 August 1942 In the train Warsaw-Berlin, meets Baron von Otter, 

a Swedish diplomat stationed at Berlin. 
December 1942 Birth of a second son, Olaf. 
20 April 1943 Promoted Obersturmfuhrer F (lieutenant specialist) 
We have very little exact information on Gersteiris activities in the 
SS between September 1942 and March 1945. 

End of March 1945 Abandons his post in Berlin and rejoins his 
family at Tubingen. 

April 1945 A hastily-scrawled paper preserved at LKA reads: Thurs- 
day 18 left (gefahren) / Friday 19 Ulm /Saturday 20 1 1 am. (and in 
the margin Metzingen) / Sunday 21 To Metzingen / Monday 22 
from Metzingen to Rottweil (and in the margin the word "prison" 
written in French). 

Fleeing from the German troops, 

he surrenders to the First French Army. 

From 26 April to 6 Ma^y 1945 Held at the Hotel Mohren at Rottweil, 

he benefits from the status of a privileged prisoner: while there, he 

writes his "confessions." 
5 May 1945 Meets at the Hotel Mohren two Allied investigators to 

whom he gives his "confession" typewritten in French of 26 April 

1945 (T II), together with some invoices of the firm DEGESCH 

and a brief note in English. 
26 May 1945 Taken to Langenargen, near Constance, then to Paris 

by the French officers of the O.R.C.G. (War Crimes Investigation 

Office). 

Until 5 July 1945 Held at the quarters of the O.R.C.G. at 48 rue de 
Villejust at Paris, 16. 

26 June 1945 Interrogated by Commandant Beckhardt in the offices 
oftheO.R.C.G. 

5 July 1945 Imprisoned at the military prison of Cherche-Midi in 
Paris and charged with murder and complicity. 

13 July and 19 July 1945 Interrogated by Commandant Mathieu 
Mattei, examining magistrate of the 2nd Military Tribunal of Paris. 

20 July 1945 Confined to a separate cell. 

25 July 1945 Found hanged in his cell. 

31 July 1945 Autopsy at the Medico-Legal Insitute by Professor 
Piedli&vre; verdict, suicide. 

3 August 1945 Buried in the cemetary at Thiais. 

7 August 1945 Baron Lagerfelt, diplomat based in London, follow- 
ing a recent letter from his friend Baron von Otter, calls the 
attention of the British Foreign Office to Gerstein. 

291 



9 October 1945 Professor Ch. Sannie, Director of the Judicial Iden- 
tity Service of the Prefecture of Police, certifies: — on the one 
hand, that he has had photographed, four copies each, thirteen 
documents left by Gerstein on his death; — on the other hand, that 
a fourteenth document sent by the Examining Magistrate did not 
arrive. 

10 October 1945 Commandant Mattei places in two officially- 
sealed envelopes: — in one, the original documents; — in other, 
the four photographic copies of each. 

10 November 1945 The Direction of Military Justice forwards the 
complete Gerstein file to Professor Charles Gros, French delegate 
at the War Crimes Commission in London; probably forwarded 
afterwards to Warsaw to be used by the Poles, the file disappeared 
for almost twenty-six years. 

January 1946 The "confession," typewritten in French, of 26 April 
1945 (T II) is rediscovered in the American archives of the main 
trial at Niirnberg under the reference PS-1553. The Americans 
pass over this document, which should have been the most sensa- 
tional document of the trial, in silence. On the insistence of the 
French, use is made only of the Zyklon B invoices which were 
attached to the "confession." 

June 1948 Gerstein 's widow is informed, for the first time, of her 
husband's death. No information of any sort was ever given to her 
either on the circumstances of his death or the place of his burial. 

1950 The denazification Court of Tubingen refuses to rehabilitate 
the Nazi Gerstein. 

1951 L6on Poliakov publishes Le Breviaire de la Haine with a 
preface by Francois Mauriac. It includes an extract from PS-1553 
(T II) tarnished by serious errors and distortions. 

April 1953 In Germany, Hans Rothfels published in the magazine 
Vierteljahreshefte fur Zeitgeschichte the text of the "confession" 
written in German, dated 4 May 1945 (T III.) He warns the reader 
that he has made cuts and that he has not copied eight half-pages 
of supplements (Ergdnzungen) which, according to him, do not 
merit being classified as eyewitness evidence. 

1955 Leon Poliakov reprints the text of the German magazine in his 
book Das Dritte Reich und die Juden. The translation in French 
under the title Le Illme Reich et les Juifs will appear in 1959. This 
translation contains distortions of the original text which cannot 
be simple errors of translation. 

1960 First republication of Leon Poliakov' s book Le Breviaire de la 
Haine. The reproduction in part of PS-1553 (T II) is even less 



292 



faithful than in 1951. The republications of 1974 and 1979 will be 
identical to that of 1960. 
1961 The Gerstein "confession" in the version PS-1553 (T II) is used 
at the Eichmann trial in Jerusalem. 

1961 Paul Rassinier publishes Ulysse trahipar les siens. For the first 
time, he raises the question of Gerstein's "confession" (PS-1553/T 
II), as it seems to him improbable. 

1962 The German Protestant Rolf Hochhuth presents a play, Le 
Vicaire, in which he attributes an important role to Gerstein and 
uses it to attack the attitude which he imputes to the Pope Pius XII 
during the Second World War. 

1962 Paul Rassinier publishes Le veritable proces Eichmann ou les 
vainqueursincorrigibles. For the first time, he energetically takes 
issue with L6on Poliakov for the treatment to which he has sub- 
jected the texts of Gerstein's "confessions." 

1964 Saul Friedlander in his book Pie XII et le IHme Reich uses the 
evidence of Gerstein against the Vatican. 

1964 Paul Rassinier, in his book Le Drome des Juifs europeens, 
compares two very different reproductions of PS-1553 (T II) 
offered to his readers by L6on Poliakov. 

1964 Helmut Franz publishes a book in Germany on Kurt Gerstein, 
who was his friend. 

1965 Paul Rassinier, in his book L Operation "Vicaire" states once 
more that Gerstein's account is incredible. 

1965 The Minister-President of Baden- Wiirttenberg and future Ger- 
man Chancellor, Kurt Kiesinger, has Gerstein rehabilitated. 

1967 Saul Friedlander publishes Kurt Gerstein ou Vambigui'te du 
Bien. 

1969 Pierre Joffroy publishes UEspion de Dieu I La Passion de Kurt 
Gerstein. 

3 August 1971 The French Minister of Foreign Affairs returns the 
Gerstein file, finally rediscovered after having disappeared in 
November 1945, to the Direction of Military Justice. It is incom- 
plete: the two officially-sealed envelopes containing the docu- 
ments found after Gerstein's death are inexplicably missing. 

21 February 1979 The newspaper Le Monde publishes a declara- 
tion, signed by thirty-four historians, on the Hitler policy of exter- 
mination. The authors of the declaration, Leon Poliakov and Pi- 
erre Vidal-Naquet, include in it an extract of Gerstein's evidence 
from the version PS-1553 (T II). 

8 March 1979 Leon Poliakov and Pierre Vidal-Naquet reply to 



293 



readers in Le Monde; these readers had written to the paper after 
the publication of the declaration of 21 February to express their 
astonishment that, according to the Gerstein "report," seven to 
eight hundred persons were crammed into a gas chamber at Belzec 
with an area of twenty-five square meters. The two historians 
recall that they believe the Gerstein account as "indisputable as to 
the essentials"; in consequence one can, according to them, debate 
certain details [sic] of the "report." They consider moreover that 
the mistakes of the SS officer are easily explained, for the follow- 
ing two reasons: exactness in matters of figures was not his 
predominant characteristic (which causes some surprise in the 
case of an engineer); and his visit to Belzec in August 1942 had 
distressed him to such an extent that even by April-May 1945 he 
had never recovered his spirits. 

September 1982 In thecollection "Que sais-je?," Frangois de Fon- 
tette publishes Histoire de Vantisemitisme. He reproduces forty- 
three and a half lines of Gerstein's account in the version dated 4 
May 1945 (T HI). In the middle of the reproduction, an amputa- 
tion of thirty-five lines even omits the gassing operation. 

1983 In Germany, a book of 350 pages appears, entitled N.S. Mas- 
sentotungen durch Giftgas, of which pages 171 to 174 are devoted 
to the "Gerstein-Bericht" (Gerstein report). The author of these 
three pages is the Israeli Yitzhak Arad, the book was edited by 
Eugen Kogon, Hermann Langbein and Adalbert Riickerl. A partial 
reproduction of T m is presented, to the total of forty-seven lines, 
interrupted at four places by ellipsis points, which eliminate sixty- 
six lines and at the same time a large number of improbabilities. 
The description of the gassing is absent from the book; thus 
readers have no knowledge of it; they are confronted with what 
one could call a "pious cut." 



294 



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Ramsay, 1980. 

Amroux, Henri: La Grande Histoire des Frangais sous V Occupation, 

Volume V-Les passions et les haines, Robert Laffont, 1981. 
Aron, Raymond: Le Spectateur engage, Julliard, 1982. 

Brissaud, Andre: Hitler et Vordre noir, Librarie academique - 
Perrin, 1969. 

Butz, Arthur R.: The Hoax of the Twentieth Century, Institute for 

Historical Review, Costa Mesa, California 1976. 
Cru, Jean Norton: Temoins...Du temoimage, Gallimard, 1930. 
Dawidowicz, Lucy S: The War against the Jews (1933-1945), Wei- 

denfeld & Nicolson, London, 1975. 
Decaux, Alain: Histoire en question (2) Librarie academique - 

Perrin, 1983. 

Encyclopedia Judaica: Jerusalem, 1971. 

Faurisson, Robert: Memoire en defense, La Vieille Taupe, 1982. 
Reponse a P. Vidal-Naquet, La Vieille Taupe, 1982. 

Fontette, Francois de: Histoire de Vantisemitisme, Presses Univer- 
sitaires Frangaises, 1982. 

Franz, Helmut: Kurt Gerstein, Aussenseiter des Widerstandes der 
Kirche gegen Hitler, EVZ Verlag, Zurich, 1964. 

Friedlander, Saul: Kurt Gerstein ou Vambiguite du bien, Caster- 
man Tournai, 1967. Pie XII et le Hie Reich, Le Seuil, 1964. 

Hausner, Gideon: Justice a Jerusalem/ Eichmann devant sesjuges, 
Flammarion, 1976. 

Heydecker, Joe and Leeb, Johannes: Der Niirnberger Prozess, 
Kiepenhauer & Witsch, Cologne and Berlin, 1958. 

295 



Hilberg, Raul: The Destruction of the European Jews, W.H. Allen, 

London, 1961. 
Hochhuth, Rolf: Le Vicaire (German — Der Stellvertreter; English 

- The Deputy), Le Seuil, 1963. 
Joffroy, Pierre (Maurice Weil): LEspion du Dieu /La Passion de 

Kurt Gerstein, Grasset, 1969. 
Kogon, Eugen, Langbein, Hermann, Ruckerl, Adalbart and 21 

others: Nationalsozialistische Massentotungen durch Giftgas, S. 

Fischer Verlag, 1983. 
Krausnick, Helmut: Dokumentation zur Massenvergasung, Issue 

No. 9 of 1956. 
Langbein, Hermann: See Kogon, Eugen. 
Laqueur, Walter: The Terrible Secret, Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 

London, 1980. 
Leeb, Johannes: See Heydecker, Joe. 
Montaigne, Michel Eyquem de: Essais, Book III, Garnier-Flam- 

marion, 1969. 

Neumann, Robert: Hitler: Aufstieg und Untergang des Dritten 
Reiches, Verlag Kurt Desch, Munich, Vienna, Basel, 1961. 

Nob&ourt, Jacques: Le Vicaire et Vhistoire, Le Seul, 1964. 

Piguet, Msgr: Prison et deportation, Spes, 1947. 

Poliakov, Leon: Le Breviaire de la haine: Le Hie Reich et les Juifs, 
prefaced by Francis Mauriac, Calmann-Levy, 1951, 1960, 1974, 
1979. 

Poliakov, Leon and Wulf, Josef: Das Dritte Reich und die Juden, 
Arani Verlag, Berlin, 1955. Le Me Reich et les Juifs, Gallimard, 
1959. Le Proces de Jerusalem: Jugements - Documents, Introduc- 
tion by Leon Poliakov, Calmann-Levy, 1963. 

Rassinier, Paul: Ulysse trahi par les siens: documents et temoign^ 
ages, Henry Coston, 1961. Le veritable proces Eichmann ou les 
vainqueurs incorrigibles, Les Sept Couleurs, 1962. Le Drame des 
Juifs europeens, Les Sept Couleurs, 1964. L Operation "Vicaire," 
La Table Ronde, 1965. 

Reitlinger, Gerald: The Final Solution, Vallentine Mitchell, Lon- 
don, 1953. The 5.5.: Alibi of a Nation (1922-1945), William 
Heinemann, London, 1956. 

Rothfels, Hans: Vierteljahreshefte fur Zeitgeschichte (periodical), 
No. 2, April 1953. 

Ruckerl, Adalbart: NS.Vernichtungslager im Spiegel deutscher 
Strafprozesse, D.T.V., 1977. See also Kogon, Eugen. 

Staglich, Wilhelm: Le My the d' Auschwitz, S.E.D.E., 1980. 

296 



Steiner, Jean-Francois: Treblinka, Fayard, 1966. 

Thion, Serge: Verite historique ou Verite politique?, La Vieille 
Taupe, 1980. 

Toland, John. Adolf Hitler, Volume 11-1938-1945, Pygmalion, 1978. 
Vidal-Naquet, Pierre: LesJuifs, la memoire et le present, Maspero, 
1980. 

Welters, Georges: La Solution finale et la mythomanie neo-nazie, 
C.DJ.C, B. and S. Klarsfeld, 1977. Les chambres a gaz ont existe, 
Gallimard, 1981. 

Wormser-Migot, Olga: Le Systeme concentrationnaire nazi 1933- 
1945, Presses Universitaires Frangaises, 1968. 



II Periodicals 

Candide, 18 April, 1966. 

Dokumentation zur Massenvergasung, No. 9, 1956. 
France-Soir, 4 July 1945. 

Historiens & Geographes, No. 273 (May/June 1979). 
Le Monde, 21 February, 1979; 8 March, 1979; 23/24 January, 1983. 
Le Monde Juif, January/March, 1964; April/June, 1964; January/ 
March, 1980. 

Paris-Match, No. 1067 (18 October 1969). 

Der Spiegel, No. 51 (16 December 1968); No. 52 (23 December 
1968). 

La Terre Retrouvee, 1 April 1964. 
VierteljahresheftefiirZeitgeschichte, 2 April 1953. 
Die Weltwoche, 5 May 1967. 
Die Zeit, 19 August 1960. 



Ill Various 

Shorthand report of the trial opposing Leon Poliakov to Robert 
Faurisson. Hearing of 29 May 1981 before the 17th. Chambre 
Correctionelle at Paris; made by Cabinet J. Fleury, approved 
Court Reporter. 

Document PS-3311 (concerning Treblinka.) 



297 



IV Libraries, Archives, and Organizations 

Berlin Document Centre (Mission of the U.S.A.) 

Contemporary International Library of Documentation, Nanterre 

Sainte Genevieve Librairie, Paris 

Bundesarchiv, Koblenz, Federal Republic of Germany 

Centre of Contemporary Jewish Documentation, Paris 

Directorate of Military Justice, Paris 

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Landeskirchliches Archiv of Westphalia, Bielefeld, Federal Repub- 
lic of Germany 

National Archives, Washington 

Staatliche Archiwerwaltung, Potsdam, German Democratic Repub- 
lic 



298 



Postscript I 
The Pfannenstiel Case: 

A Reticent Witness but 
"Co-operative As to Essentials" 

Henri Roques 

One of the many documents of the United Nations War Crimes 
Commission of the year 1945 contains a list of the principal crimi- 
nals sought by the French delegation. The names of seven "war 
criminals" feature on the document, as follows: 

— Hitler, Adolf 

— Himmler, Heinrich 

— Eickmann, [sic], senior official of the R.S.HA. 

— Giinther, SS Sturmbannfiihrer — employed by the R.S.H.A. 

— Pfannenstiel — SS Obersturmbannfiihrer — held the chair of 
higeine [sic] at the University of Marburg 

— Linden, Herbert, Dr. — Counsellor to the Ministry of the Interior 

— Grawitz, Dr. — SS Gruppenfiihrer, President of the German Red 
Cross. 

Pfannenstiel, who features in fifth place on the list, owes this 
totally unexpected and completely unjustified honor to Kurt Ger- 
stein, who actually mentions him in his "confessions" along with 
those of Giinther, Linden and Grawitz. Similarly, Gerstein mentions 
Eichmann's name (Gerstein spells the name Eickmann.) 

Gerstein 's mention of the names in his "confessions" is the sole 
reason why the French investigators were interested in such other- 
wise obscure persons as Giinther, Linden, and Pfannenstiel. The odd 
composition of this list of "war criminals" leaves one perplexed as to 
the seriousness of those who drew it up. What is the quite inoffensive 
Professor Pfannenstiel doing there, except that by chance he had the 
misfortune to accompany Gerstein when the latter journeyed to 
Lublin and who, according to the story of this same Gerstein, might 
have been present (also by chance) at a gassing of human beings? 

299 



Wilhelm Pfannenstiel was born in Breslau on February 12, 1890. 
Professor of Hygiene at the University of Marburg/Lahn from 1930 
to 1945, he died at Marburg on November 1, 1982 after a life marked 
by many untoward accidents. 

Pfannenstiel, a doctor and major in the Wehrmacht reserve, was 
from 1937 on the chief surgeon of the SS. At the end of 1 939, he was 
appointed Hygiene Counsellor to the Waffen SS and confirmed in his 
rank of Sturm bannfuhrer (Major.) He was subsequently promoted to 
Obersturmbannfuhrer (Lt. Col.). In his capacity as inspector of sani- 
tary installations, he traveled a great deal during the war; in Poland, 
in the Balkans, in Norway and in France. 

Dr. Pfannenstiel traveled to Lublin, in Poland for the first time on 
August 17, 1942. Not having a car available for the journey from 
Berlin, he accepted a lift in Gerstein's vehicle; Gerstein, in his 
"confessions," claims he was ordered to deliver a quantity of hydro- 
cyanic acid to the Belzec camp, not far from Lublin. 

Pfannenstiel, commenting on Gerstein's mission, stated on No- 
vember 9, 1959: "Gerstein was ordered by Globocnik to work on the 
disinfection of large quantities of clothing in storage at Belzec." 

The duty assigned to Gerstein by Globocnik was not in the least 
surprising, since disinfection of the camps was among Gerstein's 
duties (he was attached to the Hygiene Institute of the Waffen SS). 
Did Gerstein actually carry out the order on disinfection? He says 
nothing further about it in his "confessions." 

What was the purpose of Pfannenstiel 's trip? According to his 
evidence before the German court, on November 9, 1959, his mis- 
sion was to improve the supply of drinking water at Lublin and to 
improve the disposal of waste water. 

In the matter of hygiene, Poland was a country very much behind 
the times; and the Germans feared the outbreak of epidemics all the 
more because they had set up near Lublin a vast concentration camp 
which was initially deficient in sanitary facilities. 

On August 18, 1942, Dr. Pfannenstiel was still accompanied by 
Gerstein and, according to the latter, he was invited to attend the 
"ultra secret" gassing operations. But why was Pfannenstiel threat- 
ened with execution if he should reveal what he had seen when it 
would have sufficed, in order to preserve the secret of the operations, 
simply not to invite him at all? 

Pfannenstiel was the only known surviving witness of the ma- 
cabre history recounted by Gerstein. Thus, even though his role was 
only that of a spectator, his evidence is of capital importance. 

The years passed, and the Belzec episode seemed to have been 
forgotten. In October 1944, Pfannenstiel was assigned to the Sixth 
Army as medical adviser in hygiene. In December, 1944 he partici- 

300 



pated in the Ardennes offensive; then he was sent to the Hungarian 
front. At the end of the war he was taken prisoner in Austria by the 
Americans. A surprise awaited him... 

As we mentioned earlier, Pfannenstiel was featured in the fifth 
place on the French list of war criminals published by the UNWCC. 
Therefore, Allied investigators began to busy themselves with Pfan- 
nenstiel and interrogated him, founding their accusations on the 
"revelations" by Gerstein. At this time, Pfannenstiel was interned at 
Darmstadt. At first he denied everything: this story was absurd and 
he had never been present at the gassing of human beings. At his first 
interrogation in 1947, he acknowledged having gone to Lublin with 
Gerstein, which seemed to him quite harmless. In answer to the 
question: "Do you know the camp at Belzec?" he replied that he had 
heard of it. As far as the Treblinka camp was concerned, he knew 
nothing of it; he did not even recognize the name. "Were you present 
at an extermination?" "What extermination?" asked Pfannenstiel. 
And he replied with an energetic "No!" 

But Pfannenstiel quickly recognized that by doing so he had 
adopted a very fragile line of defense. If he did not want to be 
delivered to the Poles, as so many others had been, and end his life 
on the gallows, he had to cooperate, in his own best interests, with 
the Allied investigators and their German aides. 

In the report of the interrogation of October 30, 1947, one can find 
a strange comment by the judge charged with the inquiry. When 
Pfannenstiel acknowledged his journey to Lublin and then declared 
his ignorance as to the applications for hydrocyanic acid, the judge 
stated to him bluntly: "The beginning of your story is good, but 
afterwards it is bad. Do you wish to revise your story?" It is difficult 
to show more clearly that correct replies were not expected from 
Pfannenstiel but merely comments that would confirm Gerstein' s 
allegations. 

Here are Pfannenstiel's own words describing his misfortunes on 
the February 9, 1951 at Marburg before the State Prosecutor, a 
certain Straube: 

Until the end of June 1947, 1 was kept prisoner in various camps, the last 
being the Garmisch camp. It was there that, as a political detainee by order of 
the Americans, I was sent to set up a medical service, but with the threat of 
automatic rearrest. I stayed there until September 1948. 1 was on the point of 
being released; from what I learned during an interview with the President of 
the denazification court, my case was going well. Then came a demand from 
the head of the Hesse office of health [Professor von Drygalski] to have my 
case transferred to the denazification court of Hesse, where further charges 
were outstanding against me. So then I was transferred to the camp at 
Darmstadt where I was kept in preventive detention, awaiting the proceedings 
of the denazification court. . . 



301 



At length, the judicial proceedings against Dr. Pfannenstiel were 
abandoned. The court acknowledged that Gerstein had "exagger- 
ated" in his statements on the subject of Pfannenstiel. But Pfannenst- 
iel had lost six years of his life because of the dubious Gerstein 
"evidence"! 

On June 6, 1950, during a new interrogation, Pfannenstiel finally 
gave replies that were completely "satisfactory," precisely the re- 
plies that had been awaited from him. To be sure, this was the reason 
why he was liberated five weeks later, on 12 July, after which date he 
was no longer considered to be a war criminal. 

The fate of Pfannenstiel is comparable to that suffered by many of 
his compatriots in postwar Germany, the victims of a demented and 
tragic purge. If his case is exceptional, it is because Gerstein' s 
extravagant story had made him an "exceptional" witness of the gas 
extermination at the Belzec camp. 

Rare are those Germans who endured without injury the anxieties 
and persecutions inflicted with an almost religious ardor by the 
"conquering judges" of 1945. Pfannenstiel was one of the victims. 
He had a wife and five children (still very young) to care for. He was 
no longer a young man, he was fifty-five years of age at the end of the 
war. What can a man do at that age except seek a compromise with 
the devil? For Pfannenstiel, it was evidently far better to try and start 
practising his profession again rather than to rot in prison for years 
on end. He was a man under threat; he had been a well-known 
member of the SS; and the fact of his having belonged only to the 
scientific branch of the "Black Order" did not guarantee him absolu- 
tion: quite the contrary. We have to add that he was also accused of 
having been a participant more or less in Dr. Rascher's experiments 
on the resistance to low temperatures made on the detainees at 
Dachau. He defended himself successfully but, whether true or false, 
the accusations could have had very serious consequences for him. 

Thus, in regard to Gerstein and Belzec, he preferred to admit 
whatever was required of him: yes, he was present with Gerstein at 
the gassing of a convoy of Jews at the Belzec camp: "Several 
wagons," he said, "were shunted into the camp, in which there were 
about 500 Jews, men, women, and children." (Interrogation of No- 
vember 9, 1959). 

Gerstein, we should recall, had alleged that there were 45 wagons 
and they contained 6,700 persons. 

Pfannenstiel stated that the Jews were taken to an establishment 
comprising six gas-chambers, of which only four were used, with an 
average of 125 persons per chamber. After completion of the gassing 
the corpses were thrown, according to Pfannenstiel' s words, into a 
large ditch where they were burned (which could not have been very 

302 



easy to effect!). Let us add that Gerstein's own story does not 
mention this incineration but says that the bodies were merely cov- 
ered with a light layer of 10 centimeters of sand, which is equally 
improbable. 

Pfannenstiel denied having made certain remarks at Belzec that 
were generously attributed to him by Gerstein and for which he was 
later accused by the denazifies: he had not said that the Jews 
crowded into the gas-chambers "wept as though in the synagogue." 
Contrary to what was alleged by Gerstein, he affirmed that he never 
encouraged the SS, either at Belzec or at Treblinka, to pursue their 
"useful" work, nor did he evoke the "beauty" of the labour they had 
undertaken. 

Pfannenstiel believed that Gerstein's account was full of errors 
and improbabilities. Thus, the figures of 25 million victims gassed, 
as alleged by the visionary, seemed to him obviously fantastic. 

A hesitant and reticent witness, Pfannenstiel often gives the im- 
pression of not being very sure of himself. He recites the lesson 
taught him by the accusers badly. He contradicts himself, his mem- 
ory fails... 

Nevertheless, on the many occasions he was called as a witness at 
the trials of the camp guards, he tried not to implicate the accused. In 
July 1960, at the trial of a Belzec guard, Josef Oberhauser, he 
declared: "In all conscience, I have not seen the accused, either at 
Belzec or elsewhere. In any case, he is not the head of the supervi- 
sory guards... the latter differed considerably in his looks and his 
manner..." 

Was he trying to save a companion in misfortune, or was he 
simply telling the truth? And how could he remember a face seen 
only once more than eighteen years before? 

Pfannenstiel was considered to be a "providential" witness by the 
Allied tribunals and then by the German tribunals: he was a witness 
in the trial of the I.G. Farben executives on 30 October 1947, at 
Oberhauser 's trial in Munich in 1960, at Hamburg in 1963, at Frank- 
furt-am-Main in 1966... In 1970 (at the age of eighty) he made a last 
deposition before the tribunal at Marburg. 

Poor judges! If they constantly appealed to him and listened to 
him with so much patience, it was because his evidence, even though 
thin and proving little and of very doubtful spontaneity, confirmed 
once more "as to the essentials," the existence, albeit ephemeral, of 
the homicidal gas-chambers. Was the prosecution then, so short of 
witnesses on this aspect of the crime they so strongly denounced? 

To believe Pfannenstiel, the gassings were limited to deplorable 
local and personal initiatives undertaken against a small number of 
detainees. If, in some camps, ingenious brutes undertook gassings, it 

303 



was because there did not exist any order from the authorities 
prohibiting such operations. In support of his statements, he recounts 
that after his visit to Belzec, he told Professor Dr. Grawitz (chief 
doctor of the SS) of what he had seen. Grawitz, outraged, stated that 
he would put an immediate stop to these gassings. Pfannenstiel 
declared that this was done as of November 1942, once and for all. 
While far from being clear, this version of events cannot be 
rejected without examination: it defies the laws of probability less 
than the "confessions" written at Rottweil by a psychopath, religious 
fanatic and mystrficator. Pfannenstiel's version is, furthermore, used 
increasingly to prove that Gerstein had written the truth "as to the 
essentials." Deceptively, one is led to believe that if the undoubted 
Nazi Pfannenstiel was obliged to admit the ocurrence of homicidal 
gassings, even though limited, it is because they truly took place. It is 
admitted that Gerstein gave highly improbable figures, that was his 
character to exaggerate, that he was not an adept at arithmetic 
(applied to an engineer, this argument is somewhat suprising!), and 
that he was deeply upset by his visit to Belzec. As for Pfannenstiel, 
he did not want to admit the whole truth of the homicidal gassings, 
the existence of which he confirms, but which were much more 
extensive than he wants to be known. Truly, in spite of himself, 
Pfannenstiel had rendered immense services to his adversaries. They 
needed an honorable and level headed man to "confirm," even 
though very sparingly, Gerstein's exaggerated account. And Pfan- 
nenstiel was that man! 

Gerstein, Wirth, Globocnik and Giinther all died in 1944 or 1945. 
But Pfannenstiel, the last witness, survived for a long time. He was 
even able to regain a worthy place in his society. The Federal 
Republic loaded him with titles and honors which were probably 
merited but nevertheless suprising for a personage who had been a 
senior official of the SS and whom the Allies listed as the fifth man 
on a list of Nazi "war criminals." 

Was Pfannenstiel's success in the Federal Republic the recom- 
pense he was paid in gratitude for his "docility"? We believe so. 

Transformed into a permanent witness to the gas-chambers, per- 
haps Pfannenstiel grew weary of the role he was asked to play; so 
much is indicated in a letter he wrote to the French historian Paul 
Rassinier on August 3, 1963. In his letter he deplores that the 
mention of his name should have "on many occasions caused com- 
pletely unjustified interpretations which are not only false but which 
have also caused me many injuries." And he adds: "I insist at all 
costs in avoiding any recurrence of a public debate concerning me 
personally, which could give rise to new negative interpretations and 
aspersions on the part of scandal-mongers." 

304 



His desire for tranquility can be excused: in 1963, he was 73 years 
of age. 

Recently, we wrote to Frau Pfannenstiel to ask her what should 
truly be believed of the repetitious evidence submitted by her hus- 
band and which seemed partly to authenticate the affirmations by 
Gerstein. Her reply was brief: she wished to be left in peace in regard 
to this story which had troubled the lives of her husband and herself 
for so many years.... 

Such an attitude is perfectly understandable, but is such as to 
discourage the historian who seeks, if not the unattainable truth, then 
at least a plausible explanation. 

Footnote 

A true (or false) witness of the gas-chambers who met Paul 
Rassinierin 1963. 

As a foot-note to a study of the Pfannenstiel case, it seems appro- 
priate to recall a strange story of 1963, which Paul Rassinier recounts 
in his book The Drama of European Jews. 

It has to be remembered that Rassinier did not believe in the 
existence of massive extermination in the gas-chambers, methodi- 
cally organized by leaders of the Third Reich. But he admitted to the 
possibility of individual initiatives taken, at one place or another, by 
a few madmen. Thus he sought, throughout the whole of Europe, a 
single proof or a single witness to such gassings. In vain. And this 
honest historian, himself a former deportee at Dora and Buchenwald, 
concluded by totally denying any homicidal gassings whatsoever. 

In June 1963, however, he received at his home at Asnieres, near 
Paris, a strange visit. A man arrived: he said he was a patriotic Ger- 
man, an admirer of Rassinier 's books; but he had decided to put the 
French historian on his guard against the temptation to deny all and 
every extermination by gas. "I was at Belzec with Gerstein; I was be- 
hind him when he entered Globocnik's office," declared the mysteri- 
ous visitor, who made Rassinier promise not to reveal his identity. 

Rassinier listened to this German, who gave him a version of the 
Gerstein story very similar to that of Pfannenstiel. Moreover, it was 
manifest that the visitor was trying to identify himself with Pfannen- 
stiel. "He seemed to be about sixty years of age," Rassinier told us, 
"but I learned during the conversation that he was very much older." 
(Pfannenstiel, at that time, it should be noted, was actually seventy- 
three); he had had a high rank in the SS by virtue of his position in an 
important public service requisitioned during the war (as occupant of 
the chair of Hygiene at the University of Marburg, Pfannenstiel had 
been inducted into the SS and attained the rank of Obersturm- 

305 



bannfiihrer, Le. 9 Lieutenant Colonel.) In 1945, he had escaped being 
tried before the Niimberg Tribunal and at that time had five small 
children who needed their father to look after them and attend to 
their education... all of which were exactly the circumstances of 
Professor Pfannenstiel. 

Was this unexpected visitor Pfannenstiel? In France, Georges 
Wellers and Pierre Vidal-Naquet have affirmed that he was; and we 
ourselves believed it to be so for some time; until the day our 
researches led us to discover two letters from Pfannenstiel to Rassinier , 
one dated August 3, 1963 and the other September 18, 1963, transla- 
tions of which appear below. 

We have mentioned earlier the letter of August 3, an astonishing 
letter, from which we have already quoted an extract, but in which 
one can also read the following lines: 

. . J shall be very happy to meet you personally. (Emphasis added.) At that 
time, I shall willingly describe to you the impression made upon me by Kurt 
Gerstein. 

Your suppositions in regard to the origin of his report, which really is a 
highly incredible fabrication in which the story is completely beyond belief, 
as well as the circumstances of his death, all seem — equally, in my opinion 
— to be suppositions well justified. 

Accordingly, it is proved that Pfannenstiel did not call at Rassinier 's 
house in June 1963, since Pfannenstiel states on August 3 of that 
same year that he will be pleased to meet Rassinier personally. 

Furthermore, Pfannenstiel confirms ("as to essentials," we are 
tempted to say) Rassinier 's suppositions on the subject of Gerstein 
and Gerstein's fanciful story. 

Now, what was the French historian's thinking in regard to this 
subject at that time? For Rassinier, the Gerstein "report" was either a 
fiction, or the work of a lunatic, which every person possessing the 
minimum of common sense must reject totally. As to the SS officer's 
death, Rassinier believed it suspect and certainly had difficulty in 
believing it was suicide. 

In his letter, Pfannenstiel seems to have spoken from the heart; he 
has travelled a long way from the obligatory witness he perforce had 
to be during the numerous interrogations to which he was submitted 
during the years from 1947 to 1970. 

The second Pfannenstiel letter to Rassinier bears the date of 
September 18, 1963 and is handwritten. It contains information of a 
practical nature to enable Rassinier to go and visit him at Marburg 
before September 27. 

What did these two men say to each other? We do not know. We 
can; however, believe that Pfannenstiel would hardly have been able 
to say anything different from that which had facilitated his release 

306 



on July 12, 1950 and which had enabled him to preserve a relative 
tranquility since that date, on the imperative condition that he not 
alter his statements. As for Rassinier, who had instigated this meet- 
ing, he was able to confirm that his visitor in June had not been the 
same person as his interlocutor of September of 1963. 

So who, then, was the unknown visitor who had presented himself 
to Paul Rassinier in the troubled guise of the professor from Mar- 
burg? By whom, and for what reason, was he sent? We shall proba- 
bly never know. 

We should make clear that Rassinier had not made any detailed 
research of the Gerstein affair. He did not then have available, as we 
do, the texts of the six versions of Gerstein' s story, nor did he have 
anything more than the reports of Pfannenstiel' s successive interro- 
gations. 

For Rassinier, it was therefore not clear that his mysterious visitor 
was trying to identify himself as the professor from Marburg. It was 
merely Rassinier 's intuition which guided him. 

Pfannenstiel only agreed to receive Rassinier at his home in 
September 1963 on condition that the meeting would not be men- 
tioned by the historian in any of his works. 

The honorable Rassinier promised and, naturally, he kept his 
promise. 

Translation of letter from Professor Wilhelm Pfannenstiel to M. Paul 
Rassinier dated August 3, 1963. 
Dear Monsieur Rassinier, 

I acknowledge with thanks the receipt of your letter of July 29, 
1963. 

As our mutual friend Grabert has already informed you, I shall be 
very happy to meet you personally. At that time, I shall willingly 
describe to you the impression made on me by Kurt Gerstein. 

Your suppositions in regard to the origin of his report, which 
really is a highly incredible fabrication in which the story is com- 
pletely beyond belief, as well as the circumstances of his death, all 
seem — equally, in my opinion — to be suppositions well justified. 

In light of the fact that the involvement of my name in this 
trumpery has on many occasions aroused completely unjustified 
interpretations which are not only false but which have also caused 
me many injuries, you will understand that I insist at all costs in 
avoiding any recurrence of a public debate concerning me personally 
which could give rise to new negative interpretations and aspersions 
on the part of scandalmongers. 

For these reasons, I shall be especially grateful to you for your 
guarantee to treat my evidence with the maximum of discretion. 

307 



It is true that I still continue to be often away on travel. Unfortu- 
nately, there is no particular occasion in the near future for me to 
travel to Paris or nearby to that magnificent city, which I visited for 
the first time in November of last year. 

If you should have an opportunity to come to Marburg, a visit 
from you would be most welcome. From mid-August to the end of 
September I shall be at home most of the time. 

Kindly write to me what approximate time I might be able to 
expect you here. We could then finalize an exact date for a meeting. 

Sincere regards... 
(signed) Wilhelm Pfannenstiel 

Translation of letter from Professor Wilhelm Pfannenstiel to M. 
Paul Rassinier dated September 18, 1963. 
Dear Monsieur Rassinier, 

I am replying by return mail to your kind letter of September 18, 3 
to inform you that I shall be in Marburg from today until 27 Septem- 
ber. 

If therefore you wish to meet me on a weekday during this period, 
you are welcome. 

Your train leaves Frankfurt at 15:31 and arrives at Marburg at 
16:52. 1 shall await you at the central gate on whichever day you say 
is most convenient for you. 

Should I reserve a room for the night or will you be returning the 
same evening? 

I look forward with pleasure to making your acquaintance. 

Sincere regards... 
(signed) Wilhelm Pfannenstiel 



Footnotes to Postscript I 

1. Henri Roques' examination of the "confessions" of Kurt Gerstein, the most im- 
portant "eyewitness" to alleged homicidal gassings during the Third Reich, will 
be available from IHR in English this summer. 

2. From page 10 

3. Evidently, a slight error of date. 



308 



Postscript II 
Von Otter, 

or the Prudence of a Diplomat 

Henri Roques 

After his brief visits to Belzec and Treblinka, on the evening of 20 
August 1942, Gerstein took the train from Warsaw to Berlin. It was 
then that he engaged in conversation with a stranger who, as the train 
inspector had probably told him, was a Swedish diplomat, the Baron 
Goran von Otter, secretary ot the Swedish Legation in Berlin. 

With extreme nervousness, as von Otter later said, Gerstein imme- 
diately told him his confidential affairs. In a loud voice, and without 
taking the slightest precaution, he recounts what he says he has seen 
at the Belzec camp: the extermination en masse of men, women, and 
children. He weeps; he hides his face in his hands; he is at the apex of 
a nervous crisis which seems to disquiet rather than to convince von 
Otter. 

Is Gerstein aware of this mistrust? Is he not frightened of not being 
taken seriously, or, worse, being considered an agent provocateur? 
Repeatedly, he gives as a reference the name of Dr. Otto Dibelius, a 
friend of Pastor Martin Niemoller, who is the head of the Protestant 
opposition to Nazism. It would be sufficient proof for the baron, 
Gerstein tells him, to go to the address he had indicated and then Dr. 
Dibelius, whom he knows well, will give the baron the most favor- 
able references regarding Gerstein... 

But before everything else, von Otter should alert his government 
straightaway and denounce the incredible crimes being committed in 
the concentration camps against the enemies of Germany. To put an 
end to these horrors, an international scandal must be provoked. 

Gerstein insists and he pleads, and all this lasts several hours of a 
summer's night in a train corridor, since he had, like von Otter, been 
unable to find an available sleeping-berth. 

Is von Otter surprised? He does not seem to be, for on 21 Decem- 
ber 1966, that is to say more than twenty-one years after the end of 
the war, the diplomat, who was then stationed in London, stated to 
Pierre Joffroy, the author of a hagiography mentioned earlier: "I was 
at that time very prudent. I was careful of agitators. . .The revelations 
(of Gerstein) were on the whole the same as the rumors that I had 
heard about the massacres." L'Espion de Dieu (God's Spy, p. 17.) 

309 



Von Otter's evidence, as quoted by Pierre Joffroy, is very impre- 
cise. While reading it, one acquires the impression that von Otter 
retained only a vague memory of his long conversation with Ger- 
stein. At no point does von Otter mention the name of Belzec. Did he 
forget it? He said that an SS officer had told him of "a dreadful thing: 
how the convoy arrived; how they lined up in a queue in front of the 
gas-chamber" (op. cit. p. 16). Were these people not simply lining up 
in front of a disinfection chamber for the clothing they had taken off? 
Von Otter continued: "He probably also spoke of the gas he had 
delivered, of the sabotage he had made." One has to remark the 
adverb "probably." 

The Gerstein story does not seem to have been recalled by the 
Swedish diplomat between 1942 and 1966... 

Von Otter even adds that in the autumn of 1942 he met by chance, 
at the Swedish church in Berlin, Dr. Otto Dibelius, the dignitary 
given as reference by Gerstein. The Swedish diplomat tells us he did 
not think it worthwhile to inform Dibelius of his unusual meeting of 
the previous August in the Warsaw-Berlin express; he stated later to 
Pierre Joffroy, in order to justify his "discretion," that he had already 
been convinced by Gerstein's story... 

"War rumors" of the most absurd and least verifiable kind abounded 
in all the countries of Europe at this time of folly. The Anglo- 
American propaganda forces, among others, did not hesitate to tell 
any lie to discredit the enemy; and they frequently gave proof of their 
imagination and expertise. 

In this line, they demonstrated their efficiency notably by distrib- 
uting in Germany a letter which was alleged to have been sent to a 
Catholic priest in Stettin by Colonel Werner Molders, a German 
fighter-pilot hero, some days before his accidental death on 22 
November 1941. In this alleged letter, Molders, with a pretended 
moderation which makes the letter's contents even more persuasive 
and realistic, shows himself as a propagator of defeatism and a 
defender of Christian ideals against Hitlerian paganism. This letter 
was a masterpiece of composition and had great repercussions 
throughout Germany in 1942. Protests and official denials achieved 
nothing: everyone believed in the genuineness of the letter attributed 
to Molders until the day, long after the war, when Sefton Delmer 
revealed that he was the author. Who, then, was Sefton Delmer? He 
was a British journalist of Australian origin and the director of the 
"Section for Psychological Warfare in Germany." He knew the Ger- 
man language perfectly, having learned it in Berlin, where he had 
lived for many years. 

The atrocities campaign had also played its part in psychological 
warefare: the enemy, in the eyes of public opinion, must appear as a 

310 



monster. Already, in the war of 1914-1918, the fable of the Belgian 
children with their hands cut off by the Teutonic barbarians had had 
its hour of glory and provoked storms of indignation! From 1 939 on, 
the Allies recommenced their practices of the previous war. 

Unquestionably, von Otter was aware of all this, and this explains 
the skepticism with which he treated the "revelations" of Gerstein. 
However, as a conscientious diplomat, and perhaps impressed that 
his "confidant" was an SS officer, he informed his superiors. But the 
Swedish Ministry of Foreign Affairs did not consider it appropriate 
to take any action. 

Was von Otter's report written or oral? This important point has 
only been settled very recently. Over the years, it has been possible 
to read in books and in the press that von Otter sent a report to the 
ministry in Stockholm. Friedlander and Joffroy, among others, were 
positive on this point in their writings. More recently, Walter Laqueur 
acknowledged that he had not found any written report in the ar- 
chives in Stockholm. 

It was only in March 1983 that the question was clearly put to von 
Otter, during a TV programme by the French historian Alain Decaux. 
Let us quote the text of the interview, as it can be read in Alain De- 
caux's book L'Histoire en Question - 2 (The History in Question - 2) 
"AD: Did you inform your government (of Gerstein' s revelations)? 
Did you do so verbally or in writing? 

VO: Well, I returned to my legation in Berlin and, before everything 
else, I had begun to make a report the next day because I was 
naturally quite upset by my experience. I made my report to the 
Ambassador in fair detail, and asked him whether I should make a 
written report. He then told me that I did not need to make a written 
report, but that I should report these events during a visit to Stock- 
holm, which I made some weeks later. 

AD: And the Swedish government has not kept any record of your 
oral report at that time? 
VO: No, no. 

AD: Did you afterwards make a written report? 
VO: No, no. 
AD: Never? 

VO: No. According to my recollection, I never made a report or even 
a memorandum on this episode. And I have often asked myself why. 
And I believe it was becasue I had had knowledge at that time that 
the same things had been reported by our consul at Stettin and, by a 
strange coincidence, his written report arrived at our embassy in 
Berlin the same day I met Gerstein. The report of the consul at Stettin 
is in the archives at Stockholm." 

We have photocopies of the relevant Stockholm archives in which 

311 



the report of the consul in Stettin is included. The complete report is 
rather long and contains only a short paragraph on information 
received according to which 40,000 Jews were gassed in the course 
of a delousing in the region of Lublin. No other details are given. 
Manifestly, the consul in Stettin restricted himself to reporting a 
persistent but unverfiable rumor. The Swedish archives prove that 
Baron von Otter, probably little convinced himself, did not succeed 
in convincing his superiors of the exceptional importance of the 
information furnished by the Obersturmbannfiihrer. Perhaps it was 
thought in Stockholm that Gerstein had been manipulated and, ac- 
cording to the well-tried ruse, was "spreading false information in 
order to discover who was honest." 

But these same Swedish archives prove that von Otter after the 
war would not have spoken of his conversations with Gerstein if he 
had not been insistently requested to do so by one of his colleagues 
stationed in London in 1945. 

This colleague, Baron Lagerfelt, who was also von Otter 's per- 
sonal friend, had been informed by the War Crimes Commission 
attached to the United Nations that there existed a Gerstein report in 
which von Otter was cited as a principal witness. 

Von Otter, at the time stationed in Helsinki, was pressed by his 
friend to confirm urgently the essentials of what Gerstein had written 
in his report. Von Otter did so during the last days of July 1945. In 
these circumstances, Lagerfelt was able to compose an aide-memoire 
dated 7 August 1945. 1 This document confirms Gerstein's conversa- 
tions with "a foreign diplomat of a neutral country" stationed in 
Berlin. It is not without interest to note that in his aide-memoire the 
name of the Swedish diplomat does not appear and neither does the 
name of the neutral country. "Diplomatic prudence" is not an expres- 
sion devoid of meaning! 

In effect, von Otter seems above all to have been disturbed by 
Gerstein's extravagant behavior in the corridor of the train from 
Warsaw to Berlin. We know from the confidences made by von Otter 
to those who questioned him after 1945 that the diplomat did not 
seek to encounter the SS officer again although he had his Berlin 
address. It was Gerstein who went prowling around the neighbor- 
hood of the Swedish legation in Berlin in the hope of meeting von 
Otter again. One day, he did find him, in a street near the legation. 
Von Otter has described how his interlocutor was in an agitated state 
bordering on nervous collapse. "He was hardly in a condition to 
formulate a sentence," von Otter said. 

Gerstein wanted to know whether the Swedish government had 
been informed and what von Otter thought might happen as a result 
of these revelations. With a few calming words, von Otter got rid of 

312 



him and the strange Obersturmbannfiihrer disappeared, without of- 
fering anything new. 

In this regard a contradiction, perhaps a minor but nevertheless 
significant, appears between Gerstein's statements and those of von 
Otter. In the versions II, III, V, and VI of his "confessions" Gerstein 
alleges that he saw the Swedish diplomat again twice. Von Otter 
recalls having met Gerstein only once (according to his statement of 
29 May 1981 before the Paris tribunal). Was the third interview 
merely imagined by Gerstein to reinforce the dramatic intensity of 
his story? 

Should we consider von Otter as a principal witness attesting the 
truthfulness of Gerstein's story? One would have us believe so, but 
the reality seems quite different. 

In 1942, the young Swedish diplomat stationed at Berlin was ac- 
customed to hearing all sorts of war rumors: von Otter was therefore 
incredulous and little inclined to re-encounter this singular officer 
whose behavior disquieted 

During the months which followed the German capitulation, the 
Allied propaganda machine went full blast and had for almost its 
only theme the atrocities, true or imagined, in the Nazi concentration 
camps. Von Otter was requested to contribute to this campaign by 
confirming the truth of the Gerstein story. The Swede complied with 
a good grace while at the same time bearing some sort of witness to 
the "good SS" he had known who could, at that time, find themselves 
in a difficult position. 

In effect, we can read in the aide-memoire of 7 August 1945: "His 
sorrow and indignation at the actions perpetrated in the extermina- 
tion camps seemed to be as genuine as they were profound; and his 
wish to share his knowledge with the outside world in such a way as 
to enable them to be halted appeared sufficiently sincere." One 
notices the use of the limiting "seemed" and "appeared" to describe 
Gerstein's attitude. Diplomatic language is full of nuances... 

After the rehabilitation of the Obersturmbannfiihrer in 1965, von 
Otter was pursued at his various diplomatic postings by the biogra- 
phers of Gerstein, and then by the journalists; ultimately, his evi- 
dence was requested by various tribunals. 

It is not impossible that the Swedish diplomat may have been 
gradually seized by remorse. He had met "God's Spy" and had not 
recognised him. Perhaps now, confusedly, he felt himself guilty? As 
all those who doubt that Gerstein told the truth should similarly feel 
guilty? 



313 



Footnote To Postscript II 



1. The Lagerfelt correspondence: 

Translation of aide-memoire signed by Lagerfelt and dated from London, 7 August 

1945. 

"Aide-memoire concerning Kurt Gerstein, civil engineer, member of the SS- 

Sanitatsabteiling, Giesebrechtstrasse, born probably at Braunschweig in 1907(?) and 

residing in 1943 at Biilowstrasse 49, in Berlin. 

In August 1942, Gerstein made contact with a member of a neutral legation in 
Berlin and recounted to him as follows. He was returning from a short mission to the 
extermination camp of Belsec (sic), near Lublin. He recounted in detail what was 
happening (the gas-chambers, the reaction of the personnel, the recovery of gold 
teeth, etc.) He also showed documents, identity cards and orders to deliver hydrocy- 
anic acid signed by the commandant of the camp. Gerstein said that his concern was 
to bring these events to the knowledge of the neutral observers. He was firmly 
convinced that if the facts were confirmed by impartial foreigners, the German 
people would not for one moment continue any longer its support for the Nazi 
regime. He said moreover that he had discussed the problem with a high German 
ecclesiastical dignitary belonging to the opposition, Superintendent Dibelius (which 
was later confirmed by Dibelius himself and who held himself guarantor for Ger- 
sten's veracity.) 

Later, clarifications were given on the motives for Gerstein' s actions. Gerstein, 
who had never participated in political activities of any sort and who was not a Nazi, 
volunteered for the SS to obtain an assignment in the Sanitatsabteilung — the special 
branch which organised the concentration camps - because he was anxious to have 
confirmation of his suspicions on the subject of the abnormal death rate in the 
German psychiatric asylums during the years 1941-1942. It was at that period that a 
close relative of Gerstein's, whom he loved very much, herself died in such an 
asylum. What he later learned in the extermination camps convinced him that his 
suspicions were only too well-founded 

Six months later, Gerstein made a visit to the same neutral diplomat in order to ask 
him whether it had been possible to do anything. This was the last time there was any 
news of him. 

His sorrow and indignation about the actions perpetrated in the extermination 
camps seemed to be as genuine as they were profound; and his wish to share his 
knowledge with the outside world in such a way as to enable them to be halted 
appeared sufficiently sincere. [signed] Lagerfelt." 

Translation of letter from Lagerfelt to his friend and colleague von Otter dated 14 

August 1945. 

"Colleague Strictly Confidential 

In pursuance of your letter of 23 July concerning the SS Gerstein, I permit myself 
to inform you that after reflelction I have forwarded to my opposite number at the 
Foreign Office an aide-memoire on the subject (in which, however, your name is not 
mentioned), requesting that this document be forwarded as soon as possible to the 
Reconstruction Department of the Foreign Office* which has the responsibility, 
among other matters, for war crimes. I hope that in this way the demands of justice 
will be met. [signed] Lagerfelt 

To Monsieur the First Secretary of Legation, Baron G. von Otter, Helsinki." 

* The Reconstruction Department of the Foreign Office was a temporary post-war 
organization concerned with political and military reconstruction such as the peace 

314 



treaties, the United Nations Organisation and so forth. Its responsibilities had no 
connection with war crimes: and this would have been known to Lagerfelt from the 
Foreign Office list, a directory showing all FO departments and their responsibili- 
ties, and which was circulated to all diplomatic missions. 

Furthermore, neither the Swedish Embassy in London nor the British Foreign 
Office in London had any diplomatic status regarding alleged war crimes that did not 
concern British or Commonwealth subjects and that had supposedly happened in 
Poland. 

If Lagerfelt had been serious, why did he not inform the Polish authorities; or send 
his aide-memoire to the War Crimes Commission, which had raised the subject with 
him in the first place? 

It seems apparent that Lagerfelt, as a trained diplomat, was less concerned to have 
"the demands of justice met" than to have the aide-memoire quietly lost among the 
enormous bureaucracy that existed in immediate postwar London. 



315 



Index 



A 

Abellio, 161 
Arad, 164 
Aron, 174 

B 

Barnes, 17 

Beckhardt, 97, Table A 
Behmenburg, 50, 72, 88 
Blumenreuther, 50, 72, 88 
Brandt, 168 
Braun (Eva), Table E 
Brissaud, 160, Table E 
Broszat, Table I 
Buchholz, 25 
Butz, 9, 17, 160 

C 

Chaunu, 2 
Churchill, 160 
Cru, 17 



Dawidowicz, 11, 163, Table D 
Decaux, 169, Table G 
DEGESCH (Deutsche Gesell- 

schaft fur Schadlingsbe- 

kampfiing mBH), 83, 93, 

123, 130, 158 
Delpech, 10, 163, Table D 
Dibelius, 5, 25, 34, 44, 66, 67, 

82, Table H 
Dubost, 123, 168 

E 
Ebeling (Bertha), 51, 73 
Eichmann (Gerstein's spelling: 
Eickmann), 67, 83, 140, 144 
Evans, 92, 123, 128 



Faurisson, 1, 17, 160 

Focht, 50, 72, 87 

Fontette(de), 154, 163, 164, 165 

Franz, 7, 159, 172 

Friedlander, 4, 5, 7, 10, 126, 
129, 133, 135, 160, 162, 163, 
172, 174, Tables B, D, G, H 

Furet, 2 

G 

Gebhardt, 46, 68, 84, Table J 

Gerstein (Elfriede), 19, 36, 50, 
130,133,134,135,139,140, 
141, Table I 

Globocnik (spelled throughout: 
Globocnek or Globocnec), 
20,21,28,29,38,52,58,59, 
74, 124, 144, 1476, 149, 150, 
151, Tables B,F 

Goebbels, 45, 68 

Giinther, 20, 26, 28, 34, 35, 38, 
45,46,52,57,58,67,68,73, 
74, 82, 83, 152, Tables F, G, 
I, J 

H 

Heller, 48, 53, 54, 70, 85 

Haught, 92, 123, 128 

Havet, 192 

Heckenholt (perhaps actually 
Hackenholt; sometimes 
spelled: Hockelchoc), 21, 23, 
30, 31, 40, 42, 60, 76, 78, 
126, 131, 151 

Hecklinger, 135, 138 

Heydecker and Leeb, 9, 163, 
Tables D, E 



316 



Hilberg, 11, 163 

Himmler, 21, 22, 29, 33, 35, 39, 
44,46,55,58,59,64,65,69, 
75, 80, 81, 83, 84, 87, 88, 
149, 151, Table F 

Hitler, 7, 21, 22, 29, 39, 55, 58, 
59,64,66,72,75,76,80,87, 
88, 149, 151, Table F 

Hochhuth, 6, 7, 160, 162, Table 
H 

Hochstrasser, 25, 67, Table H 

H611ander, 46, 47, 50, 69, 72 

Hoss, 11 

J 

Jacob, 168 

John XVIII, 7 

Jesus Christ (or simply Christ), 

47, 53, 66, 70, 85, Table H 
Joffroy, 5, 7, 9, 10, 111, 128, 

132, 146, 158, 161, 162, 168, 

172, Tables C, G, I 

K 

Kelber, 168 

Kogon, 164, 165 

Krantz (sometimes spelled: 

Kraatz), 36, 46, 50, 69, 84, 

88, 127 
Krausnick, 10, Table J 



Langbein, 164, 165 

Laqueur, Table G 

Le Goff, 2 

Lehmann, 111 

Leroy-Ladurie, 2 

Linden (sometimes written: 

Lindner), 21, 29, 39, 59, 75, 

151, 155, Table B 

M 
Mary (mother of Jesus), 47, 53, 

70,85 
Mattel, 100, 101, 115, 116, 151, 



155, Tables A, F, G, I 
Mauriac, 7 
Montaigne, 173 

N 
Nebelthau, 131 
Neumann, 10, 146, 163, Table 

D 
Niemoller, 25, 34, 44, 51, 66, 

67, 68, 82 
Niemoller (Jochen), 68 
Nissen, 50, 72, 88, 171 
Nobecourt, 11, 168 

O 

Obermayer (perhaps actually 
meant: Oberhauser), 21, 29, 
40, 49, 55, 60, 72, 76, 87, 
151 

Orsenigo, 6, Table H 

Otter (von), 5, 17, 25, 33, 34, 
44, 66, 82, 132, 136, 145, 
152, Table H 

P 

Peters, 26, 45, 67, 130, 153, 158 

Pfannenstiel, 20, 21, 23, 24, 25, 
28,29,31,33,38,42,52,58, 
59,62,65,74,75,79,81,82, 
148, 151, 153, 158, Table H 

Pius XH, 6, 160, Table H 

Poliakov, 1, 2, 3, 4, 7, 8, 9, 10, 
17, 36, 146, 154, 1.60, 163, 
164, 165, 172, 174, Tables 
A,B,C,D,E,J 

Ponsonby, 17 

Pott, 134 

Preysing, 5, Table H 

R 

Rassinier, 8, 17, 159, 160, 162, 

174 
Rassen-Gunther (Hans F.K. 

Gunther), 35, 82 
Rehling, 5, 134, 135, 161 



317 



Reitlinger, 10, 63 

Roosevelt, 160 

Rothfels, 6, 8, 9, 133, 134, 136, 
137, 139, 144, 146, 149, 153, 
154, 158, 159, 172, Tables 
B, E, J, K 

Rousset, 149 

Ruckerl, 9, 164, 165 

Rudolphi, 50, 72, 87 

S 
Sanni6, 113, 114 
Schmemann, 130 
Scholl, 168 
Schulz, 131 
Schumacher, 168 
Sorge (Dr.; sometimes written:, 

Sorgue), 50, 72, 87 
Sorge, 168 
Staglich, 17, 160 
Stalin, 160 
Stass, 129 

Stauffenberg (von), 168 
Steinberg, 36 
Storey, 123 130 

T 

Thion, 161 
Toland, 11, 163 

U 

Ubbink, 37, 51, 56, 73, 80 Table 
F 

V 

Vernant, 2 

Vidal-Naquet, 1, 2, 4, 17, 19, 

129, 163 
Villing, 47, 53, 70, 85 

W 

Wellers, 159 

Winter, 25, 34, 45, 67, 82, 145, 

Table H 
Wirth, 22, 23, 24, 30, 31, 32, 



33,40,41,42,43,44,47,49, 
52,53,54,58,59,61,62,63, 
65,66,69,71,75,76,77,78, 
79, 80, 81, 85, 86, 87, 145, 
150, 151, Tables B,F,H 

Wormser-Migot, 2, 11, 153, 161, 
162 

Wulf, 10, 36, 154, 164, 165, 
Tables A, J 



318